Personality (8th Edition) PDF

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Visit www.CengageBrain.com to view over 10,000 digital, print, and audio study tools. Personality This page intentionally left blank EIGHTH EDITION Personality Jerry M. Burger Santa Clara University Australia Brazil Japan Korea Mexico Singapore Spain United Kingdom United States Personality, Eighth Edition © 2011, 2008 Wadsworth, Cengage Learning Jerry M. Burger ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. No part of this work covered by the copyright Acquisitions Editor: Jon-David Hague herein may be reproduced, transmitted, stored or used in any form or by any means graphic, electronic, or mechanical, including but not limited to Assistant Editor: Paige Leeds photocopying, recording, scanning, digitizing, taping, Web distribution, Editorial Assistant: Alicia McLaughlin information networks, or information storage and retrieval systems, except Media Editor: Mary Noel as permitted under Section 107 or 108 of the 1976 United States Copyright Act, without the prior written permission of the publisher. 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To learn more about Wadsworth, visit www.cengage.com/wadsworth Purchase any of our products at your local college store or at our preferred online store www.CengageBrain.com Printed in the United States of America 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 14 13 12 11 10 To Marlene BRIEF CONTENTS P REF ACE xvi A BO UT THE AU TH OR xix 1 What Is Personality? 1 2 Personality Research Methods 18 3 The Psychoanalytic Approach: Freudian Theory, Application, and Assessment 39 4 The Freudian Approach: Relevant Research 68 5 The Psychoanalytic Approach: Neo-Freudian Theory, Application, and Assessment 94 6 The Neo-Freudian Theories: Relevant Research 123 7 The Trait Approach: Theory, Application, and Assesssment 148 8 The Trait Approach: Relevant Research 182 9 The Biological Approach: Theory, Application, and Assessment 221 vi  BRIEF CONTENTS vii 10 The Biological Approach: Relevant Research 250 11 The Humanistic Approach: Theory, Application, and Assessment 274 12 The Humanistic Approach: Relevant Research 306 13 The Behavioral/Social Learning Approach: Theory, Application, and Assessment 340 14 The Behavioral/Social Learning Approach: Relevant Research 374 15 The Cognitive Approach: Theory, Application, and Assessment 410 16 The Cognitive Approach: Relevant Research 435 GLOSSARY 453 REFERENCES 456 NAME INDEX 503 SUBJECT INDEX 516 CONTENTS P REF ACE xvi A BO UT THE AU TH OR xix 1 What Is Personality? 1 The Person and the Situation 3 Defining Personality 3 Six Approaches to Personality 5 Two Examples: Aggression and Depression 6 Personality and Culture 10 The Study of Personality: Theory, Application, Assessment, and Research 12 Theory 12 Application 14 Assessment 15 Research 15 Summary 16 2 Personality Research Methods 18 The Hypothesis-Testing Approach 20 Theories and Hypotheses 20 Experimental Variables 22 Manipulated Versus Nonmanipulated Independent Variables 24 Prediction Versus Hindsight 26 Replication 27 The Case Study Method 28 Limitations of the Case Study Method 28 Strengths of the Case Study Method 29 Statistical Analysis of Data 30 viii  CONTENTS ix Statistical Significance 31 Correlation Coefficients 31 Personality Assessment 33 Reliability 34 Validity 35 Summary 37 3 The Psychoanalytic Approach: Freudian Theory, Application, and Assessment 39 Freud Discovers the Unconscious 40 The Freudian Theory of Personality 43 The Topographic Model 43 The Structural Model 44 Libido and Thanatos 46 Defense Mechanisms 46 Psychosexual Stages of Development 49 Getting at Unconscious Material 53 Application: Psychoanalysis 56 Assessment: Projective Tests 59 Types of Projective Tests 60 Evaluation of Projective Tests 62 Strengths and Criticisms of Freud’s Theory 63 Strengths 63 Criticisms 64 Summary 65 4 The Freudian Approach: Relevant Research 68 Dream Interpretation 70 The Meaning of Dream Content 70 The Function of Dreams 73 Interpreting the Evidence 75 Defense Mechanisms 75 Identifying and Measuring Defense Mechanisms 76 Developmental Differences 78 Defensive Style 78 Humor 80 Freud’s Theory of Humor 81 Research on Freud’s Theory of Humor 82 Interpreting the Findings 84 Hypnosis 85 What Is Hypnosis? 86 Hypnotic Responsiveness 90 Summary 92 x CONTENTS 5 The Psychoanalytic Approach: Neo-Freudian Theory, Application, and Assessment 94 Limits and Liabilities of Freudian Theory 96 Alfred Adler 96 Striving for Superiority 97 Parental Influence on Personality Development 99 Birth Order 99 Carl Jung 101 The Collective Unconscious 101 Some Important Archetypes 102 Evidence for the Collective Unconscious 103 Erik Erikson 105 Erikson’s Concept of the Ego 106 Personality Development Throughout the Life Cycle 106 Karen Horney 111 Neurosis 111 Feminine Psychology 114 Application: Psychoanalytic Theory and Religion 115 Assessment: Personal Narratives 117 Measuring Personality with Personal Narratives 117 Generativity and Life Stories 118 Strengths and Criticisms of Neo-Freudian Theories 120 Strengths 120 Criticisms 120 Summary 121 6 The Neo-Freudian Theories: Relevant Research 123 Anxiety and Coping Strategies 124 Coping with Anxiety 126 Types of Coping Strategies 127 How Effective Are Coping Strategies? 129 Psychoanalytic Concepts and Aggression 131 Frustration and Aggression 132 Displacing Aggression 135 Catharsis and Aggression 137 Attachment Style and Adult Relationships 138 Object Relations Theory and Attachment Theory 139 Adult Attachment Styles 141 Alternate Models and Measurement 142 Attachment Style and Romantic Relationships 144 Summary 146  CONTENTS xi 7 The Trait Approach: Theory, Application, and Assessment 148 The Trait Approach 149 Personality as Trait Dimensions 149 Special Features of the Trait Approach 151 Important Trait Theorists 152 Gordon Allport 152 Henry Murray 155 Factor Analysis and the Search for the Structure of Personality 158 The Big Five 159 Criticism and Limitations of the Big Five Model 163 The Situation Versus Trait Controversy 165 Criticism of the Trait Approach 165 In Defense of Personality Traits 167 Identifying Relevant Trait 168 Application: The Big Five in the Workplace 170 Assessment: Self-Report Inventories 172 The Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory 173 Problems with Self-Report Inventories 175 Strengths and Criticisms of the Trait Approach 179 Strengths 179 Criticisms 180 Summary 180 8 The Trait Approach: Relevant Research 182 Achievement Motivation 183 High Achievement Motivation Characteristics 185 Predicting Achievement Behavior 186 Gender, Culture, and Achievement 187 Attributions 188 Achievement Goals 191 Type A, Hostility and Health 193 Type A as a Personality Variable 194 Hostility and Health 195 Social Anxiety 198 Characteristics of Socially Anxious People 200 Explaining Social Anxiety 202 Emotions 204 Emotional Affectivity 204 Affect Intensity 207 Emotional Expressiveness 210 Optimism and Pessimism 212 Dealing with Adversity 213 Optimism and Health 215 Defensive Pessimism 216 Summary 219 xii CONTENTS 9 The Biological Approach: Theory, Application, and Assessment 221 Hans Eysenck’s Theory of Personality 223 The Structure of Personality 223 Physiological Differences: Stimulation Sensitivity and Behavioral Systems 226 A Biological Basis for Personality 227 Temperament 230 Temperament and Personality 230 Inhibited and Uninhibited Children 232 Evolutionary Personality Psychology 236 Natural Selection and Psychological Mechanisms 236 Anxiety and Social Exclusion 237 Application: Children’s Temperaments and School 239 Temperament and Academic Performance 240 The “Goodness of Fit” Model 241 Assessment: Brain Electrical Activity and Cerebral Asymmetry 243 Measuring Brain Activity 243 Cerebral Asymmetry 244 Individual Differences in Cerebral Asymmetry 245 Strengths and Criticisms of the Biological Approach 247 Strengths 247 Criticisms 247 Summary 248 10 The Biological Approach: Relevant Research 250 Heritability of Personality Traits 251 Separating Environmental from Genetic Influences 252 Problems with Genetics Research 257 Extraversion–Introversion 258 The Heritability of Extraversion 258 Extraversion and Preferred Arousal Level 261 Extraversion and Happiness 262 Evolutionary Personality Theory and Mate Selection 264 What Men Look for in Women 265 What Women Look for in Men 267 Conclusions and Limitations 270 Summary 273 11 The Humanistic Approach: Theory, Application, and Assessment 274 The Roots of Humanistic Psychology 276 Key Elements of the Humanistic Approach 277  CONTENTS xiii Personal Responsibility 277 The Here and Now 278 The Phenomenology of the Individual 278 Personal Growth 279 Carl Rogers 279 The Fully Functioning Person 279 Anxiety and Defense 281 Conditions of Worth and Unconditional Positive Regard 282 Abraham Maslow 283 Motivation and the Hierarchy of Needs 284 Misconceptions About Maslow’s Need Hierarchy 287 The Study of Psychologically Healthy People 289 The Psychology of Optimal Experience 290 Optimal Experience 290 Optimal Experience and Happiness in Everyday Activities 291 Application: Person-Centered Therapy and Job Satisfaction 294 Person-Centered Therapy 294 Job Satisfaction and the Hierarchy of Needs 296 Assessment: