CHAPTER 3 - Adler: Individual Psychology PDF

CHAPTER 3 Adler: Individual Psychology ◆ Overview of Individual Psychology ◆ Biography of Alfred Adler ◆ Introduction to Adlerian Theory ◆ Striving for Success or Superiority The Final Goal The Striving Force as Compensation Striving for Personal Superiority Strivin...

CHAPTER 3 Adler: Individual Psychology ◆ Overview of Individual Psychology ◆ Biography of Alfred Adler ◆ Introduction to Adlerian Theory ◆ Striving for Success or Superiority The Final Goal The Striving Force as Compensation Striving for Personal Superiority Striving for Success ◆ Subjective Perceptions Fictionalism Imagno/Votava/The Image Works Physical Inferiorities ◆ Unity and Self-Consistency of Personality Organ Dialect Early Recollections and Conscious and Unconscious Career Choice ◆ Social Interest Distinguishing Narcissism as Striving for Superiority Origins of Social Interest versus Self-Esteem as Striving for Success Importance of Social Interest ◆ Critique of Adler ◆ Style of Life ◆ Concept of Humanity ◆ Creative Power ◆ Key Terms and Concepts ◆ Abnormal Development ◆ References General Description External Factors in Maladjustment Safeguarding Tendencies Masculine Protest ◆ Applications of Individual Psychology Family Constellation Early Recollections Dreams Psychotherapy ◆ Related Research Birth Order, Intelligence, Academic Achievement, and Personality 72  Chapter 3 Adler: Individual Psychology 73 F rom toddlerhood on, Alfred was an outgoing and gregarious young boy. He was surrounded by family, friends, and acquaintances. Indeed, he had six siblings and many friends. Social networks and connections were always important and nec- essary to Alfred. And yet, as is often true of large families, there was competition between these siblings for their parents’ attention, which was especially pronounced between Alfred and his older brother, Sigmund (Hoffman, 1994). His older brother was not only bigger and stronger but was also healthier and not as prone to illness as Alfred. For example, one of Alfred’s earliest recollections was “sitting on a bench, bandaged because of rickets, with my healthy elder brother sitting opposite me. He could run, jump, and move quite effortlessly, while for me movement of any sort was a strain and an effort” (Adler, 1947, p. 9). Another powerful experience that shaped Alfred’s life and career was the illness and then death of one of his younger brothers. But it was even worse: Alfred and his younger brother Rudolf slept in the same room and one morning Alfred woke to find Rudolf dead in the bed next to him (Hoffman, 1994). These early memories left a lasting and even lifelong impression on Alfred Adler, who would grow up to make them—early recollections, sense of inferiority, style of life, and social connection—the cornerstone of his version of psychoanalytic theory of personality. In Adler’s own words: “It is these psychological tendencies which even in my childhood had formed my style of life, to which I am also indebted for my insight into psychic manifestations.... I decided at an early age to face and struggle with all of my difficult problems, so that I might be in a better position to solve them” (Adler, 1947, p. 11). Overview of Individual Psychology Alfred Adler was neither a terrorist nor a person driven mad by ambition. Indeed, his individual psychology presents an optimistic view of people while resting heavily on the notion of social interest, that is, a feeling of oneness with all humankind. In addition to Adler’s more optimistic look at people, several other differences made the relationship between Freud and Adler quite tenuous. First, Freud reduced all motivation to sex and aggression, whereas Adler saw people as being motivated mostly by social influences and by their striving for supe- riority or success; second, Freud assumed that people have little or no choice in shaping their personality, whereas Adler believed that people are largely respon- sible for who they are; third, Freud’s assumption that present behavior is caused by past experiences was directly opposed to Adler’s notion that present behavior is shaped by people’s view of the future; and fourth, in contrast to Freud, who placed very heavy emphasis on unconscious components of behavior, Adler believed that ­psychologically healthy people are usually aware of what they are doing and why they are doing it. As we have seen, Adler was an original member of the small clique of phy- sicians who met in Freud’s home on Wednesday evenings to discuss psychologi- cal topics. However, when theoretical and personal differences between Adler and Freud emerged, Adler left the Freud circle and established an opposing theory, which became known as individual psychology. 74 Part II Psychodynamic Theories Biography of Alfred Adler Alfred Adler was born on February 7, 1870, in Rudolfsheim, Austria, a village near Vienna. His mother, Pauline, was a hard-working homemaker who kept busy with her seven children. His father, Leopold, was a middle-class Jewish grain merchant from ­Hungary. As a young boy, Adler was weak and sickly, and at age 5, he nearly died of pneumonia. He had gone ice-skating with an older boy who abandoned young Alfred. Cold and shivering, Adler managed to find his way home where he immediately fell asleep on the living room couch. As Adler gradually gained consciousness, he heard a doctor say to his parents, “Give yourself no more trouble. The boy is lost” (Hoffman, 1994, p. 8). This experience, along with the death of a younger brother, motivated Adler to become a physician. Adler’s poor health was in sharp contrast to the health of his older brother Sigmund. Several of Adler’s earliest memories were concerned with the unhappy competition between his brother’s good health and his own illness. Sigmund Adler, the childhood rival whom Adler attempted to surpass, remained a worthy opponent, and in later years he became very successful in business and even helped Alfred financially. By almost any standard, however, Alfred Adler was much more famous than Sigmund Adler. Like many secondborn children, however, Alfred continued the rivalry with his older brother into middle age. He once told one of his biographers, Phyllis Bottome (1939, p. 18), “My eldest brother is a good industrious fellow—he was always ahead of me... and he is still ahead of me!” The lives of Freud and Adler have several interesting parallels. Although both men came from middle- or lower-middle-class Viennese Jewish parents, neither was devoutly religious. However, Freud was much more conscious of his Jewishness than was Adler and often believed himself to be persecuted because of his Jewish back- ground. On the other hand, Adler never claimed to have been mistreated, and in 1904, while still a member of Freud’s inner circle, he converted to Protestantism. Despite this conversion, he held no deep religious convictions, and in fact, one of his biographers (Rattner, 1983) regarded him as an agnostic. As mentioned in the chapter opening and like Freud, Adler had a younger brother who died in infancy. This early experience profoundly affected both men but in vastly different ways. Freud, by his own account, had wished unconsciously for the death of his rival and when the infant Julius did in fact die, Freud was filled with guilt and self-reproach, conditions that continued into his adulthood. In contrast, Adler would seem to have had a more powerful reason to be trau- matized by the death of his younger brother Rudolf. At age 4, Adler awoke one morn- ing to find Rudolf dead in the bed next to his. Rather than being terrified or feeling guilty, Adler saw this experience, along with his own near death from pneumonia, as a challenge to overcome death. Thus, at age 5, he decided that his goal in life would be to conquer death. Because medicine offered some chance to forestall death, Adler decided at that early age to become a physician (Adler, 1947; Hoffman, 1994). Although Freud was surrounded by a large family, including seven younger brothers and sisters, two grown half-brothers, and a nephew and a niece about his age, he felt more emotionally attached to his parents, especially his mother, than to these other family members. In contrast, Adler was more interested in social relation- ships, and his siblings and peers played a pivotal role in his childhood development.  Chapter 3 Adler: Individual Psychology 75 Personality differences between Freud and Adler continued throughout adulthood, with Freud preferring intense one-to-one relationships and Adler feeling more com- fortable in group situations. These personality differences were also reflected in their professional organizations. Freud’s Vienna Psychoanalytic Society and International Psychoanalytic Association were highly structured in pyramid fashion, with an inner circle of six of Freud’s trusted friends forming a kind of oligarchy at the top. Adler, by comparison, was more democratic, often meeting with colleagues and friends in Vienna coffeehouses where they played a piano and sang songs. Adler’s Society for Individual Psychology, in fact, suffered from a loose organization, and Adler had a relaxed attitude toward business details that did not enhance his movement (­Ellenberger, 1970). Adler attended elementary school with neither difficulty nor distinction. How- ever, when he entered the Gymnasium in preparation for medical school, he did so poorly that his father threatened to remove him from school and apprentice him to a shoemaker (Grey, 1998). As a medical student he once again completed work with no special honors, probably because his interest in patient care conflicted with his pro- fessors’ interest in precise diagnoses (Hoffman, 1994). When he received his medical degree near the end of 1895, he had realized his childhood goal of becoming a physician. Because his father had been born in Hungary, Adler was a Hungarian citizen and was thus obliged to serve a tour of military duty in the Hungarian army. He ful- filled that obligation immediately after receiving his medical degree and then returned to Vienna for postgraduate study. (Adler became an Austrian citizen in 1911.) He began private practice as an eye specialist, but gave up that specialization and turned to psychiatry and general medicine. Scholars disagree on the first meeting of Adler and Freud (Bottome, 1939; Ellenberger, 1970; Fiebert, 1997; Handlbauer, 1998), but all agree that in the late fall of 1902, Freud invited Adler and three other Viennese physicians to attend a meeting in Freud’s home to discuss psychology and neuropathology. This group was known as the Wednesday Psychological Society until 1908, when it became the Vienna Psy- choanalytic Society. Although Freud led these discussion groups, Adler never consid- ered Freud to be his mentor and believed somewhat naively that he and others could make contributions to psychoanalysis—contributions that would be acceptable to Freud. Although Adler was one of the original ­members of Freud’s inner circle, the two men never shared a warm personal relationship. Neither man was quick to rec- ognize theoretical differences even after Adler’s 1907 publication of Study of Organ Inferiority and Its Psychical ­Compensation (1907/1917), which assumed that physical deficiencies—not sex—formed the foundation for human motivation. During the next few years, Adler became even more convinced that psychoanal- ysis should be much broader than Freud’s view of infantile sexuality. In 1911, Adler, who was then president of the Vienna Psychoanalytic Society, presented his views before the group, expressing opposition to the strong sexual proclivities of psycho- analysis and insisting that the drive for superiority was a more basic motive than sexu- ality. Both he and Freud finally recognized that their differences were irreconcilable, and in October of 1911 Adler resigned his presidency and membership in the Psycho- analytic Society. Along with nine other former members of the Freudian circle, he formed the Society for Free Psychoanalytic Study, a name that irritated Freud with its implication that Freudian psychoanalysis was opposed to a free expression of ideas. 