Theories of Personality 7th Edition Feist-Feist PDF

 Psychology Theories of Personality 7th Edition Feist−Feist McGraw-Hill =>? McGraw−Hill Primis ISBN−10: 0−39−043533−3 ISBN−13: 978−0−39−043533−0 Text: Theories of Personality, Seventh Edition Feist−Feist  T...

 Psychology Theories of Personality 7th Edition Feist−Feist McGraw-Hill =>? McGraw−Hill Primis ISBN−10: 0−39−043533−3 ISBN−13: 978−0−39−043533−0 Text: Theories of Personality, Seventh Edition Feist−Feist  This book was printed on recycled paper. Psychology http://www.primisonline.com Copyright ©2008 by The McGraw−Hill Companies, Inc. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Except as permitted under the United States Copyright Act of 1976, no part of this publication may be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means, or stored in a database or retrieval system, without prior written permission of the publisher. This McGraw−Hill Primis text may include materials submitted to McGraw−Hill for publication by the instructor of this course. The instructor is solely responsible for the editorial content of such materials. 111 PSYCGEN ISBN−10: 0−39−043533−3 ISBN−13: 978−0−39−043533−0  Psychology Contents Feist−Feist Theories of Personality, Seventh Edition Front Matter 2 Preface 2 I. Introduction 7 Introduction 7 1. Introduction to Personality Theory 8 II. Psychodynamic Theories 21 Introduction 21 2. Freud: Psychoanalysis 22 3. Adler: Individual Psychology 70 4. Jung: Analytical Psychology 103 5. Klein: Object Relations Theory 141 6. Horney: Psychoanalytic Social Theory 168 7. Fromm: Humanistic Psychoanalysis 192 8. Sullivan: Interpersonal Theory 218 9. Erikson: Post−Freudian Theory 248 III. Humanistic/Existential Theories 279 Introduction 279 10. Maslow: Holistic Dynamic Theory 280 11. Rogers: Person−Centered Theory 314 12. May: Existential Psychology 347 IV. Dispositional Theories 379 Introduction 379 13. Allport: Psychology of the Individual 380 14. Eysenck, McCrae, and Costa’s Trait and Factor Theories 406 V. Learning Theories 445 Introduction 445 15. Skinner: Behavioral Analysis 446 16. Bandura: Social Cognitive Theory 483 17. Rotter and Mischel: Cognitive Social Learning Theory 515 18. Kelly: Psychology of Personal Constructs 553 iii Back Matter 581 References 581 Glossary 603 Photo Credits 619 Name Index 621 Subject Index 627 iv This page intentionally left blank  2 Feist−Feist: Theories of Front Matter Preface © The McGraw−Hill Personality, Seventh Companies, 2009 Edition Preface What makes people behave as they do? Are people ordinarily aware of what they are doing, or are their be- haviors the result of hidden, unconscious motives? Are some people naturally good and others basically evil? Or do all people have potential to be either good or evil? Is human conduct largely a product of nature, or is it shaped mostly by environmental influences? Can people freely choose to mold their personality, or are their lives determined by forces beyond their control? Are people best described by their similarities, or is unique- ness the dominant characteristic of humans? What causes some people to develop disordered personalities whereas others seem to grow toward psychological health? These questions have been asked and debated by philosophers, scholars, and religious thinkers for sev- eral thousand years; but most of these discussions were based on personal opinions that were colored by po- litical, economic, religious, and social considerations. Then, near the end of the 19th century, some progress was made in humanity’s ability to organize, explain, and predict its own actions. The emergence of psychol- ogy as the scientific study of human behavior marked the beginning of a more systematic approach to the study of human personality. Early personality theorists, such as Sigmund Freud, Alfred Adler, and Carl Jung, relied mostly on clin- ical observations to construct models of human behavior. Although their data were more systematic and re- liable than those of earlier observers, these theorists continued to rely on their own individualized way of looking at things, and thus they arrived at different conceptions of the nature of humanity. Later personality theorists tended to use more empirical studies to learn about human behavior. These the- orists developed tentative models, tested hypotheses, and then reformulated their models. In other words, they applied the tools of scientific inquiry and scientific theory to the area of human personality. Science, of course, is not divorced from speculation, imagination, and creativity, all of which are needed to formulate theories. Each of the personality theorists discussed in this book has evolved a theory based both on empirical observa- tions and on imaginative speculation. Moreover, each theory is a reflection of the personality of its creator. Thus, the different theories discussed in these pages are a reflection of the unique cultural background, family experiences, and professional training of their originators. The usefulness of each theory, however, is not evaluated on the personality of its author but on its ability to (1) generate research, (2) offer itself to fal- sification, (3) integrate existing empirical knowledge, and (4) suggest practical answers to everyday prob- lems. Therefore, we evaluate each of the theories discussed in this book on the basis of these four criteria as well as on (5) its internal consistency and (6) its simplicity. In addition, some personality theories have fer- tilized other fields, such as sociology, education, psychotherapy, advertising, management, mythology, coun- seling, art, literature, and religion.