The Q-Sort Technique 297 Strengths and Criticisms of the Humanistic Approach 301 Strengths 301 Criticisms 302 Summary 303 12 The Humanistic Approach: Relevant Research 306 Self-Disclosure 307 Disclosure Reciprocity 309 Self-Disclosure Among Friends and Romantic Partners 311 Disclosing Men and Disclosing Women 312 Disclosing Traumatic Experiences 313 Loneliness 317 Defining and Measuring Loneliness 319 Chronically Lonely People 319 The Causes of Loneliness 321 Self-Esteem 324 Self-Esteem and Reaction to Failure 325 Contingencies of Self-Worth 328 Self-Esteem and Culture 330 Solitude 333 Time Alone 334 Individual Differences in Preference for Solitude 337 Summary 338 xiv CONTENTS 13 The Behavioral/Social Learning Approach: Theory, Application, and Assessment 340 Behaviorism 341 Basic Principles of Conditioning 345 Classical Conditioning 345 Operant Conditioning 346 Social Learning Theory 350 Social-Cognitive Theory 353 Reciprocal Determinism 353 Imagination and Self-Regulation 355 Observational Learning 356 Application: Behavior Modification and Self-Efficacy Therapy 357 Explaining Psychological Disorders 358 Behavior Modification 360 Self-Efficacy 362 Assessment: Behavior Observation Methods 364 Direct Observation 365 Self-Monitoring 366 Observation by Others 367 Strengths and Criticisms of the Behavioral/Social Learning Approach 368 Strengths 368 Criticisms 371 Summary 372 14 The Behavioral/Social Learning Approach: Relevant Research 374 Individual Differences in Gender-Role Behavior 375 Masculinity–Femininity 378 Androgyny 379 Gender Type and Psychological Well-Being 380 Gender Type and Interpersonal Relationships 382 Unmitigated Communion 384 Observational Learning of Aggression 386 Bandura’s Four-Step Model 386 Mass Media Aggression and Aggressive Behavior 389 Violent Video Games 393 Learned Helplessness 395 Learning to Be Helpless 395 Learned Helplessness in Humans 396 Some Applications of Learned Helplessness 398  CONTENTS xv Locus of Control 401 Locus of Control and Well-Being 402 Locus of Control and Health 406 Summary 408 15 The Cognitive Approach: Theory, Application, and Assessment 410 Personal Construct Theory 412 Personal Construct Systems 413 Psychological Problems 414 Cognitive Personality Variables 415 Schemas 416 Cognitive Representations of the Self 417 Self-Schemas 418 Possible Selves 422 Self Discrepancies 423 Application: Cognitive (Behavior) Psychotherapy 424 Rational Emotive Therapy 425 Assessment: The Repertory Grid Technique 428 Strengths and Criticisms of the Cognitive Approach 431 Strengths 431 Criticisms 432 Summary 433 16 The Cognitive Approach: Relevant Research 435 Cognitions and Aggression 436 General Aggression Model 436 Reactive Aggression in Boys 439 Gender, Memory, and Self-Construal 440 Emotional Memories 441 Memories About Relationships 442 Cognitions and Depression 445 Depressive Schemas 446 Negative Cognitive Style 449 Summary 451 GLOSSARY 453 REFERENCES 456 NAME INDEX 503 SUBJECT INDEX 516 PREFACE I’ve always enjoyed the story about the man who claims to own Abraham Lincoln’s axe. “The head has been replaced several times,” the man admits. “And this is the third or fourth handle. But it’s the same axe that Honest Abe used.” I was reminded of this story recently when I thumbed through the first edition of this book. Gradually, over the course of eight editions, much of the book has changed. There are new topics, new learning aids, new examples, and hundreds and hundreds of new references. But, like Lincoln’s axe, the essence of the book remains intact. Briefly, here’s what’s new this time around, as well as what’s stayed the same. WHAT’S NEW? As in previous revisions, each chapter has been updated to reflect new research findings and new developments in the field. More than 250 references have been added to this edition. I’ve also made a few additions and deletions to re- flect some of the changes I see in the field. You’ll find an expanded discussion of theory and research on the behavioral activation system (BAS) and behav- ioral inhibition system (BIS) in Chapter 9. Chapter 14 now includes a section on unmitigated communion as part of the discussion of individual differences in gender-role behavior. I’ve also added a personality scale for students to assess their own level of unmitigated communion. That same chapter includes a new section on the effects of playing violent video games, a topic of particu- lar relevance for many college students. I’ve added a new research topic to Chapter 16—cognitions and aggression. I’ve presented the general aggression model and discussed the research on reactive aggression in elementary school and middle school boys. xvi  PREFACE xvii I have also dropped some material from the previous edition. I no longer discuss self-esteem stability in depth, although I do include some of the con- cepts taken from that research in the section on contingencies of self-worth in Chapter 12. I have dropped research on gender schema from Chapter 14, and replaced the research on cognitive interpretations of Freudian concepts found in Chapter 16 of the previous edition. Finally, feedback from users per- suaded me to drop the Appendix. The Appendix in the seventh edition summa- rized various places in the book where culture and gender were mentioned. Of course, those two topics are still discussed frequently throughout the book. WHAT’S THE SAME? The philosophy that guided the organization and writing of the first seven editions remains. I wrote this book to organize within one textbook the two approaches typically taken by instructors of undergraduate personality courses. Many instructors focus on the great theories and theorists—including Freud, Jung, Rogers, and Skinner. Students in these classes gain insight into the struc- ture of the mind and issues of human nature, as well as a background for understanding psychological disorders and psychotherapy. However, these students are likely to be puzzled when they pick up a current journal of person- ality research only to find they recognize few, if any, of the topics. Other instructors emphasize personality research. Students learn about current studies on individual differences and personality processes. But they probably see little relationship between the abstract theories they may touch upon in class and the research topics that are the focus of the course. However, these two approaches to teaching the course do not represent separate disciplines that happen to share the word personality in their titles. Indeed, the structure of this book is designed to demonstrate that the classic theories stimulate research and that the research findings often shape the devel- opment and acceptance of the theories. Limiting a student’s attention to either theory or research provides an unfortunately narrow view of the field. Something else that remains from the earlier editions is my belief that stu- dents learn about research best by seeing programs of research rather than a few isolated examples. Twenty-six research programs are covered in the seven research chapters in this edition. In each case I have tried to illustrate how the questions being investigated are connected to a larger theory, how early researchers developed their initial hypotheses and investigations, and how experimental findings led to new questions, refined hypotheses, and ultimately a greater understanding of the topic. Through this process, students are exposed to some of the problems that researchers encounter, the fact that ex- perimental results are often equivocal, and a realistic picture of researchers who don’t always agree on how to interpret findings. I have also retained and expanded many of the features of the previous editions in this eighth edition. Each of the theory chapters contains a section on application and a section on assessment. These sections demonstrate how the sometimes abstract theories relate to everyday concerns and issues and how each approach to understanding personality brings with it unique xviii PREFACE assumptions and problems when measuring relevant personality variables. I’ve retained the personality tests students can take and score themselves. There are now 14 “Assessing Your Own Personality” boxes scattered through- out the book. I’ve discovered in my own teaching that discussions about social anxiety are more engaging after students discover how they score on a social anxiety test. This hands-on experience not only gives students a better idea of how personality assessment works, but often generates a little healthy skepti- cism about relying too heavily on such measures. I’ve retained the biographies of the prominent personality theorists in this edition. Feedback from students indicates that knowing something about the person behind the theory helps to make the theory come alive. I’ve also noticed how my students enjoy speculat- ing about how the theorist’s life affected the development of the theory. Students and instructors also tell me they like the “In the News” boxes I intro- duced four editions ago. Consequently, these have been retained as well. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Thanks are extended to all the people who helped with the production of this book. This includes the many colleagues who reviewed various parts of the man- uscript: Allison Anderson, University of Virginia; James Casebolt, Ohio University-Eastern Campus; Joseph Fitzgerald, Wayne State; Gary G. Ford, Stephen F. Austin State University; William Goggin, University of Southern Mississippi; Rolf Holtz, Troy University; Starr S. Hoover, Tennessee Temple University; Cameron John, Utah Valley University; Dan Klaus, The Community College of Baltimore County; Martha Low, Winston-Salem State University; Dolores McCarthy, John Jay College; Diane Mello-Goldner, Pine Manor College; Janet Morahan-Martin, Bryant University; David Osmon, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee; Paul Rhoads, Williams College; Stephanie Sogg, Harvard Extension School; Michael Spiegler, Providence College; Sandra J. Grossmann Tobin, Clackamas Community College; Margot Underwood, Joliet Junior College; Shannon Welch, University of Idaho; and Tom Wilson, Bellarmine University. And, as always, I thank Marlene, whose understanding and support through all eight editions have made this book possible.  ABOUT THE AUTHOR JERRY M. BURGER is professor of psychology at Santa Clara University. He is the author of dozens of journal articles and book chapters and the 1992 book Desire for Control: Personality, Social and Clinical Perspectives. He has been on the editorial board of the Journal of Personality and the Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin and has served as an associate edi- tor for the “Personality Processes and Individual Difference” section of the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. In his spare time he likes to run, read, and write. You can send comments about the book to him via e-mail at [email protected]. xix This page intentionally left blank Personality This page intentionally left blank  CHAPTER 1 What Is Personality? The Person and the Situation Defining Personality Six Approaches to Personality Personality and Culture The Study of Personality: Theory, Application, Assessment, and Research Summary 1 2 CHAPTER 1 What Is Personality? On the morning of September 11, 2009, hundreds of people gathered in the rain near the area now known as Ground Zero. They paused for a moment of silence at 8:46 a.m. EST, exactly eight years after the first hijacked airliner crashed into the North Tower of the World Trade Center in New York. Family members of the victims placed flowers at the site. Some carried framed photographs wrapped in plastic. As they have each year since the tragedy, political leaders and volunteers read the names of the 2,752 people killed in the New York attack. Similar ceremonies were held at the Pentagon in Washington and in Pennsylvania, where the other two hijacked planes crashed during the attacks. In communities across the country and in many other nations, people gathered to observe the anniversary and honor the victims. It was a day to mourn, to remember, and to reflect. The September 11 terrorist attacks united Americans like no event since the bombing of Pearl Harbor. From the moment of the first news reports, Americans from all regions of the country—from all ethnic groups and religious backgrounds—shared the horror and disbelief. They bought flags, donated blood, sent donations, and shared their emotions. Businesses and schools closed, sports and entertainment events were canceled. A nation grieved. Powerful events have a way of bringing out similar reactions in people. Someone might point to this tragedy to illustrate how much alike each of us really is, how all people are basically the same. Yet if we look a little more closely, even in this situation we can see that not everyone reacted in the same way. In the days following the attack, many Americans were glued to their television sets, eagerly following each new development. Others turned their sets off, unable to watch the unsettling images any longer. Some citizens were overcome with anger and vowed revenge. Others focused on the victims and asked how they could help. Some people gathered at public events where they shared feelings and consoled their neighbors. Others sought solitude and quiet reflection. Many people turned to religion to find meaning and comfort, but some struggled to find the hand of God in so much suffering. Eight years later, some people talked about how much had changed. Others marveled at the nation’s ability to return to normalcy. Some people found comfort in the sense of community. For others, the day triggered painful memories and re- newed fears. In many ways, the reactions to the September 11 attacks are typical of people who are suddenly thrown into a unique and tragic situation. At first, the demands of the situation overwhelm individual differences, but soon each person’s characteristic way of dealing with the situation and the emotional aftermath begins to surface. The more we look, the more we see that people are not all alike. The closer we look, the more we begin to see differences between people. These characteristic differences are the focus of this book. They are part of what we call personality. Moreover, personality psycholo- gists have already studied many of the topics and issues that surfaced in the September 11 tragedy. Coping with stress, disclosing to others, emotions, reli- gion, anxiety, solitude, and many other relevant topics are covered in various places in this book.  Defining Personality 3 THE PERSON AND THE SITUATION Is our behavior shaped by the situation we are in or by the type of person we are? In the September 11 tragedy, did people act the way they did because of the events surrounding them, or were their reactions more the result of the kind of people they were before the incident? This is one of the enduring “The outstanding questions in psychology. The generally agreed-upon answer today is that characteristic of man both the situation and the person contribute to behavior. Certainly we don’t is his individuality. act the same way in all situations. Depending on where we are and what is There was never a happening, each of us can be outgoing, shy, aggressive, friendly, depressed, person just like him, frightened, or excited. But it is equally apparent that not everyone at the and there never will same party, the same ball game, or the same shopping center behaves identi- be again.” cally. The debate among psychologists has now shifted to the question of Gordon Allport how the situation influences our behavior as well as how our behavior reflects the individual. We can divide the fields of study within psychology along the answer to this question. Many psychologists concern themselves with how people typically respond to environmental demands. These researchers recognize that not everyone in a situation reacts the same. Their goal is to identify pat- terns that generally describe what most people will do. Thus a social psychol- ogist might create different situations in which participants view someone in need of help. The purpose of this research is to identify the kinds of situations that increase or decrease helping behavior. Personality psychologists turn this way of thinking completely around. We know there are typical response pat- terns to situations, but what we find more interesting is why Peter tends to help more than Paul, even when both are presented with the same request. You may have heard the axiom, “There are few differences between peo- ple, but what differences there are really matter.” That tends to sum up the personality psychologists’ viewpoint. They want to know what makes you dif- ferent from the person sitting next to you. Why do some people make friends easily, whereas others are lonely? Why are some people prone to bouts of de- pression? Can we predict who will rise to the top of the business ladder and who will fall short? Why are some people introverted, whereas others are so outgoing? Each of these questions is explored in this book. Other topics cov- ered include how your personality is related to hypnotic responsiveness, reac- tions to stress, how well you do in school, and even your chances of having a heart attack. This is not to say that situations are unimportant or of no interest to per- sonality psychologists. Indeed, as discussed in Chapter 7, many of the ques- tions posed by personality researchers concern how a certain kind of person behaves in a particular situation. However, the emphasis of this book is on what makes you different from the next person—that is, your personality. Before addressing that question, let’s start by defining “personality.” DEFINING PERSONALITY Anyone who has been in college a while can probably anticipate the topic of the first lecture of the term. The philosophy professor asks, “What is 4 CHAPTER 1 What Is Personality? philosophy?” The first class meeting in a communication course centers on the question, “What is communication?” Those who teach geography, his- tory, and calculus have similar lectures. And so, for traditional and practical reasons, psychology professors too begin with the basic question, “What is personality?” Although a definition follows, bear in mind that psychologists do not agree on a single answer to this question. In fact, personality psychologists are engaged in an ongoing and perhaps never-ending discussion