76 Part II Psychodynamic Theories Adler, however, soon changed the name of his organization to the Society for Indi- vidual Psychology—a name that clearly indicated he had abandoned psychoanalysis. Like Freud, Adler was affected by events surrounding World War I. Both men had financial difficulties, and both reluctantly borrowed money from relatives—Freud from his brother-in-law Edward Bernays and Adler from his brother Sigmund. Each man also made important changes in his theory. Freud elevated aggression to the level of sex after viewing the horrors of war, and Adler suggested that social interest and compassion could be the cornerstones of human motivation. The war years also brought a major disappointment to Adler when his application for an unpaid lecture position at the University of Vienna was turned down. Adler wanted this position to gain another forum for spreading his views, but he also desperately desired to attain the same prestigious position that Freud had held for more than a dozen years. Adler never attained this position, but after the war he was able to advance his theories through lecturing, establishing child guidance clinics, and training teachers. During the last several years of his life, Adler frequently visited the United States, where he taught individual psychology at Columbia University and the New School for Social Research. By 1932, he was a permanent resident of the United States and held the position of Visiting Professor for Medical Psychology at Long Island College of Medicine, now Downstate Medical School, State University of New York. Unlike Freud, who disliked Americans and their superficial understanding of psychoanalysis, Adler was impressed by Americans and admired their optimism and open-mindedness. His popularity as a speaker in the United States during the mid-1930s had few rivals, and he aimed his last several books toward a receptive American market (Hoffman, 1994). Adler married a fiercely independent Russian woman, Raissa Epstein, in December 1897. Raissa was an early feminist and much more political than her hus- band. In later years, while Adler lived in New York, she remained mostly in Vienna and worked to promote Marxist-Leninist views that were quite different from Adler’s notion of individual freedom and responsibility. After several years of requests by her husband to move to New York, Raissa finally came to stay in New York only a few months before Adler’s death. Ironically, Raissa, who did not share her husband’s love for America, continued to live in New York until her own death, nearly a quarter of a century after Adler had died (Hoffman, 1994). Raissa and Alfred had four children: Alexandra and Kurt, who became ­psychiatrists and continued their father’s work; Valentine (Vali), who died as a political prisoner of the Soviet Union in about 1942; and Cornelia (Nelly), who aspired to be an actress. Adler’s favorite relaxation was music, but he also maintained an active interest in art and literature. In his work he often borrowed examples from fairy tales, the Bible, Shakespeare, Goethe, and numerous other literary works. He identified himself closely with the common person, and his manner and appearance were consistent with that identification. His patients included a high percentage of people from the lower and middle classes, a rarity among psychiatrists of his time. His personal quali- ties included an optimistic attitude toward the human condition, an intense competi- tiveness coupled with friendly congeniality, and a strong belief in the basic gender equality, which combined with a willingness to forcefully advocate women’s rights. From middle childhood until after his 67th birthday, Adler enjoyed robust health. Then, in the early months of 1937, while concerned with the fate of his  Chapter 3 Adler: Individual Psychology 77 daughter Vali, who had disappeared somewhere in Moscow, Adler felt chest pains while on a speaking tour in the Netherlands. Ignoring the doctor’s advice to rest, he continued on to Aberdeen, Scotland, where on May 28, 1937, he died of a heart attack. Freud, who was 14 years older than Adler, had outlived his longtime adver- sary. On hearing of Adler’s death, Freud (as quoted in E. Jones, 1957) sarcastically remarked, “For a Jew boy out of a Viennese suburb a death in Aberdeen is an unheard- of career in itself and a proof of how far he had got on. The world really rewarded him richly for his service in having contradicted psychoanalysis” (p. 208). Introduction to Adlerian Theory Although Alfred Adler has had a profound effect on such later theorists as Harry Stack Sullivan, Karen Horney, Julian Rotter, Abraham H. Maslow, Carl Rogers, Albert Ellis, Rollo May, and others (Mosak & Maniacci, 1999), his name is less well known than that of either Freud or Carl Jung. At least three reasons account for this. First, Adler did not establish a tightly run organization to perpetuate his theories. Second, he was not a particularly gifted writer, and most of his books were compiled by a series of editors using Adler’s scattered lectures. Third, many of his views were incorporated into the works of such later theorists as Maslow, Rogers, and Ellis and thus are no longer associated with Adler’s name. Although his writings revealed great insights into the depth and com- plexities of human personality, Adler evolved a basically simple and parsimoni- ous theory. To Adler, people are born with weak, inferior bodies—a condition that leads to feelings of inferiority and a consequent dependence on other people. Therefore, a feeling of unity with others (social interest) is inherent in people and the ultimate standard for psychological health. More specifically, the main tenets of Adlerian theory can be stated in outline form. The following is adapted from a list that represents the final statement of individual psychology (Adler, 1964). 1. The one dynamic force behind people’s behavior is the striving for success or superiority. 2. People’s subjective perceptions shape their behavior and personality. 3. Personality is unified and self-consistent. 4. The value of all human activity must be seen from the viewpoint of social interest. 5. The self-consistent personality structure develops into a person’s style of life. 6. Style of life is molded by people’s creative power. Striving for Success or Superiority The first tenet of Adlerian theory is: The one dynamic force behind people’s behavior is the striving for success or superiority. Adler reduced all motivation to a single drive—the striving for success or superi- ority. Adler’s own childhood was marked by physical deficiencies and strong feelings of competitiveness with his older brother. Individual psychology holds that everyone begins life with physical deficiencies that activate feelings of inferiority—feelings that motivate a person to strive for either superiority or ­success. Psychologically unhealthy 78 Part II Psychodynamic Theories individuals strive for personal superiority, whereas psychologically healthy people seek success for all humanity. Early in his career, Adler believed that aggression was the dynamic power behind all motivation, but he soon became dissatisfied with this term. After reject- ing aggression as a single motivational force, Adler used the term masculine protest, which implied will to power or a domination of others. However, he soon abandoned masculine protest as a universal drive while continuing to give it a limited role in his theory of abnormal development. Next, Adler called the single dynamic force striving for superiority. In his final theory, however, he limited striving for superiority to those people who strive for per- sonal superiority over others and introduced the term striving for success to describe actions of people who are motivated by highly developed social interest (Adler, 1956). Regardless of the motivation for striving, each individual is guided by a final goal. The Final Goal According to Adler (1956), people strive toward a final goal of either personal superi- ority or the goal of success for all humankind. In either case, the final goal is fictional and has no objective existence. Nevertheless, the final goal has great significance because it unifies personality and renders all behavior comprehensible. Each person has the power to create a personalized fictional goal, one constructed out of the raw materials provided by heredity and environment. However, the goal is nei- ther genetically nor environmentally determined. Rather, it is the product of the creative power, that is, people’s ability to freely shape their behavior and create their own person- ality. By the time children reach 4 or 5 years of age, their creative power has developed to the point that they can set their final goal. Even infants have an innate drive toward growth, completion, or success. Because infants are small, incomplete, and weak, they feel inferior and powerless. To compensate for this deficiency, they set a fictional goal to be big, complete, and strong. Thus, a person’s final goal reduces the pain of inferiority feelings and points that person in the direction of either superiority or success. If children feel neglected or pampered, their goal remains largely unconscious. Adler (1964) hypothesized that children will compensate for feelings of inferiority in devious ways that have no apparent relationship to their fictional goal. The goal of supe- riority for a pampered girl, for example, may be to make permanent her parasitic rela- tionship with her mother. As an adult, she may appear dependent and self-deprecating, and such behavior may seem inconsistent with a goal of superiority. However, it is quite consistent with her unconscious and misunderstood goal of being a parasite that she set at age 4 or 5, a time when her mother appeared large and powerful, and attachment to her became a natural means of attaining superiority. Conversely, if children experience love and security, they set a goal that is largely conscious and clearly understood. Psychologically secure children strive toward superiority defined in terms of success and social interest. Although their goal never becomes completely conscious, these healthy individuals understand and pur- sue it with a high level of awareness. In striving for their final goal, people create and pursue many preliminary goals. These subgoals are often conscious, but the connection between them and the final goal usually remains unknown. Furthermore, the relationship among preliminary  Chapter 3 Adler: Individual Psychology 79 goals is seldom realized. From the point of view of the final goal, however, they fit together in a self-consistent pattern. Adler (1956) used the analogy of the