The Seventh Edition The seventh edition of Theories of Personality continues to emphasize the strong and unique features of earlier editions, namely the overviews near the beginning of each chapter, a lively writing style, the thought-provoking concepts of humanity as seen by each theorist, and the structured evaluations of xiv Feist−Feist: Theories of Front Matter Preface © The McGraw−Hill 3 Personality, Seventh Companies, 2009 Edition Preface xv each theory. Annotated suggested readings are available online on the book’s website at www.mhhe.com/feist7 to facilitate online research. As were the previous editions, the seventh edition is based on original sources and the most recent formulation of each theory. Early concepts and models are included only if they retained their importance in the later theory or if they provided vital groundwork for understanding the final theory. For select chapters, we have developed a Web-enhanced feature titled Beyond Biography, which is directly linked to additional information on the book’s website at www.mhhe.com/feist7. The seventh edition of Theories of Personality uses clear, concise, and comprehensible language as well as an informal writing style. The book is designed for undergraduate students and should be understood by those with a minimum background in psychology. However, we have tried not to oversimplify or violate the theorist’s original meaning. We have made ample comparisons between and among theorists where ap- propriate and have included many examples to illustrate how the different theories can be applied to ordinary day-to-day situations. A glossary at the end of the book contains definitions of technical terms. These same terms also appear in boldface within the text. The present edition continues to provide comprehensive coverage of the most influential theorists of personality. It emphasizes normal personality, although we have also included brief discussions on ab- normality, as well as methods of psychotherapy, when appropriate. Because each theory is an expression of its builder’s unique view of the world and of humanity, we include ample biographical information of each theorist so that readers will have an opportunity to become acquainted with both the theory and the theorist. What’s New? As in the sixth edition, we have reorganized Theories of Personality to conform more to the historical and conceptual nature of the theories. After the introductory Chapter 1, we present the psychodynamic theories of Sigmund Freud, Alfred Adler, Carl Jung, Melanie Klein, Karen Horney, Erich Fromm, Harry Stack Sulli- van, and Erik Erikson. These theories are now followed by the humanistic/existential theories of Abraham Maslow, Carl Rogers, and Rollo May. Next are the dispositional theories of Gordon Allport, Hans Eysenck, and Robert McCrae and Paul Costa, Jr. The final group of chapters include the behavioral and social learn- ing theories of B. F. Skinner, Albert Bandura, Julian Rotter, Walter Mischel, and George Kelly, although Kelly’s theory nearly defies categorization. This new organization gives the reader a better view of the chronology and development of personality theories. In addition to this reorganization, we made changes that more accurately reflect the theory’s meaning or update the research testing the scientific status of the theory. For example, in the chapter on Klein and ob- ject relations we changed “fantasies” to “phantasies” because Klein was clear she wanted to use the term in a unique way. Moreover, we made several changes that maintain the challenging and informative yet reader- friendly nature of this text. Most noticeably, we have added half a chapter of new material on the Big Five trait theory of Robert McCrae and Paul Costa, Jr. This five-trait approach has recently evolved from a tax- onomy to a full-fledged theory. The primary changes in the seventh edition involve updating the related research that examines each of the major theories. For example, for Fromm’s theory we have added new research that examines the bur- den of freedom and political persuasions; for Maslow we added current research on positive psychology and personality development, growth, and goals; for Skinner we now include research on reinforcement and the brain; for McCrae and Costa we summarize the most current research on the Big Five dimensions and emo- tions; and for Bandura we have updated the related research section with new findings on self-efficacy and terrorism and on self-efficacy and diabetes.  4 Feist−Feist: Theories of Front Matter Preface © The McGraw−Hill Personality, Seventh Companies, 2009 Edition xvi Preface