of how to de- scribe human personality and what topics belong within this subfield of psy- chology (Mayer, 2005; McAdams & Pals, 2006). Personality theorists have different ideas about what personality psychologists ought to study. Whereas one theorist points to unconscious mechanisms, another looks at learning his- tories, and still another at the way people organize their thoughts. Although some students might find this lack of agreement frustrating, let me suggest from the outset that these different viewpoints provide a rich and exciting framework within which to explore the complexities of the individual. Personality can be defined as consistent behavior patterns and intraper- sonal processes originating within the individual. Several aspects of this sim- ple definition need elaboration. Notice that there are two parts to it. The first part is concerned with consistent patterns of behavior. Personality re- searchers often refer to these as individual differences. The important point here is that personality is consistent. We can identify these consistent behavior patterns across time and across situations. We expect someone who is outgo- ing today to be outgoing tomorrow. Someone who is competitive at work is also quite likely competitive in sports. We acknowledge this consistency in character when we say, “It was just like her to do that” or “He was just be- ing himself.” Of course, this does not mean an extraverted person is boister- ous and jolly all the time, on solemn occasions as well as at parties. Nor does it mean people cannot change. But if personality exists and behavior is not just a reflection of whatever situation we find ourselves in, then we must expect some consistency in the way people act. The second part of the definition concerns intrapersonal processes. In contrast to interpersonal processes, which take place between people, intra- personal processes include all the emotional, motivational, and cognitive pro- cesses that go on inside of us that affect how we act and feel. Thus, you will find that many personality psychologists are interested in such topics as de- pression, information processing, happiness, and denial. Of course, some of these processes are shared by all people. For example, according to some the- orists, each of us has a similar capacity to experience anxiety or similar pro- cesses for dealing with threatening events. However, how we use these processes and how they interact with individual differences play a role in de- termining our individual character. It also is important to note that, according to the definition, these consis- tent behavior patterns and intrapersonal processes originate within the indi- vidual. This is not to say that external sources do not influence personality. Certainly the way parents raise their children affects the kind of adults the children become. And, of course, the emotions we experience are often a  Six Approaches to Personality 5 reaction to the events we encounter. But the point is that behavior is not solely a function of the situation. The fear we experience while watching a frightening movie is the result of the film, but the different ways we each ex- press or deal with that fear come from within. SIX APPROACHES TO PERSONALITY What are the sources of consistent behavior patterns and intrapersonal pro- cesses? This is the basic question asked by personality theorists and research- ers. One reason for the length of this book is that personality psychologists have answered this question in many different ways. To help make sense of the wide range of personality theories proposed over the past century, we’ll look at six general approaches to explaining personality. These are the psy- choanalytic approach, the trait approach, the biological approach, the hu- manistic approach, the behavioral/social learning approach, and the cognitive approach. Although the fit is not always perfect, each of the major theories of personality can be placed into one of these six general approaches. But why so many theories of personality? This question can be answered by way of analogy. Nearly everyone has heard the story about the five blind men who encounter an elephant. Each feels a different part of the animal and then tries to explain to the others what an elephant is like. The blind man feeling the leg describes the elephant as tall and round. Another feels the ear and claims an elephant is thin and flat, whereas another, holding onto the trunk, describes the animal as long and slender. The man feeling the tail and the one touching the elephant’s side have still different images. The point to this story, of course, is that each man knows only a part of the whole animal. Because there is more to the elephant than what he has experienced, each man’s description is correct but incomplete. In one sense, the six approaches to personality are analogous to the blind men. That is, each approach does seem to correctly identify and examine an important aspect of human personality. For example, psychologists who sub- scribe to the psychoanalytic approach argue that people’s unconscious minds are largely responsible for important differences in their behavior styles. Other psychologists, those who favor the trait approach, identify where a person might lie along a continuum of various personality characteristics. Psychologists advocating the biological approach point to inherited predispositions and physi- ological processes to explain individual differences in personality. In contrast, those promoting the humanistic approach identify personal responsibility and feelings of self-acceptance as the key causes of differences in personality. Behavioral/social learning theorists explain consistent behavior patterns as the result of conditioning and expectations. Those promoting the cognitive approach look at differences in the way people process information to ex- plain differences in behavior. It’s tempting to suggest that by combining all six approaches we can ob- tain the larger, accurate picture of why people act the way they do. Unfortu- nately, the blind men analogy is only partially applicable to the six approaches to personality. Although different approaches to a given issue in personality 6 CHAPTER 1 What Is Personality? often vary only in emphasis—with each providing a legitimate, compatible explanation—in many instances the explanations of two or more approaches appear entirely incompatible. Thus people who work in the field often align themselves with one or another of the six approaches as they decide which of the competing explanations they accept. Returning to the blind men and the elephant, suppose someone were to ask how an elephant moves. The man feeling the trunk might argue that the elephant slithers along the ground like a snake. The man holding the ele- phant’s ear might disagree, saying that the elephant must fly like a bird with its big, floppy wings. The man touching the leg would certainly have a differ- ent explanation. Although in some instances more than one of these explana- tions might be accurate (for example, a bird can both walk and fly), it should be obvious that at times not every theory can be right. It also is possible that one theory is correct in describing one part of human personality, whereas another theory is correct in describing other aspects. No doubt some theories will make more sense to you than others. But it is worth keeping in mind that each approach has been developed and promoted by a large number of respected psychologists. Although not all of these men and women are correct about every issue, each approach has something of value to offer in our quest to understand what makes each of us who we are. Two Examples: Aggression and Depression To get a better idea of how the six approaches to understanding personality provide six different, yet legitimate, explanations for consistent patterns of be- havior, let’s look at two common examples. Aggressive behavior and the suf- fering that comes from depression are widespread problems in our society, and psychologists from many different perspectives have looked into the causes of aggression and depression. Example 1: Aggression We have all seen or read about people who consistently engage in aggressive behavior. Adults arrested for assault typically have a history of aggressive behavior that goes back to playground fights in childhood. Why are some people consistently more aggressive than others? Each of the six approaches to personality provides at least one answer. As you read these answers, think about an aggressive person you have encountered. Which of the six explana- tions seems to do the best job of explaining that person’s behavior? The classic psychoanalytic explanation of aggression points to an uncon- scious death instinct. That is, we are all said to possess an unconscious desire to self-destruct. However, because people with a healthy personality do not hurt themselves, these self-destructive impulses may be unconsciously turned outward and expressed against others in the form of aggression. Other psy- choanalysts argue that aggression results when we are blocked from reaching our goals. A person who experiences a great deal of frustration, perhaps someone who is constantly falling short of a desired goal, is a likely candidate for persistent aggressive behavior. In most cases, the person is unaware of the real reasons for the aggression.  