playwright who builds the characteristics and the subplots of the play according to the final goal of the drama. When the final scene is known, all dialogue and every subplot acquire new meaning. When an individual’s final goal is known, all actions make sense and each subgoal takes on new significance. The Striving Force as Compensation People strive for superiority or success as a means of compensation for feelings of infe- riority or weakness. Adler (1930) believed that all humans are “blessed” at birth with small, weak, and inferior bodies. These physical deficiencies ignite feelings of inferiority only because people, by their nature, possess an innate tendency toward completion or wholeness. People are continually pushed by the need to overcome inferiority feelings and pulled by the desire for completion. The minus and plus situations exist simultane- ously and cannot be separated because they are two dimensions of a single force. The striving force itself is innate, but its nature and direction are due both to feelings of inferiority and to the goal of superiority. Without the innate movement toward perfection, children would never feel inferior; but without feelings of inferior- ity, they would never set a goal of superiority or success. The goal, then, is set as com- pensation for the deficit feeling, but the deficit feeling would not exist unless a child first possessed a basic tendency toward completion (Adler, 1956). Although the striving for success is innate, it must be developed. At birth it exists as potentiality, not actuality; each person must actualize this potential in his or her own manner. At about age 4 or 5, children begin this process by setting a direc- tion to the striving force and by establishing a goal either of personal superiority or of social success. The goal provides guidelines for motivation, shaping psychological development and giving it an aim. As a creation of the individual, the goal may take any form. It is not necessarily a mirror image of the deficiency, even though it is a compensation for it. For example, a person with a weak body will not necessarily become a robust athlete but instead may become an artist, an actor, or a writer. Success is an individualized concept and all people formulate their own definition of it. Although creative power is swayed by the forces of heredity and environment, it is ultimately responsible for people’s personality. Heredity establishes the potentiality, whereas environment contributes to the develop- ment of social interest and courage. The forces of nature and nurture can never deprive a person of the power to set a unique goal or to choose a unique style of reaching for the goal (Adler, 1956). In his final theory, Adler identified two general avenues of striving. The first is the socially nonproductive attempt to gain personal superiority; and the second involves social interest and is aimed at success or perfection for everyone. Striving for Personal Superiority Some people strive for superiority with little or no concern for others. Their goals are personal ones, and their strivings are motivated largely by exaggerated feelings of personal inferiority, or by the presence of an inferiority complex. ­Murderers, 80 Part II Psychodynamic Theories thieves, and con artists are obvious examples of people who strive for personal gain. Some people create clever disguises for their personal striving and may consciously or unconsciously hide their self-centeredness behind the cloak of social concern. A col- lege teacher, for example, may appear to have a great interest in his students because he establishes a personal relationship with many of them. By conspicuously displaying much sympathy and concern, he encourages vulnerable students to talk to him about their personal problems. This teacher possesses a private intelligence that allows him to believe that he is the most accessible and dedicated teacher in his college. To a casual observer, he may appear to be motivated by social interest, but his actions are largely self-serving and motivated by overcompensation for his exaggerated feelings of personal superiority. Striving for Success In contrast to people who strive for personal gain are those psychologically healthy people who are motivated by social interest and the success of all humankind. These healthy individuals are concerned with goals beyond themselves, are capable of help- ing others without demanding or expecting a personal payoff, and are able to see oth- ers not as opponents but as people with whom they can cooperate for social benefit. Their own success is not gained at the expense of others but is a natural tendency to move toward completion or perfection. People who strive for success rather than personal superiority maintain a sense of self, of course, but they see daily problems from the view of society’s development rather than from a strictly personal vantage point. Their sense of personal worth is tied closely to their contributions to human society. Social progress is more impor- tant to them than personal credit (Adler, 1956). Subjective Perceptions Adler’s second tenet is: People’s subjective perceptions shape their behavior and personality. People strive for superiority or success to compensate for feelings of inferiority, but the manner in which they strive is not shaped by reality but by their subjective perceptions of reality, that is, by their fictions, or expectations of the future. Fictionalism Our most important fiction is the goal of superiority or success, a goal we created early in life and may not clearly understand. This subjective, fictional final goal guides our style of life, gives unity to our personality. Adler’s ideas on fictionalism originated with Hans Vaihinger’s book The Philosophy of “As If” (1911/1925). Vaihinger believed that fictions are ideas that have no real existence, yet they influence people as if they really existed. One example of a fiction might be: “Men are superior to women.” Although this notion is a fiction, many people, both men and women, act as if it were a reality. A second example might be: “Humans have a free will that enables them to make choices.” Again, many people act as if they and others have a free will and are thus responsible for their choices. No one can prove that free will exists, yet  Chapter 3 Adler: Individual Psychology 81 this fiction guides the lives of most of us. People are motivated not by what is true but by their subjective perceptions of what is true. A third example of a fiction might be a belief in an omnipotent God who rewards good and punishes evil. Such a belief guides the daily lives of millions of people and helps shape many of their actions. Whether true or false, fictions have a powerful influence on people’s lives. Adler’s emphasis on fictions is consistent with his strongly held teleological view of motivation. Teleology is an explanation of behavior in terms of its final pur- pose or aim. It is opposed to causality, which considers behavior as springing from a specific cause. Teleology is usually concerned with future goals or ends, whereas cau- sality ordinarily deals with past experiences that produce some present effect. Freud’s view of motivation was basically causal; he believed that people are driven by past events that activate present behavior. In contrast, Adler adopted a teleological view, one in which people are motivated by present perceptions of the future. As fictions, these perceptions need not be conscious or understood. Nevertheless, they bestow a purpose on all of people’s actions and are responsible for a consistent pattern that runs throughout their life. Physical Inferiorities Because people begin life small, weak, and inferior, they develop a fiction or belief system about how to overcome these physical deficiencies and become big, strong, and superior. But even after they attain size, strength, and superiority, they may act as if they are still small, weak, and inferior. Adler (1929/1969) insisted that the whole human race is “blessed” with organ inferiorities. These physical handicaps have little or no importance by themselves but become meaningful when they stimulate subjective feelings of inferiority, which serve as an impetus toward perfection or completion. Some people compensate for these feel- ings of inferiority by moving toward psychological health and a useful style of life, whereas others overcompensate and are motivated to subdue or retreat from other people. History provides many examples of people like Demosthenes or Beethoven over- coming a handicap and making significant contributions to society. Adler himself was weak and sickly as a child, and his illness moved him to overcome death by becoming a physician and by competing with his older brother and with S ­ igmund Freud. Adler (1929/1969) emphasized that physical deficiencies alone do not cause a particular style of life; they simply provide present motivation for reaching future goals. Such motivation, like all aspects of personality, is unified and self-consistent. Unity and Self-Consistency of Personality The third tenet of Adlerian theory is: Personality is unified and self-consistent. In choosing the term individual psychology, Adler wished to stress his belief that each person is unique and indivisible. Thus, individual psychology insists on the fun- damental unity of personality and the notion that inconsistent behavior does not exist. Thoughts, feelings, and actions are all directed toward a single goal and serve a single purpose. When people behave erratically or unpredictably, their behavior forces other people to be on the defensive, to be watchful so as not to be confused by capricious actions. Although behaviors may appear inconsistent, when they are viewed from the 82 Part II Psychodynamic Theories perspective of a final goal, they appear as clever but probably unconscious attempts to confuse and subordinate other people. This confusing and seemingly inconsistent behavior gives the erratic person the upper hand in an interpersonal relationship. Although erratic people are often successful in their attempt to gain superiority over others, they usually remain unaware of their underlying motive and may stubbornly reject any suggestion that they desire superiority over other people. Adler (1956) recognized several ways in which the entire person operates with unity and self-consistency. The first of these he called organ jargon, or organ dialect. Organ Dialect According to Adler (1956), the whole person strives in a self-consistent fashion toward a single goal, and all separate actions and functions can be understood only as parts of this goal. The disturbance of one part of the body cannot be viewed in iso­ lation; it affects the entire person. In fact, the deficient organ expresses the direction of the individual’s goal, a condition known as organ dialect. Through organ dialect, the body’s organs “speak a language which is usually more expressive and discloses the individual’s opinion more clearly than words are able to do” (Adler, 1956, p. 223). One example of organ dialect might be a man suffering from rheumatoid arthritis in his hands. His stiff and deformed joints voice his whole style of life. It is as if they cry out, “See my deformity. See my handicap. You can’t expect me to do manual work.” Without an audible sound, his hands speak of his desire for sympathy from others. Adler (1956) presented another example of organ dialect—the case of a very obedient boy who wet the bed at night to send a message that he does not wish to obey parental wishes. His behavior is “really a creative expression, for the child is speaking with his bladder instead of his mouth” (p. 223). Conscious and Unconscious A second example of a unified personality is the harmony between conscious and unconscious actions. Adler (1956) defined the unconscious as that part of the goal that is neither clearly formulated nor completely understood by an individual. With this definition, Adler avoided a dichotomy between the unconscious and the con- scious, which he saw as two cooperating parts of the same unified system. Conscious thoughts are those that are understood and regarded by the individual as helpful in striving for success, whereas unconscious thoughts are those that are not helpful. We cannot oppose “consciousness” to “unconsciousness” as if they were antagonistic halves of an individual’s existence. The conscious life becomes unconscious as soon as we fail to understand it—and as soon as we understand an unconscious tendency it has already become conscious. (Adler, 1929/1964, p. 163) Whether people’s behaviors lead to a healthy or an unhealthy style of life depends on the degree of social interest that they developed during their childhood years. Social Interest The fourth of Adler’s tenets is: The value of all human activity must be seen from the viewpoint of social interest.  Chapter 3 Adler: Individual Psychology 83 Social interest is Adler’s somewhat misleading translation of his original ­ erman term, Gemeinschaftsgefühl. A better translation might be “social feeling” or G “community feeling,” but Gemeinschaftsgefühl actually has a meaning that is not fully expressed by any English word or phrase. Roughly, it means a feeling of oneness with all humanity; it implies membership in the social community of all people. A person with well-developed Gemeinschaftsgefühl strives not for personal superiority but for perfection for all people in an ideal community. Social interest can be defined as an attitude of relatedness with humanity in general as well as an empathy for each mem- ber of the human community. It manifests itself as cooperation with others for social advancement rather than for personal gain (Adler, 1964). Social interest is the natural condition of the human species and the adhesive that binds society together (Adler, 1927). The natural inferiority of individuals neces- sitates their joining together to form a society. Without protection and nourishment from a father or mother, a baby would perish. Without protection from the family or clan, our ancestors would have been destroyed by animals that were stronger, more ferocious, or endowed with keener senses. Social interest, therefore, is a necessity for perpetuating the human species. Origins of Social Interest Social interest is rooted as potentiality in everyone, but it must be developed before it can contribute to a useful style of life. It originates from the mother–child relation- ship during the early months of infancy. Every person who has survived infancy was kept alive by a mothering person who possessed some amount of social interest. Thus, every person has had the seeds of social interest sown during those early months. Both mother and father can contribute powerfully to the developing social interest of their children. Purestock/SuperStock 84 Part II Psychodynamic Theories Adler believed that marriage and parenthood is a task for two. However, the two parents may influence a child’s social interest in somewhat different ways. The mother’s job is to develop a bond that encourages the child’s mature social inter- est and fosters a sense of cooperation. Ideally, she should have a genuine and deep- rooted love for her child—a love that is centered on the child’s well-being, not on her own needs or wants. This healthy love relationship develops from a true caring for her child, her husband, and other people. If the mother has learned to give and receive love from others, she will have little difficulty broadening her child’s social inter- est. But if she favors the child over the father, her child may become pampered and spoiled. Conversely, if she favors her husband or society, the child will feel neglected and unloved. The father is the second important person in a child’s social environment. He must demonstrate a caring attitude toward his wife as well as to other people. The ideal father cooperates on an equal footing with the child’s mother in caring for the child and treating the child as a human being. According to Adler’s (1956) stan- dards, a successful father avoids the dual errors of emotional detachment and paternal authoritarianism. These errors may represent two attitudes, but they are often found in the same father. Both prevent the growth and spread of social interest in a child. A father’s emotional detachment may influence the child to develop a warped sense of social interest, a feeling of neglect, and possibly a parasitic attachment to the mother. A child who experiences paternal detachment creates a goal of personal superiority rather than one based on social interest. The second error—paternal authoritarianism— may also lead to an unhealthy style of life. A child who sees the father as a tyrant learns to strive for power and personal superiority. Adler (1956) believed that the effects of the early social environment are extremely important. The relationship a child has with the mother and the father is so powerful that it smothers the effects of heredity. Adler believed that after age 5, the effects of heredity become blurred by the powerful influence of the child’s social envi- ronment. By that time, environmental forces have modified or shaped nearly every aspect of a child’s personality. Importance of Social Interest Social interest was Adler’s yardstick for measuring psychological health and is thus “the sole criterion of human values” (Adler, 1927, p. 167). To Adler, social inter- est is the only gauge to be used in judging the worth of a person. As the barom- eter of normality, it is the standard to be used in determining the usefulness of a life. To the degree that people possess social interest, they are psychologically mature. Immature people lack Gemeinschaftsgef ühl, are self-centered, and strive for personal power and superiority over others. Healthy individuals are genuinely con- cerned about people and have a goal of success that encompasses the well-being of all people. Social interest is not synonymous with charity and unselfishness. Acts of philan- thropy and kindness may or may not be motivated by Gemeinschaftsgefühl. A wealthy woman may regularly give large sums of money to the poor and needy, not because she feels a oneness with them, but, quite to the contrary, because she wishes to main- tain a separateness from them. The gift implies, “You are inferior, I am superior, and  Chapter 3 Adler: Individual Psychology 85 Final goal Final goal dimly perceived clearly perceived Personal superiority Success Personal gain Social interest Exaggerated feelings Normal feelings of incompletion Feelings of inferiority Physical deficiencies Innate striving force FIGURE 3.1 Two Basic Methods of Striving toward the Final Goal. this charity is proof of my superiority.” Adler believed that the worth of all such acts can only be judged against the criterion of social interest. In summary, people begin life with a basic striving force that is activated by ever-present physical deficiencies. These organic weaknesses lead inevitably to feelings of inferiority. Thus, all people possess feelings of inferiority, and all set a final goal at around age 4 or 5. However, psychologically unhealthy individuals develop exaggerated feelings of inferiority and attempt to compensate by setting a goal of personal superiority. They are motivated by personal gain rather than by social interest, whereas healthy people are motivated by normal feelings of incom- pleteness and high levels of social interest. They strive toward the goal of success, defined in terms of perfection and completion for everyone. Figure 3.1 illustrates how the innate striving force combines with inevitable physical deficiencies to pro- duce universal feelings of inferiority, which can be either exaggerated or normal. Exaggerated feelings of inferiority lead to a neurotic style of life, whereas normal feelings of incompletion result in a healthy style of life. Whether a person forms a useless style of life or a socially useful one depends on how that person views these inevitable feelings of inferiority. Style of Life Adler’s fifth tenet is: The self-consistent personality structure develops into a person’s style of life. Style of life is the term Adler used to refer to the flavor of a person’s life. It includes a person’s goal, self-concept, feelings for others, and attitude toward the world. It is the product of the interaction of heredity, environment, and a person’s cre- ative power. Adler (1956) used a musical analogy to elucidate style of life. The separate 86 Part II Psychodynamic Theories notes of a composition are meaningless without the entire melody, but the melody takes on added significance when we recognize the composer’s style or unique manner of expression. A person’s style of life is fairly well established by age 4 or 5. After that time, all our actions revolve around our unified style of life. Although the final goal is sin- gular, style of life need not be narrow or rigid. Psychologically unhealthy individuals often lead rather inflexible lives that are marked by an inability to choose new ways of reacting to their environment. In contrast, psychologically healthy people behave in diverse and flexible ways with styles of life that are complex, enriched, and changing. Healthy people see many ways of striving for success and continually seek to create new options for themselves. Even though their final goal remains constant, the way in which they perceive it continually changes. Thus, they can choose new options at any point in life. People with a healthy, socially useful style of life express their social inter- est through action. They actively struggle to solve what Adler regarded as the three major problems of life—neighborly love, sexual love, and occupation—and they do so through cooperation, personal courage, and a willingness to make a contribution to the welfare of another. Adler (1956) believed that people with a socially useful style of life represent the highest form of humanity in the evolutionary process and are likely to populate the world of the future. Creative Power The final tenet of Adlerian theory is: Style of life is molded by people’s creative power. Each person, Adler believed, is empowered with the freedom to create her or his own style of life. Ultimately, all people are responsible for who they are and how they behave. Their creative power places them in control of their own lives, is respon- sible for their final goal, determines their method of striving for that goal, and contrib- utes to the development of social interest. In short, creative power makes each person a free individual. Creative power is a dynamic concept implying movement, and this movement is the most salient characteristic of life. All psychic life involves movement toward a goal, movement with a direction (Adler, 1964). Adler (1956) acknowledged the importance of heredity and environment in forming personality. Except for identical twins, every child is born with a unique genetic makeup and soon comes to have social experiences different from those of any other human. People, however, are much more than a product of heredity and environment. They are creative beings who not only react to their environment but also act on it and cause it to react to them. Each person uses heredity and environment as the bricks and mortar to build personality, but the architectural design reflects that person’s own style. Of primary importance is not what people have been given, but how they put those materials to use. The building materials of personality are secondary. We are our own architect and can build either a useful or a useless style of life. We can choose to construct a gaudy façade or to expose the essence of the structure. We are not compelled to grow in the direction of social interest, inasmuch as we have no inner nature that forces us to be good. Conversely, we have no inherently evil nature from which we must escape. We are who we are because of the use we have made of our bricks and mortar.  