Six Approaches to Personality 7 Personality theorists who follow the trait approach focus on individual differ- ences and the stability of aggressive behavior (Bettencourt, Talley, Benjamin, & Valentine, 2006). For example, one team of researchers measured aggressiveness in 8-year-old children (Huesmann, Eron, & Yarmel, 1987). The investigators interviewed the participants again when the participants were 30 years old. The researchers discovered that the children identified as aggressive in elementary school were likely to have become aggressive adults. The children who pushed and shoved their classmates often grew into adults who abused their spouses and engaged in violent criminal behavior. Personality psychologists from the biological perspective also are inter- ested in stable patterns of aggressive behavior. They point to a genetic predis- position to act aggressively as one reason for this stability. Evidence now suggests that some people inherit more of a proclivity toward aggression than others (Miles & Carey, 1997). That is, some people may be born with aggres- sive dispositions that, depending on their upbringing, result in their becoming aggressive adults. Other psychologists explain aggression in terms of evolu- tionary theory (Cairns, 1986). For example, the fact that men tend to be more aggressive than women might be explained by the man’s inherited need to exercise control over rivals to survive and pass along his genes. Researchers also look at the role hormones and neurotransmitters play in aggressive behav- ior (Berman, McCloskey, Fanning, Schumacher, & Coccaro, 2009; Klinesmith, Kasser, & McAndrew, 2006). Psychologists with a humanistic approach to personality explain aggres- sive behavior in yet another way. These theorists deny that some individuals are born to be aggressive. In fact, many argue that people are basically good. They believe all people can become happy, nonviolent adults if allowed to grow and develop in an enriching and encouraging environment. Problems develop when something interferes with this natural growth process. Aggressive children often come from homes in which basic needs are frus- trated. If the child develops a poor self-image, he or she may strike out at others in frustration. The behavioral/social learning approach contrasts in many ways with the humanistic view. According to these psychologists, people learn to be aggressive the same way they learn other behaviors. Playground bullies find that ag- gressive behavior is rewarded. They get to bat first and have first choice of playground equipment because other children fear them. The key to the be- havioral interpretation is that rewarded behavior will be repeated. Thus the playground bully probably will continue this aggressive behavior and try it in other situations. If the aggression is continually met with rewards instead of pun- ishment, the result will be an aggressive adult. People also learn from watching models. Children may learn from watching aggressive classmates that hurting others is sometimes useful. As discussed in Chapter 14, many people are con- cerned that the aggressive role models children routinely watch on television may be responsible for increasing the amount of violence in society. Cognitive psychologists approach the question of aggressive behavior from yet another perspective. Their main focus is on the way aggressive peo- ple process information. Certain cues in the environment, such as images of 8 CHAPTER 1 What Is Personality? guns and fighting, often trigger a network of aggressive thoughts and emo- tions. When aggressive thoughts are highly accessible, people are more likely to interpret situations as threatening and respond to those perceived threats with violence. Although most of us ignore unintended insults and accidental bumps in the hallway, individuals with highly accessible aggressive thoughts are likely to respond with threats of violence and angry shoves. Now, let’s return to the original question: Why do some people show a consistent pattern of aggressive behavior? Each of the six approaches to per- sonality offers a different explanation. Which is correct? One possibility is that only one is correct and that future research will identify that theory. A second possibility is that each approach is partially correct. There may be six (or more) different causes of aggressive behavior. Still a third possibil- ity is that the six explanations do not contradict one another but rather differ only in their focus. That is, it’s possible that aggressiveness is relatively stable and reflects an aggressive trait (the trait approach). But it might also be the case that some people tend to interpret ambiguous events as threaten- ing (the cognitive explanation) because of past experiences in which they were assaulted (the behavioral/social learning explanation). These people may have been born with a tendency to respond to threats in an aggressive manner (the biological approach). But perhaps if they had been raised in a nonfrustrating environment (the psychoanalytic approach) or in a supportive home in which their basic needs were met (the humanistic approach), they would have overcome their aggressive tendencies. The point is that each approach appears to contribute something to our understanding of aggression. Example 2: Depression Most of us know what it is like to be depressed. We have all had days when we feel a little blue or melancholy. Like many college students, you may also have suffered through longer periods of intense sadness and a general lack of motivation to do anything. Although most of us fluctuate through changing moods and levels of interest and energy, some people seem more prone to de- pression than others. Once again, each of the six approaches to personality has a different explanation for individual differences in depression. According to Sigmund Freud, the founder of the psychoanalytic approach, depression is anger turned inward. That is, people suffering from depression hold unconscious feelings of anger and hostility. They may want to strike out at family members, but a healthy personality does not express such feel- ings overtly. Psychoanalysts also argue that each of us has internalized the standards and values of society, which typically discourage the expression of hostility. Therefore, these angry feelings are turned inward, and people take it out on themselves. As with most psychoanalytic explanations, this process takes place at an unconscious level. Trait theorists are concerned with identifying depression-prone indivi- duals. Researchers find that a person’s general emotional level today is a good indicator of that person’s emotions in the future. One team of investiga- tors measured depression in a group of middle-aged men and again 30 years  Six Approaches to Personality 9 Photo courtesy of Emily Murphy What causes depression? Depending on which approach to personality you adopt, you might explain depression in terms of anger turned inward, a stable trait, an inherited predisposition, low self-esteem, a lack of reinforcers, or negative thoughts. later (Leon, Gillum, Gillum, & Gouze, 1979). The researchers found an im- pressively high correlation between the men’s depression levels at the two dif- ferent times. Yet another study found that depression levels in 18-year-olds could be predicted from looking at participants’ behavior from as early as 7 years of age (Block, Gjerde, & Block, 1991). Biological personality psychologists point to evidence that some people may inherit a genetic susceptibility to depression (McGue & Christensen, 1997). A person born with this vulnerability faces a much greater likelihood than the average individual of reacting to stressful life events with depression. Because of this inherited tendency, these people often experience repeated bouts of depression throughout their lives. Humanistic personality theorists explain depression in terms of self- esteem. That is, people who frequently suffer from depression are those who have failed to develop a good sense of their self-worth. A person’s level of self-esteem is established while growing up and, like other personality con- cepts, is fairly stable across time and situations. The ability to accept oneself, even one’s faults and weaknesses, is an important goal for humanistic thera- pists when dealing with clients suffering from depression. The behavioral/social learning approach examines the type of learning his- tory that leads to depression. Behaviorists argue that depression results from a 10 CHAPTER 1 What Is Personality? lack of positive reinforcers in a person’s life. That is, you may feel down and un- motivated because you see few activities in your life worth doing. A more exten- sive behavioral model of depression, covered in Chapter 14, proposes that depression develops from experiences with aversive situations over which people have little control. This theory maintains that exposure to uncontrollable events creates a perception of helplessness that is generalized to other situations and may develop into