Chapter 3 Adler: Individual Psychology 87 Adler (1929/1964) used an interesting analogy, which he called “the law of the low doorway.” If you are trying to walk through a doorway four feet high, you have two basic choices. First, you can use your creative power to bend down as you approach the doorway, thereby successfully solving the problem. This is the manner in which a psychologically healthy individual solves most of his or her life’s problems. Conversely, if you bump your head and fall back, you must still solve the problem correctly or continue bumping your head. Neurotics often choose to bump their head on the realities of life. When approaching the low doorway, you are neither compelled to stoop nor forced to bump your head. You have a creative power that permits you to follow either course. Abnormal Development Adler believed that people are what they make of themselves. The creative power endows humans, within certain limits, with the freedom to be either psychologically healthy or unhealthy and to follow either a useful or useless style of life. General Description According to Adler (1956), the one factor underlying all types of maladjustments is underdeveloped social interest. Besides lacking social interest, neurotics tend to (1) set their goals too high, (2) live in their own private world, and (3) have a rigid and dog- matic style of life. These three characteristics follow inevitably from a lack of social interest. In short, people become failures in life because they are overconcerned with themselves and care little about others. Maladjusted people set extravagant goals as an overcompensation for exaggerated feelings of inferiority. These lofty goals lead to dogmatic behavior, and the higher the goal, the more rigid the striving. To compen- sate for deeply rooted feelings of inadequacy and basic insecurity, these individuals narrow their perspective and strive compulsively and rigidly for unrealistic goals. The exaggerated and unrealistic nature of neurotics’ goals sets them apart from the community of other people. They approach the problems of friendship, sex, and occupation from a personal angle that precludes successful solutions. Their view of the world is not in focus with that of other individuals and they possess what Adler (1956) called “private meaning” (p. 156). These people find everyday living to be hard work, requiring great effort. Adler (1929/1964) used an analogy to describe how these people go through life. In a certain popular music hall, the “strong” man comes on and lifts an enormous weight with care and intense difficulty. Then, during the hearty applause of the audience, a child comes in and gives away the fraud by carrying the dummy weight off with one hand. There are plenty of neurotics who swindle us with such weights, and who are adepts at appearing overburdened. They could really dance with the load under which they stagger. (p. 91) External Factors in Maladjustment Why do some people create maladjustments? Adler (1964) recognized three contribut- ing factors, any one of which is sufficient to contribute to abnormality: (1) exaggerated physical deficiencies, (2) a pampered style of life, and (3) a neglected style of life. 88 Part II Psychodynamic Theories Exaggerated Physical Deficiencies Exaggerated physical deficiencies, whether congenital or the result of injury or dis- ease, are not sufficient to lead to maladjustment. They must be accompanied by accentuated feelings of inferiority. These subjective feelings may be greatly encour- aged by a defective body, but they are the progeny of the creative power. Each person comes into the world “blessed” with physical deficiencies, and these deficiencies lead to feelings of inferiority. People with exaggerated physical defi- ciencies sometimes develop exaggerated feelings of inferiority because they overcom- pensate for their inadequacy. They tend to be overly concerned with themselves and lack consideration for others. They feel as if they are living in enemy country, fear defeat more than they desire success, and are convinced that life’s major problems can be solved only in a selfish manner (Adler, 1927). Pampered Style of Life A pampered style of life lies at the heart of most neuroses. Pampered people have weak social interest but a strong desire to perpetuate the pampered, parasitic rela- tionship they originally had with one or both of their parents. They expect others to look after them, overprotect them, and satisfy their needs. They are characterized by extreme discouragement, indecisiveness, oversensitivity, impatience, and exaggerated emotion, especially anxiety. They see the world with private vision and believe that they are entitled to be first in everything (Adler, 1927, 1964). Pampered children have not received too much love; rather, they feel unloved. Their parents have demonstrated a lack of love by doing too much for them and by treating them as if they were incapable of solving their own problems. Because these children feel pampered and spoiled, they develop a pampered style of life. Pampered children may also feel neglected. Having been protected by a doting parent, they are fearful when separated from that parent. Whenever they must fend for themselves, they feel left out, mistreated, and neglected. These experiences add to the pampered child’s stockpile of inferiority feelings. Neglected Style of Life The third external factor contributing to maladjustment is neglect. Children who feel unloved and unwanted are likely to borrow heavily from these feelings in cre- ating a neglected style of life. Neglect is a relative concept. No one feels totally neglected or completely unwanted. The fact that a child survived infancy is proof that someone cared for that child and that the seed of social interest has been planted (Adler, 1927). Abused and mistreated children develop little social interest and tend to cre- ate a neglected style of life. They have little confidence in themselves and tend to overestimate difficulties connected with life’s major problems. They are distrustful of other people and are unable to cooperate for the common welfare. They see society as enemy country, feel alienated from all other people, and experience a strong sense of envy toward the success of others. Neglected children have many of the character- istics of pampered ones, but generally they are more suspicious and more likely to be dangerous to others (Adler, 1927).  Chapter 3 Adler: Individual Psychology 89 Safeguarding Tendencies Adler believed that people create patterns of behavior to protect their exagger- ated sense of self-esteem against public disgrace. These protective devices, called ­safeguarding tendencies, enable people to hide their inflated self-image and to main- tain their current style of life. Adler’s concept of safeguarding tendencies can be compared to Freud’s con- cept of defense mechanisms. Basic to both is the idea that symptoms are formed as a protection against anxiety. However, there are important differences between the two concepts. Freudian defense mechanisms operate unconsciously to protect the ego against anxiety, whereas Adlerian safeguarding tendencies are largely conscious and shield a person’s fragile self-esteem from public disgrace. Also, Freud’s defense mech- anisms are common to everyone, but Adler (1956) discussed safeguarding tendencies only with reference to the construction of neurotic symptoms. Excuses, aggression, and withdrawal are the three common safeguarding tendencies, each designed to pro- tect a person’s present style of life and to maintain a fictional, elevated feeling of self- importance (Adler, 1964). Excuses The most common of the safeguarding tendencies are excuses, which are typically expressed in the “Yes, but” or “If only” format. In the “Yes, but” excuse, people first state what they claim they would like to do—something that sounds good to others— then they follow with an excuse. A woman might say, “Yes, I would like to go to college, but my children demand too much of my attention.” An executive explains, “Yes, I agree with your proposal, but company policy will not allow it.” The “If only” statement is the same excuse phrased in a different way. “If only my husband were more supportive, I would have advanced faster in my profession.” “If only I did not have this physical deficiency, I could compete successfully for a job.” These excuses protect a weak—but artificially inflated—sense of self-worth and deceive people into believing that they are more superior than they really are (Adler, 1956). Aggression Another common safeguarding tendency is aggression. Adler (1956) held that some people use aggression to safeguard their exaggerated superiority complex, that is, to protect their fragile self-esteem. Safeguarding through aggression may take the form of depreciation, accusation, or self-accusation. Depreciation is the tendency to undervalue other people’s achievements and to overvalue one’s own. This safeguarding tendency is evident in such aggressive behav- iors as criticism and gossip. “The only reason Kenneth got the job I applied for is because he is an African American.” “If you look closely, you’ll notice that Jill works hardest at avoiding work.” The intention behind each act of depreciation is to belittle another so that the person, by comparison, will be placed in a favorable light. Accusation, the second form of an aggressive safeguarding device, is the tendency to blame others for one’s failures and to seek revenge, thereby safeguarding one’s own tenuous self-esteem. “I wanted to be an artist, but my parents forced me to go to medi- cal school. Now I have a job that makes me miserable.” Adler (1956) believed that 90 Part II Psychodynamic Theories there is an element of aggressive accusation in all unhealthy lifestyles. Unhealthy peo- ple invariably act to cause the people around them to suffer more than they do. The third form of neurotic aggression, self-accusation, is marked by self-torture and guilt. Some people use self-torture, including masochism, depression, and suicide, as means of hurting people who are close to them. Guilt is often aggressive, self-accusatory behavior. “I feel distressed because I wasn’t nicer to my grandmother while she was still living. Now, it’s too late.” Self-accusation is the converse of depreciation, although both are aimed toward gaining personal superiority. With depreciation, people who feel inferior devalue oth- ers to make themselves look good. With self-accusation, people devalue themselves in order to inflict suffering on others while protecting their own magnified feelings of self-esteem (Adler, 1956). Withdrawal Personality development can be halted when people run away from difficulties. Adler referred to this tendency as withdrawal, or safeguarding through distance. Some peo- ple unconsciously escape life’s problems by setting up a distance between themselves and those problems. Adler (1956) recognized four modes of safeguarding through withdrawal: (1) moving backward, (2) standing still, (3) hesitating, and (4) constructing ­obstacles. Moving backward is the tendency to safeguard one’s fictional goal of superiority by psychologically reverting to a more secure period of life. Moving backward is simi- lar to Freud’s concept of regression in that both involve attempts to return to earlier, more comfortable phases of life. Whereas regression takes place unconsciously and protects people against anxiety-filled experiences, moving backward may sometimes be conscious and is directed at maintaining an inflated goal of superiority. Moving backward is designed to elicit sympathy, the deleterious attitude offered so generously to pampered children. Psychological distance can also be created by standing still. This withdrawal tendency is similar to moving backward but, in general, it is not as severe. People who stand still simply do not move in any direction; thus, they avoid all their responsibili- ties by ensuring themselves against any threat of failure. They safeguard their fictional aspirations because they never do anything to prove that they cannot accomplish their goals. A person who never applies to graduate school can never be denied entrance; a child who shies away from other children will not be rejected by them. By doing noth- ing, people safeguard their self-esteem and protect themselves against failure. Closely related to standing still is hesitating. Some people hesitate or vacillate when faced with difficult problems. Their procrastinations eventually give them the excuse “It’s too late now.” Adler believed that most compulsive behaviors are attempts to waste time. Compulsive hand washing, retracing one’s steps, behaving in an obses- sive orderly manner, destroying work already begun, and leaving work unfinished are examples of hesitation. Although hesitating may appear to other people to be self- defeating, it allows neurotic individuals to preserve their inflated sense of self-esteem. The least severe of the withdrawal safeguarding tendencies is constructing obstacles. Some people build a straw house to show that they can knock it down. By overcoming the obstacle, they protect their self-esteem and their prestige. If they fail to hurdle the barrier, they can always resort to an excuse.  Chapter 3 Adler: Individual Psychology 91 In summary, safeguarding tendencies are found in nearly everyone, but when they become overly rigid, they lead to self-defeating behaviors. Overly sensitive people create safeguarding tendencies to buffer their fear of disgrace, to eliminate their exag- gerated inferiority feelings, and to attain self-esteem. However, safeguarding tendencies are self-defeating because their built-in goals of self-interest and personal superiority actually block them from securing authentic feelings of self-esteem. Many people fail to realize that their self-esteem would be better safeguarded if they gave up their self- interest and developed a genuine caring for other people. Adler’s idea of safeguarding tendencies and Freud’s notion of defense mechanisms are compared in Table 3.1. Masculine Protest In contrast to Freud, Adler (1930, 1956) believed that the psychic life of women is essentially the same as that of men and that a male-dominated society is not natural but rather an artificial product of historical development. According to Adler, cul- tural and social practices—not anatomy—influence many men and women to overem- phasize the importance of being manly, a condition he called the masculine protest. Origins of the Masculine Protest In many societies, both men and women place an inferior value on being a woman. Boys are frequently taught early that being masculine means being courageous, strong, and dominant. The epitome of success for boys is to win, to be powerful, and to be on top. In contrast, girls often learn to be passive and to accept an inferior position in society. TABLE 3.1 Comparison of Safeguarding Tendencies with Defense Mechanisms Adler’s Safeguarding Tendencies Freud’s Defense Mechanisms 1. Limited mostly to the construction of 1. Found in everyone a neurotic style of life 2. Protect the ego from the pain of 2. Protect the person’s fragile self- anxiety esteem from public disgrace 3. Operate only on an unconscious level 3. Can be partly conscious 4. Common types include: 4. Common types include: A. repression A. excuses B. reaction formation B. aggression C. displacement (1) depreciation D. fixation (2) accusation E. regression (3) self-accusation F. projection C. withdrawal G. introjection (1) moving backward H. sublimation (2) standing still (3) hesitating (4) constructing obstacles 92 Part II Psychodynamic Theories Some women fight against their feminine roles, developing a masculine orienta- tion and becoming assertive and competitive; others revolt by adopting a passive role, becoming exceedingly helpless and obedient; still others become resigned to the belief that they are inferior human beings, acknowledging men’s privileged position by shifting responsibilities to them. Each of these modes of adjustment results from cultural and social influences, not from the inherent psychic differences between the two genders. Adler, Freud, and the Masculine Protest In the previous chapter we saw that Freud (1924/1961) believed that “anatomy is destiny” (p. 178), and that he regarded women as the “‘dark continent’ for psychol- ogy” (Freud 1926/1959b, p. 212). Moreover, near the end of his life, he was still asking, “What does a woman want?” (E. Jones, 1955, p. 421). According to Adler, these attitudes toward women would be evidence of a person with a strong masculine protest. In contrast to Freud’s views on women, Adler assumed that women—because they have the same physiological and psychological needs as men—want more or less the same things that men want. These opposing views on femininity were magnified in the women Freud and Adler chose to marry. Martha Bernays Freud was a subservient housewife dedicated to her children and husband, but she had no interest in her husband’s professional work. In contrast, Raissa Epstein Adler was an intensely independent woman who abhorred the traditional domestic role, preferring a politically active career. During the early years of their marriage, Raissa and Alfred Adler had somewhat compatible political views, but in time, these views diverged. Alfred became more of a capitalist, advocating personal responsibility, while Raissa became involved in the dangerous Communist politics of her native Russia. Such independence pleased Adler, who was as much a feminist as his strong-willed wife. Applications of Individual Psychology We have divided the practical applications of individual psychology into four areas: (1) family constellation, (2) early recollections, (3) dreams, and (4) psychotherapy. Family Constellation In therapy, Adler almost always asked patients about their family constellation, that is, their birth order, the gender of their siblings, and the age spread between them. Although people’s perception of the situation into which they were born is more impor- tant than numerical rank, Adler did form some general hypotheses about birth order. Firstborn children, according to Adler (1931), are likely to have intensified feelings of power and superiority, high anxiety, and overprotective tendencies. (Recall that Freud was his mother’s firstborn child.) Firstborn children occupy a unique posi- tion, being an only child for a time and then experiencing a traumatic dethronement when a younger sibling is born. This event dramatically changes the situation and the child’s view of the world. If firstborn children are age 3 or older when a baby brother or sister is born, they incorporate this dethronement into a previously established style of life. If they  Chapter 3 Adler: Individual Psychology 93 have already developed a self-centered style of life, they likely will feel hostility and resentment toward the new baby, but if they have formed a cooperating style, they will eventually adopt this same attitude toward the new sibling. If firstborn children are less than 3 years old, their hostility and resentment will be largely unconscious, which makes these attitudes more resistant to change in later life. According to Adler, secondborn children (such as himself) begin life in a bet- ter situation for developing cooperation and social interest. To some extent, the per- sonalities of secondborn children are shaped by their perception of the older child’s attitude toward them. If this attitude is one of extreme hostility and vengeance, the second child may become highly competitive or overly discouraged. The typical sec- ond child, however, does not develop in either of these two directions. Instead, the secondborn child matures toward moderate competitiveness, having a healthy desire to overtake the older rival. If some success is achieved, the child is likely to develop a revolutionary attitude and feel that any authority can be challenged. Again, children’s interpretations are more important than their chronological position. Youngest children, Adler believed, are often the most pampered and, conse- quently, run a high risk of being problem children. They are likely to have strong feel- ings of inferiority and to lack a sense of independence. Nevertheless, they possess many advantages. They are often highly motivated to exceed older siblings and to become the fastest runner, the best musician, the most skilled athlete, or the most ambitious student. Only children are in a unique position of competing, not against brothers and sisters, but against father and mother. Living in an adult world, they often develop an exaggerated sense of superiority and an inflated self-concept. Adler (1931) stated that Siblings may feel superior or inferior and may adopt different attitudes toward the world depending in part on their order of birth. Design Pics/Don Hammond 94 Part II Psychodynamic Theories TABLE 3.2 Adler’s View of Some Possible Traits by Birth Order Positive Traits Negative Traits Oldest Child Nurturing and protective of others Highly anxious Good organizer Exaggerated feelings of power Unconscious hostility Fights for acceptance Must always be “right,” whereas others are always “wrong” Highly critical of others Uncooperative Second Child Highly motivated Highly competitive Cooperative Easily discouraged Moderately competitive Youngest Child Realistically ambitious Pampered style of life Dependent on others Wants to excel in everything Unrealistically ambitious Only Child Socially mature Exaggerated feelings of superiority Low feelings of cooperation Inflated sense of self Pampered style of life only children may lack well-developed feelings of cooperation and social interest, pos- sess