classic symptoms of depression. Some cognitive personality psychologists have taken this explanation one step further. These psychologists argue that whether people become depressed depends on how they interpret their inability to control events. For example, people who attribute their inability to get a promotion to a temporary eco- nomic recession will not become as depressed as people who believe it is the result of personal inadequacies. Other cognitive psychologists propose that some individuals use something like a depressive filter to interpret and pro- cess information. That is, depressed people are prepared to see the world in the most depressing terms possible. For this reason, depressed people can eas- ily recall depressing experiences. People and places they encounter are likely to remind them of some sad or unpleasant time. In short, people become de- pressed because they are prepared to generate depressing thoughts. Which of these accounts of depression strikes you as the most accurate? If you have been depressed, was it because of your low self-esteem, because you experienced an uncontrollable situation, or because you tend to look at the world through a depressing lens? As in the aggression example, more than one of these approaches may be correct. You may have found that one theory could explain an experience you had with depression last year, whereas an- other seems to better account for a more recent bout. In addition, the theories can at times complement each other. For example, people might interpret events in a depressing way because of their low self-esteem. One more lesson can be taken from these two examples: You need not align yourself with the same approach to personality when explaining different phenomena. For example, you may have found that the cognitive explanation for aggression made the most sense to you, but that the humanistic approach provided the best account of depression. This observation demonstrates the main point of this section: Each of the six approaches has something to offer the student interested in understanding personality. PERSONALITY AND CULTURE Psychologists have increasingly recognized the important role culture plays in understanding personality. To some students, this observation at first seems inconsistent with the notion of personality as distinct from situational influ- ences on behavior. However, psychologists now recognize that many of the assumptions people in Western developed countries make when describing and studying personality may not apply when dealing with people from dif- ferent cultures (Benet-Martinez & Oishi, 2008; Church, 2001; Kitayama & Markus, 1994). It is not just that different experiences in different cultures  Personality and Culture 11 affect how personalities develop. Rather, psychologists have come to see that people and their personalities exist within a cultural context. Perhaps the most important distinction cross-cultural researchers make is between individualistic cultures and collectivist cultures (Triandis, 1989, 2001). Individualistic cultures, which include most Northern European coun- tries and the United States, place great emphasis on individual needs and accomplishments. People in these cultures like to think of themselves as inde- pendent and unique. In contrast, people in collectivist cultures are more con- cerned about belonging to a larger group, such as a family, tribe, or nation. These people are more interested in cooperation than competition. They ob- tain satisfaction when the group does well rather than from individual accom- plishments. Many Asian, African, Central American, and South American countries fit the collectivist culture description. Consequently, concepts com- monly studied by Western personality psychologists often take on very differ- ent meanings when people from collectivist cultures are studied. For example, research reviewed in Chapter 12 suggests that the Western notion of self- esteem is based on assumptions about personal goals and feelings of unique- ness that may not make sense to citizens of other countries (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Moreover, the kinds of behaviors examined in personality research can take on different meanings depending on the culture. For example, for many years personality psychologists have been concerned with achievement behav- ior. Traditionally, this means trying to predict who will get ahead in academic or business situations. However, this definition of achievement and success is not shared universally (Salili, 1994). In some collectivist cultures, success means cooperation and group accomplishments. Personal recognition may even be frowned upon by people living in these cultures. Similarly, we need to consider the culture a person comes from when identifying and treating psychological dis- orders (Draguns, 2008; Fischer, Jome, & Atkinson, 1998; Lewis-Fernandez & Kleinman, 1994; Pedersen, 2008). For example, behavior that suggests exces- sive dependency or an exaggerated sense of self in one culture might reflect good adjustment in another. Thus it is worth remembering that most of the theories and much of the research covered in this book are based on observations in individualistic cul- tures. In fact, most of the research was conducted in the United States, the country that was found in one study to be the most individualistic of 41 na- tions examined (Suh, Diener, Oishi, & Triandis, 1998). This does not mean the research findings should be dismissed. Rather, we should keep in mind that whether a particular description applies to people in all cultures remains an open question. In some cases, such as the research on dream content pre- sented in Chapter 4 and the studies on marriage patterns presented in Chapter 10, investigators find nearly identical results across very different cultural groups. In other cases, such as in the self-esteem and achievement examples, they find im- portant differences among cultures. Identifying the cultural limitations or univer- sality of various phenomena provides additional insight into the nature of the concepts we study. 12 CHAPTER 1 What Is Personality? THE STUDY OF PERSONALITY: THEORY, APPLICATION, ASSESSMENT, AND RESEARCH If you spend a few minutes looking through the table of contents at the be- ginning of this book, you will notice that the book is divided into sections. Each section presents one of the different approaches to personality. Each of these sections is divided into four parts (in two chapters). These divisions rep- resent the four components necessary for a complete understanding of per- sonality. Each section begins with a presentation of theory. Each of the personality theorists covered in these pages presents a comprehensive model for how human personality is structured and how it operates. But psycholo- gists have never been content to simply describe personality. Rather, we have a long history of applying the information gained from theories and research to questions and issues that directly affect people’s lives. These applications include psychotherapy, education, and behavior in the workplace. An exam- ple of how psychologists apply their theories to these settings is presented “There can scarcely for each approach. Psychologists working within each of the approaches also be anything more fa- must develop ways to measure the personality constructs they study and use. miliar than human Thus assessment is another important area of personality psychology covered behavior. Nor can within each approach. Examples of personality assessment are scattered there be anything throughout this book. If you take the time to try each of these inventories, more important. not only will you obtain a better understanding of how psychologists from the different approaches measure personality, but you will also gain insight Nonetheless, it is into your own personality. In addition, within each section, an entire chapter certainly not the is devoted to research relevant to that approach to personality. Personality thing we understand psychology is, after all, a science. By examining a few research topics in best.” depth for each of the approaches, you will see how theories generate research B. F. Skinner and how the findings from one study typically lead to new questions and more research. Theory Each approach to understanding personality begins with a theory. This theory usually comes from the writings of several important psychologists who provide their own descriptions of consistent patterns of behavior and intra- personal processes. They explain the mechanisms that underlie human per- sonality and how these mechanisms are responsible for creating behaviors unique to a given individual. In most cases, theorists also attempt to explain how differences in personality develop. Many also describe methods for changing personality based on their theories. If you were to describe your own theory of personality, like the theorists covered in this book, you would need to address several critical questions about the nature of human personality. Let’s look briefly at a few of the most important questions you would need to consider. The way theorists from each of the six approaches generally deal with these issues is diagrammed in Figure 1.1.  