a parasitic attitude, and expect other people to pamper and protect them. Typical positive and negative traits of oldest, second, youngest, and only children are shown in Table 3.2. Early Recollections To gain an understanding of patients’ personality, Adler would ask them to reveal their early recollections (ERs). Although he believed that the recalled memories yield clues for understanding patients’ style of life, he did not consider these ­memories to have a causal effect. Whether the recalled experiences correspond with objective reality or are complete fantasies is of no importance. People reconstruct the events to make them consistent with a theme or pattern that runs throughout their lives. Adler (1929/1969, 1931) insisted that early recollections are always consistent with people’s present style of life and that their subjective account of these experiences  Chapter 3 Adler: Individual Psychology 95 yields clues to understanding both their final goal and their present style of life. As we saw in the chapter opening, one of Adler’s earliest recollections was of the great contrast between his brother Sigmund’s good health and his own sickly condition. If Adler’s assumption that early recollections are a valid indicator of a person’s style of life, then this memory should yield clues about Adler’s adult style of life. First, it tells us that he must have seen himself as an underdog, competing valiantly against a powerful foe. However, this early recollection also indicates that he believed he had the help of others. Receiving aid from other people would have given Adler the confidence to compete against such a powerful rival. This confidence coupled with a competitive attitude likely carried over to his relationship with Sigmund Freud, mak- ing that association tenuous from the beginning. Adler (1929/1964) presented another example of the relationship between early recollections and style of life. During therapy an outwardly successful man who greatly distrusted women reported the following early memory: “I was going with my mother and little brother to market. Suddenly it began to rain and my mother took me in her arms, and then, remembering that I was the older, she put me down and took up my younger brother” (p. 123). Adler saw that this recollection related directly to the man’s current distrust of women. Having initially gained a favorite position with his mother, he eventually lost it to his younger brother. Although others may claim to love him, they will soon withdraw their love. Note that Adler did not believe that the early childhood experiences caused the man’s current distrust of women, but rather that his current distrustful style of life shapes and colors his early recollections. Adler believed that highly anxious patients will often project their current style of life onto their memory of childhood experiences by recalling fearful and anxiety- producing events, such as being in a motor vehicle crash, losing parents either tem- porarily or permanently, or being bullied by other children. In contrast, self-confident people tend to recall memories that include pleasant relations with other people. In either case the early experience does not determine the style of life. Adler believed that the opposite was true; that is, recollections of early experiences are simply shaped by present style of life. Dreams Although dreams cannot foretell the future, they can provide clues for solving future problems. Nevertheless, the dreamer frequently does not wish to solve the problem in a productive manner. Adler (1956) reported the dream of a 35-year-old man who was considering marriage. In the dream, the man “crossed the border between Austria and Hungary, and they wanted to imprison me” (p. 361). Adler interpreted this dream to mean that the dreamer wants to come to a standstill because he would be defeated if he went on. In other words, the man wanted to limit his scope of activity and had no deep desire to change his marital status. He did not wish to be “imprisoned” by marriage. Any interpretation of this or any dream must be tentative and open to rein- terpretation. Adler (1956) applied the golden rule of individual psychology to dream work, namely, “Everything can be different” (p. 363). If one interpretation doesn’t feel right, try another. Immediately before Adler’s first trip to the United States in 1926, he had a vivid and anxious dream that related directly to his desire to spread his individual 96 Part II Psychodynamic Theories psychology to a new world and to free himself from the constraints of Freud and Vienna. The night before he was to depart for America, Adler dreamed that he was on board the ship when suddenly it capsized and sunk. All of Adler’s worldly possessions were on it and were destroyed by the raging waves. Hurled into the ocean, Adler was forced to swim for his life. Alone he thrashed and struggled through the choppy water. But through the force of will and determination, he finally reached land in safety. (Hoffman, 1994, p. 151) Adler interpreted this dream to mean that he had to muster the courage to venture into a new world and to break from old worldly possessions. Although Adler believed that he could easily interpret this dream, he contended that most dreams are self-deceptions and not easily understood by the dreamer. Dreams are disguised to deceive the dreamer, making self-interpretation difficult. The more an individual’s goal is inconsistent with reality, the more likely that person’s dreams will be used for self-deception. For example, a man may have the goal of reaching the top, being above, or becoming an important military figure. If he also possesses a dependent style of life, his ambitious goal may be expressed in dreams of being lifted onto another person’s shoulders or being shot from a cannon. The dream unveils the style of life, but it fools the dreamer by presenting him with an unrealis- tic, exaggerated sense of power and accomplishment. In contrast, a more courageous and independent person with similar lofty ambitions may dream of unaided flying or reaching a goal without help, much as Adler had done when he dreamed of escaping from a sinking ship. Psychotherapy Adlerian theory postulates that psychopathology results from lack of courage, exag- gerated feelings of inferiority, and underdeveloped social interest. Thus, the chief purpose of Adlerian psychotherapy is to enhance courage, lessen feelings of inferior- ity, and encourage social interest. This task, however, is not easy because patients struggle to hold on to their existing, comfortable view of themselves. To overcome this resistance to change, Adler would sometimes ask patients, “What would you do if I cured you immediately?” Such a question usually forced patients to examine their goals and to see that responsibility for their current misery rests with them. Adler often used the motto “Everybody can accomplish everything.” Except for certain limitations set by heredity, he strongly believed this maxim and repeatedly emphasized that what people do with what they have is more important than what they have (Adler, 1925/1968, 1956). Through the use of humor and warmth, Adler tried to increase the patient’s courage, self-esteem, and social interest. He believed that a warm, nurturing attitude by the therapist encourages patients to expand their social interest to each of the three problems of life: sexual love, friendship, and occupation. Adler innovated a unique method of therapy with problem children by treating them in front of an audience of parents, teachers, and health professionals. When children receive therapy in public, they more readily understand that their problems are community problems. Adler (1964) believed that this procedure would enhance children’s social interest by allowing them to feel that they belong to a community of concerned adults. Adler was careful not to blame the parents for a child’s misbehavior.  Chapter 3 Adler: Individual Psychology 97 Instead, he worked to win the parents’ confidence and to persuade them to change their attitudes toward the child. Although Adler was quite active in setting the goal and direction of psycho- therapy, he maintained a friendly and permissive attitude toward the patient. He established himself as a congenial coworker, refrained from moralistic preaching, and placed great value on human relationships. By cooperating with their therapists, patients establish contact with another person. The therapeutic relationship awakens their social interest in the same manner that children gain social interest from their parents. Once awakened, the patients’ social interest must spread to family, friends, and people outside the therapeutic relationship (Adler, 1956). Related Research Adlerian theory continues to generate a moderate amount of research. For example, some researchers have recently argued that using social media such as Facebook, ­Instagram, and Twitter serves the purpose of increasing Gemeinschaftsgefühl (Bluvsh- tein, Kruzic, & Massaglia, 2015). The most widely researched topics in Adler’s the- ory, however, have been birth order, early recollections, and striving for superiority. Each of these topics can provide a potentially rich source for understanding various Adlerian concepts. Birth Order, Intelligence, Academic Achievement, and Personality Although it was Charles Darwin’s cousin Francis Galton who first proposed the idea that birth order was important to life outcomes, especially career attainment, it was Adler who first had a general theory of personality that incorporated birth order. Only after Adler did psychologists systematically begin to study the effects of birth order on human personality and life outcomes. Recall that Adler’s primary predictions of birth order were that firstborn children should possess a strong feeling of superiority, be anxious, and be overprotective. Second born children, by contrast, should be more prosocial and have stronger feelings of social interest. Lastborn children, finally, due to being pampered may lack a sense of independence and instead have a heightened sense of inferiority. Unfortunately, the research on birth order and personality has always been somewhat controversial and full of contradictory findings and most of them either have not addressed the specific predictions by Adler or have found inconsistent sup- port for them. To put it simply, there is no one general finding or trend when it comes to how birth order affects our lives and our personality. Results depend on numerous factors including how outcomes are measured (academic achievement, intelligence, attitude, or personality) and what aspects of personality are measured. To start, outcomes matter. The influence that birth order has on intelligence and academic and career outcomes tends to be stronger than its influence on per- sonality. Sir Francis Galton first observed that firstborn men in 19th Century Eng- land tended to be the most eminent scientists, writers, poets, painters, musicians, and politicians, which is hardly surprising given that English society afforded firstborn (White) males an inordinate amount of privilege (Galton, 1892/2012). Research has confirmed that firstborns achieve higher educational and career outcomes, regardless 98 Part II Psychodynamic Theories of gender, than laterborns (Barclay, 2015; Booth & Kee, 2008; de Haan, 2005; Eck- stein et al., 2010; Lehmann, Nuevo-Chiquero, & Vidal-Fernandez, 2018; Paulhus, Trapnell, & Chen, 1999). An interesting study involving adopted versus non-adopted children examined the question of whether biological or social factors explained the relationship between birth order and educational attainment (Barclay, 2015). Because both adopted and non-adopted firstborns attained higher educational levels, Barclay argued this shows that the association is more social and family dynamic than biological in origin. Similarly, Lehmann and colleagues (2018) found that the birth order effect on educational attainment is due in large part to increased cognitive stimulation by the mother for firstborn children. Similarly, there is a small but consistent association showing that, regardless of gender, firstborns tend to score a few points higher than laterborns on IQ tests (Damian & Roberts, 2015; Rohrer, Eggloff, & Schmulke, 2015, 2017). To elaborate, Roher and colleagues (2015) examined more than 20,000 participants in national samples from the United States, Great Britain, and Germany and found small but robust effects with intelligence (IQ) and intellect. Intellect was measured with self- reported questions such as “I am quick to understand things,” or “I am someone who is eager for knowledge.” In another large-scale national sample, Damian and Roberts (2015) analyzed longitudinal data from more than 260,000 U.S. high school students, excluding only children and twins. They also assessed age, sex, number of siblings, family structure (two- or one-parent houses) and parental socioeconomic sta- tus to rule those variables out as explanations. Birth order was coded either as “first” or “later.” Damian and Roberts found very small to non-existent relationships (aver- age r =.02) between birth order and self-rated personality traits such as sociability, impulsivity, calmness, self-confidence, and leadership. Differences in age, gender, the family structure, socio-economic status, and the number of siblings did not affect the results. The relationship with intelligence, however, was larger but still small (average r =.08), with firstborns having slightly higher IQ scores on average than laterborns. Moreover, research into the so-called “Big Five” dimensions of personality (Extraversion, Neuroticism, Openness, Agreeableness, and Conscientiousness) and birth order consistently reports small to no relationships (Bleske-Rechek & Kelley, 2014; Damian & Roberts, 2015; Mozammil et al., 2018; Roher et al., 2015). In other words, Adler’s theory that firstborns should be highest in anxiety (Neuroticism) does not find support. A few studies, however, have supported Adler’s theory that later- born children should be more socially interested or pro-social (Paulhus et al., 1999; Salmon, Cuthbertson, & Figuerdo, 2016). Although research finds little effect of birth order on the five main dimensions of personality, other researchers have reported significant relationships with more specific aspects of personality, most notably rebelliousness (Paulhus et al., 1999). In 1996, for example, Frank Sulloway published Born to Rebel: Birth Order, Family Dynamics and Creative Lives, in which he presented an evolutionary argument for birth order effects on personality. Siblings, he argued, compete for an important and often scarce resource: parental affection and attention. Children’s success in this com- petition reflects strategies that impact their personalities, and our birth order position predicts these strategic personality traits. Lending support to Adler’s theory, Sulloway proposed that firstborns are likely to be achievement-oriented, anxious, and conform- ist whereas laterborns tend to be more adventurous, open to experience, innovative,  Chapter 3 Adler: Individual Psychology 99 and rejecting of the status quo. After all, they must find a way to earn their parent’s love that is different from their older sibling. So, “watch this, mom!” is likely to be the laterborn’s battle cry. Indeed, Sulloway’s historical analysis found that laterborn scientists were much more likely to accept radical and revolutionary new theories than firstborn scientists. The latter preferred conventional and already established theories. Other research has confirmed this finding in U.S. Supreme Court judges: firstborn U.S. judges are more rule-bound and conservative compared to laterborn judges (McGuire, 2015). In summary, research supports the general conclusion that birth order seems to matter in some outcomes more than others and in some personality traits more than others. In broad terms, birth order appears to be most related to intellectual and edu- cational/career outcomes and less to personality traits (except rebelliousness). Early Recollections and Career Choice Do early recollections predict career choice among young students? Adler believed that career choices reflect a person’s personality. “If ever I am called on for vocational guidance, I always ask the individual what he was interested in during his first years. His memories of this period show conclusively what he has trained himself for most continuously” (Adler, 1958, as quoted in Kasler & Nevo, 2005, p. 221). Researchers inspired by Adler therefore predicted that the kind of career one chooses as an adult is often reflected in one’s earliest recollections. In order to test this hypothesis, Jon Kasler and Ofra Nevo (2005) gathered earliest memories from 130 participants. These recollections were then coded by two judges on the kind of career the memory reflected. The recollections were classified using Holland’s (1973) vocational interest types, namely, Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional (see Table 3.3 for the description of these interest types). For example, an early recollection that reflects a social career interest later in life was: “I went to nursery school for the first time in my life at the age of four or five. I don’t remember my feelings that day but I went with my mother and the moment I arrived I met my first friend, a boy by the name of P. I remember a clear picture of P playing on the railings and somehow I joined him. I had fun all day” (Kasler & Nevo, 2005, p. 226). This early recollection centers around social interaction and relationships. An example of an early recollection that reflects a real- istic career interest was: “When I was a little boy, I used to like to take things apart, especially electrical appliances. One day I wanted to find out what was inside the television, so I decided to take a knife and break it open. Because I was so small I didn’t have the strength and anyway my father caught me and yelled at me” (Kasler & Nevo, 2005, p. 225). Career interest of participants was assessed by a self-report measure, the Self- Directed Search (SDS) questionnaire (Holland, 1973). The SDS measures vocational interests, which were independently categorized into the same six Holland types that early recollections were placed into. The researchers therefore had early recollections and adult career interests both classified into the six career types, and they wanted to examine whether early recollections matched career interest. Kasler and Nevo (2005) found that early recollections in childhood did match career type as an adult, at least for the three career types that were well represented 100 Part II Psychodynamic Theories TABLE 3.3 Qualities of Holland’s Six Career Types: Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional Realistic Likes to work with animals, tools, or machines; generally avoids social activities such as teaching, healing, and informing others; Has good skills in working with tools, mechanical or electrical drawings, machines, or plants and animals; Values practical things you can see, touch, and use such as plants and animals, tools, equipment, or machines; and Sees self as practical, mechanical, and realistic. Investigative Likes to study and solve math or science problems; generally avoids leading, selling, or persuading people; Is good at understanding and solving science and math problems; Values science; and Sees self as precise, scientific, and intellectual. Artistic Likes to do creative activities such as art, drama, crafts, dance, music, or creative writing; generally avoids highly ordered or repetitive activities; Has good artistic abilities—in creative writing, drama, crafts, music, or art; Values the creative arts—such as drama, music, art, or the works of creative writers; and Sees self as expressive, original, and independent. Social Likes to do things to help people—such as teaching, nursing, or giving first aid, providing information; generally avoids using machines, tools, or animals to achieve a goal; Is good at teaching, counseling, nursing, or giving information; Values helping people and solving social problems; and Sees self as helpful, friendly, and trustworthy. Enterprising Likes to lead and persuade people, and to sell things and ideas; generally avoids activities that require careful observation and scientific, analytical thinking; Is good at leading people and selling things or ideas; Values success in politics, leadership, or business; and Sees self as energetic, ambitious, and sociable. Conventional Likes to work with numbers, records, or machines in a set, orderly way; generally avoids ambiguous, unstructured activities; Is good at working with written records and numbers in a systematic, orderly way; Values success in business; and Sees self as orderly, and good at following a set plan.  Chapter 3 Adler: Individual Psychology 101 in their sample (Realistic, Artistic, and Social). The general direction of a partici- pant’s career path could be identified from themes seen in early recollections. These vignettes are consistent with Alder’s view of early recollections and demonstrate how style of life may relate to occupational choice. Finally, Adlerian-based career counselors have developed an interview that asks about early life role models, movie and book interests, hobbies, and recollections that aid counselors in guiding people toward careers that match their personality and style of life (Taber & Biddick, 2011). Distinguishing Narcissism as Striving for Superiority versus Self-Esteem as Striving for Success Named after the Greek myth of Narcissus, a hunter who fell in love with his own reflec- tion in a pool of water, narcissism was discussed by Freud and many other theorists, and today this construct is operationalized in psychology via narcissism scales. High scores on such scales tend to reveal a personality that feels superior to others and feels entitled to prestige and admiration from others. Adler has been credited with mak- ing an important contribution to our understanding of narcissism (Ansbacher, 1985). The historical record shows that Adler’s idea of the “masculine protest” significantly influenced Freud’s theorizing ­regarding narcissism. Furthermore, Adler’s personality theory provided a foundation for our modern understanding that a narcissist is some- one who lacks social interest. For a narcissist, and for someone whom Adler believed is driven by a striv- ing for personal superiority, others’ welfare is of little to no concern. Such a person’s striving is centered around being acknowledged as better than everyone else, to be “the best.” But is this just healthy esteem seeking? There is a common belief that narcissism is simply an exaggerated form of high self-esteem. Don’t all people wish to win? Indeed moder