The Study of Personality: Theory, Application, Assessment, and Research 13 Genetic Environmental Influence Influence Biological Trait Psychoanalytic Humanistic Behavioral/Social Learning Cognitive Unaware of Conscious of Determinants Determinants Psychoanalytic Behavioral/Social Humanistic Learning Trait Biological Cognitive Determinism Free Will Behavioral/Social Learning Psychoanalytic Trait Humanistic Cognitive Biological FIGURE 1.1 Position of the Six Approaches to Personality on Three Theory Issues Genetic Versus Environmental Influences Are people born with the seeds for their adult personalities already intact? Or do we enter this world with no inherited personality orientation, with each healthy baby just as likely as any other to become a great humanitarian, a criminal, a leader, or a helpless psychotic? In one way or another, each major theory of personality addresses this question: To what extent are our personal- ities the result of inherited predispositions, and to what extent are they shaped by the environment in which we grow up? Many biological and trait theorists argue that too often psychologists fail to recognize the importance of inherited predispositions. To a lesser degree, psychoanalytic theorists also emphasize in- nate needs and behavior patterns, albeit unconscious. However, humanistic, be- havioral/social learning, and cognitive theorists are less likely to emphasize inherited influences on personality. To some extent, the answer to this question is an empirical one. And growing amount of research implicates at least some inherited factors in the development of personality (Chapter 10). Conscious Versus Unconscious Determinants of Behavior To what extent are people aware of the causes of their behavior? Psychoanalyst Sigmund Freud argued that much of what we do is under the control of uncon- scious forces, which by definition are outside of our awareness. B. F. Skinner, an influential behavior theorist, argued that people assume they understand the 14 CHAPTER 1 What Is Personality? reasons for their actions when in reality they do not. In contrast, trait and cog- nitive theorists rely heavily on self-report data in developing their theories and in their research. They assume people can identify and report, for example, their level of social anxiety or how they organize information in their minds. However, these psychologists hedge away from an extreme position on this is- sue. Increasingly, cognitive psychologists recognize that much information pro- cessing takes place at a level below awareness. Humanistic theorists often take a middle-ground position on this issue. Although these theorists argue that no one knows us better than ourselves, they also acknowledge that many people do not understand why they act the way they do. Free Will Versus Determinism To what extent do we decide our own fate, and to what extent are our beha- viors determined by forces outside our control? This is an old issue in psy- chology that has spilled over from even older discussions in philosophy and theology. On one extreme we find theorists from the behavioral/social learn- ing approach called radical behaviorists. Perhaps most outspoken on this is- sue was B. F. Skinner, who argued that our behavior is not freely chosen but rather the result of environmental forces and our accumulated history of ex- periences. Skinner called freedom a myth. Psychoanalytic theorists typically take a less extreme position but still emphasize innate needs and unconscious mechanisms that leave much of human behavior outside of our control. At the other end of the spectrum are the humanistic theorists, who often identify personal choice and responsibility as the cornerstones of mental health. Hu- manistic psychotherapists frequently encourage clients to recognize the extent to which they are responsible for their own lives. Although less clear on this issue, trait, biological, and cognitive theorists probably fall somewhere between these others. Trait theorists and biological theorists often emphasize genetic predispositions that tend to limit develop- ment in certain areas. But none of these psychologists would argue that per- sonality is completely dictated by these predispositions. Similarly, cognitive psychotherapists often encourage their clients to recognize how they cause many of their own problems and help clients to develop strategies to avoid future difficulties. Application The most obvious way personality psychologists use their theories to address personal and social needs is through psychotherapy. Many of the major per- sonality theorists were also therapists who developed and refined their ideas about human personality as they worked with clients. Psychotherapy comes in many different styles, each reflecting assumptions the therapist makes about the nature of personality. For example, psychoanalytic therapists attend to unconscious causes of the problem behavior. Humanistic therapists are more likely to work in a nondirective manner to provide the proper atmosphere in  The Study of Personality: Theory, Application, Assessment, and Research 15 which clients can explore their own feelings. Cognitive therapists try to change the way their clients process information, whereas behaviorists typically struc- ture the environment so that desired behaviors increase in frequency and un- desired behaviors decrease. Personality theory and research are also used by psychologists working in educational, organizational, and counseling settings. In the following chapters, you will also see what personality psychologists tell us about religion, effective teaching, and choosing a career. Assessment How psychologists measure personality depends on which of the six ap- proaches they adhere to. Many personality researchers use self-report inven- tories, in which test takers answer a series of questions about themselves. But psychoanalytic psychologists are more interested in what people are un- able to describe directly. They learn about some of these unconscious thoughts by asking test takers to respond to ambiguous stimuli, which a trained psychologist then interprets. Traditional behavioral psychologists of- ten take another tactic in assessing personality. They’re not interested in “Everyone else prob- structures and concepts that supposedly exist within people’s minds. To de- ably understands us termine consistent behavior patterns, these psychologists observe behavior. better than we do A behavioral psychologist who wants to measure cooperation might observe ourselves.” people working on a group task. A person who engages in a large number Carl Jung of cooperative behaviors (helping others in the group, complimenting others on their work) would be identified as a cooperative person. In short, how a psychologist measures personality depends on what he or she thinks person- ality is. Research Although the focus thus far has been on the differences among the six ap- proaches, one feature they all have in common is that each generates a great deal of relevant research. As you will see, sometimes this research tests princi- ples and assumptions central to the theory. Other times researchers are inter- ested in further exploring some of the concepts introduced by a personality theory. You will also notice that several topics—health, relationships, depres- sion, achievement, anxiety, aggression—surface in more than one place in the book. This is because a full understanding of these topics requires that we ex- amine them from more than one approach. Several psychology journals are devoted to publishing research on personality, and many more publish articles relevant to the topics examined here. Psychology researchers employ a large number of methods in their efforts to uncover information about personality (Craik, 1986; Mallon, Kingsley, Affleck, & Tennen, 1998; Tracy, Robins, & Sherman, 2009). You won’t need a complete understanding of these proce- dures to appreciate the research covered in this book. But it will help if you have a grasp of the hypothesis-testing approach and a few of the common pro- cedures used by personality researchers. These topics are addressed in the next chapter. 16 CHAPTER 1 What Is Personality? It’s difficult to make it through college without taking a personality test somewhere along the way. One reason that self-report inventories are frequently used in personality research can be seen here—researchers can quickly collect information from a large number of people. SUMMARY 1. Personality psychology is concerned with the differences among people. Although there is no agreed-upon definition, personality is defined here as consistent behavior patterns and intrapersonal processes originating within the individual. 2. For convenience, the many theories of personality are divided into six general categories: the psychoanalytic, trait, biological, humanistic, behavioral/social learning, and cognitive approaches. Each approach pro- vides a different focus for explaining individual differences in behavior. The six approaches can be thought of as complementary models for understanding human personality, although occasionally they present competing accounts of behavior. 3. Personality psychologists have become aware of the need to consider the culture from which an individual comes. Most of the findings reported in this book are based on research in individualistic cultures, such as the United States. However, these results don’t always generalize to people in collectivist cultures. 4. A thorough understanding of human personality requires more than the study of theory. Consequently, we’ll also examine how each of the  Summary 17 approaches is applied to practical concerns, how each deals with person- ality assessment, and some of the research relevant to the issues and to- pics addressed by the theories. KEY TERMS collectivist culture (p. 11) individualistic culture (p. 11) personality (p. 4) MEDIA RESOURCES Visit our website. Go to www.cengage.com/ psychology/burger to find online resources directly linked to your book, including quizzing, glossary, flashcards, and more.  CHAPTER 2 Personality Research Methods The Hypothesis-Testing Approach The Case Study Method Statistical Analysis of Data Personality Assessment Summary 18  Personality Research Methods 19 Not long ago, “Desperate in Dallas” wrote to a newspaper advice columnist about her husband’s 16-year-old cousin, who was living with them. The boy didn’t want to work, didn’t want to go to school, and generally was a very messy houseguest. What was she to do? The columnist explained to “Desperate” that the boy’s real problem was the rejection he had received from his parents earlier in his life. These early childhood experiences were responsible for the boy’s lack of motivation. Within the next few weeks, the adviser also explained to “Wondering in Boston” that a 5-year-old boy became aggressive from watching too many violent programs on television. She told “Anonymous in Houston” that her 5-year-old daughter was going to be a leader, and “Intrigued in Norfolk” that, although some people are routinely incapacitated with minor aches and pains, others are capable of ignoring them. In each of these examples, the columnist was explaining why a certain person engages in consistent behavior patterns—that is, the causes of that person’s personality. Millions of people seem to think this columnist has something to say about human behavior. But how does she know? Experi- ence? Intelligence? A keen insight into human nature? Perhaps. In a way, ad- vice columnists represent one avenue for understanding personality—through expert opinion. In some ways, the columnist is similar to the great personality theorists who study the works of others, make their own observations, and then describe what they believe are the causes of human behavior. As you will see in Chapter 3, Sigmund Freud proposed many groundbreaking ideas about personality. Freud read widely about what his contemporaries were saying about behavior. He worked and consulted with some of the great thin- kers of the day who also were concerned about psychological phenomena. And Freud carefully observed his patients, who came to him with a variety of psychological problems. From the information gathered from all of these sources, Freud developed a theory of personality that he spent the rest of his career promoting. Although more scholarly than a columnist’s one-paragraph diagnosis, Freud’s writings often evoke a similar response: How does he know? Freud’s ideas are intriguing, and his arguments at times persuasive, but most person- ality psychologists want more than an expert’s viewpoint before they accept a personality theory. They want empirical research. They want studies exam- ining key predictions from the theory. They want some hard numbers to sup- port those predictions. This is not because an expert’s views are of no value. Quite the contrary, the views and observations of personality theorists form the backbone of this book. But theories alone provide only part of the picture. Understanding the nature of human personality also requires an examination of what psychologists have learned from rigorous empirical investigations. This chapter presents a brief introduction to personality research, beginning with a description of some basic concepts associated with the hypothesis-testing approach to research, with an emphasis on issues particularly relevant for person- ality researchers. Next we look at a research procedure that has played a signifi- cant role in the history of personality psychology—the case study method. We then briefly touch on what you will need to know about statistical analysis of 20 CHAPTER 2 Personality Research Methods data. Finally, because personality psychologists often rely on personality assess- ment, we quickly review some of the concepts associated with measuring individ- ual differences in personality. THE HYPOTHESIS-TESTING APPROACH Each of us on occasion speculates about the nature of personality. You may have wondered why you seem to be more self-conscious than others, why a family member is depressed so often, or why you have so much trouble mak- ing friends. In the latter case, you may have watched the way a popular stu- dent interacts with the people she meets and compared her behavior with the way you act around strangers. You may have even tried to change your behavior to be more like hers and then watched to see if this affected how people reacted to you. In essence, the difference between this process and that used by personal- ity psychologists lies only in the degree of sophistication. Like all of us, personality researchers speculate about the nature of personality. From observations, knowledge about previous theory and research, and careful speculation, these researchers generate hypotheses about why certain people behave the way they do. Then, using experimental methods, investigators collect data to see if their explanations about human behavior are correct. Like pieces in a large jigsaw puzzle, each study makes another contribution to our understanding of personality. However, by the time you get to the end of this book, it should be clear that this is one puzzle that will never be finished. Theories and Hypotheses Most personality research begins with a theory—a general statement about the relationship between constructs or events. Theories differ in the range of events or phenomena they explain. Some, such as the major personality theories discussed in this book, are very broad. Psychologists have used Freud’s psy- choanalytic theory to explain topics as diverse as what causes psychological disorders, why people turn to religion, and why certain jokes are funny. However, personality researchers typically work with theories considerably nar- rower in application. For example, they might speculate about the reasons some people are more motivated to achieve than others or about the relation- ship between a parent’s behavior and a child’s level of self-esteem. It might be useful to think of the larger theories, such as Freud’s, as collections of more specific theories that share certain assumptions about the nature of human personality. A good theory possesses at least two characteristics. First, a good theory is parsimonious. Scientists generally operate under the “law of parsimony”— that is, the simplest theory that can explain the phenomenon is the best. As you will see throughout this book, several theories can be generated to  The Hypothesis-Testing Approach 21 explain any one behavior. Some can be quite extensive, including many con- cepts and assumptions, whereas others explain the phenomenon in relatively simple terms. Which theory is better? Although it sometimes seems that scien- tists enjoy wrapping their work in fancy terms and esoteric concepts, the truth is that if two theories can account for an effect equally well, the simpler explanation is preferred. Second, a good theory is useful. More specifically, unless a theory can generate testable hypotheses, it will be of little or no use to scientists. Ideas that cannot be tested are not necessarily incorrect. It’s just that they do not lend themselves to scientific investigation. For example, throughout history people have explained psychological disorders in terms of invisible demons taking over a person’s body. This may or may not be a correct statement about the causes of disorders. But unless this explanation is somehow test- able, the theory cannot be examined through scientific methods and therefore holds little value for scientists. However, theories themselves are never tested. Instead, investigators de- rive from the theory hypotheses that can then be tested in research. A hypothesis is a formal prediction about the relationship between two or more variables that is logically derived from the theory. For example, many psychologists are interested in individual differences in loneliness (Chapter 12). That is, they want to know why some people frequently suf- fer from feelings of loneliness, whereas others rarely feel lonely. One theory proposes that lonely people lack the social skills necessary to develop and maintain satisfying relationships. Because this is a useful theory, many predictions can be logically derived from it, as shown in Figure 2.1. For example, if the theory correctly describes a cause of loneliness, we might expect consistently lonely people to make fewer attempts to initiate conver- sations than t