Supplementary Materials For Instructors Instructor’s Manual and Test Bank The Instructor’s Manual accompanying this book includes learning objectives, a lecture outline, teaching sug- gestions, essay questions, and a test bank of multiple-choice items. The learning objectives are designed to pro- vide instructors with concepts that should be important to the student. The lecture outline is intended to help busy instructors organize lecture notes and grasp quickly the major ideas of each chapter. With some general famil- iarity with a particular theory, instructors should be able to lecture directly from the lecture outline. Teaching sug- gestions reflect class activities and paper topics that the authors have used successfully with their students. The Instructor’s Manual is available on the password-protected side of the book’s website (www.mhhe.com/feist7). In the Test Bank, we have included three or four essay questions and answers from each chapter for in- structors who prefer this type of student evaluation. For those who prefer multiple-choice questions, we have provided a test bank with nearly 1,500 items, each marked with the correct answer. The test items are avail- able in Word files and in computerized format on the password-protected side of the book’s website (www.mhhe.com/feist7). For Instructors and Students Online Learning Center This extensive website, designed specifically to accompany Feist and Feist’s Theories of Personality, seventh edition, offers an array of resources for both instructors and students. For students, the Online Learning Cen- ter (OLC) contains multiple-choice, essay, and true-false questions for each chapter, a Beyond Biography section that further explores the backgrounds of the many theorists presented in the text, suggested readings for each chapter, and many other helpful learning tools. The OLC also includes the Study Guide. For in- structors, there is a password-protected website that provides access to the Instructor’s Manual. Please go to www.mhhe.com/feist7 to access the Online Learning Center. For Students Study Guide By Jess Feist Students who wish to organize their study methods and enhance their chances of achieving their best scores on class quizzes may access the free study guide for the seventh edition of Theories of Personality online at www.mhhe.com/feist7. This study guide includes learning objectives and chapter summaries. In addition, it con- tains a variety of test items, including fill-in-the-blanks, true-false, multiple-choice, and short-answer questions.
Acknowledgments Finally, we wish to acknowledge our gratitude to the many people who have contributed to the completion of this book. First of all, we want to acknowledge and thank Chad Burton, who helped in summarizing and writing the new material for all updated related research sections. We are also grateful for the valuable help Feist−Feist: Theories of Front Matter Preface © The McGraw−Hill 5 Personality, Seventh Companies, 2009 Edition Preface xvii given by those people who reviewed earlier editions of Theories of Personality. Their evaluations and sug- gestions helped greatly in the preparation of this new edition. These reviewers include the following: Robert J. Drummond, University of North Florida; Lena K. Ericksen, Western Washington University; Charles S. Johnson, William Rainey Harper College; Alan Lipman, George Washington University; John Phelan, Eric Rettinger, Elizabeth Rellinger, Evert Community College; Linda Sayers, Richard Stockton College of New Jersey; Mark E. Sibicky, Marietta College; Connie Veldink, Illinois College; Dennis Wanamaker; Kevin Simpson, Concordia University; Lisa Lockhart, Texas A&M University–Kingsville; Natalie Denburg, University of Iowa Hospitals and Clinics; Kristine Anthis, Southern Connecticut State University; Eros DeSouza, Illinois State University; Yozan D. Mosig, University of Nebraska–Kearney. In addition, we are also grateful to the following reviewers whose feedback helped to shape the sev- enth edition: Angie Fournier, Virginia Wesleyan College; Atara Mcnamara, Boise State University; Randi Smith, Metro State College of Denver; and Myra Spindel, Florida International University–Miami. We appreciate the strong support we have had from our publisher. We would like to express our spe- cial thanks to Beth Mejia, publisher; Mike Sugarman, executive editor; Dawn Groundwater, director of de- velopment; Meghan Campbell, managing editor; and Jillian Allison, editorial coordinator. We are also indebted to Albert Bandura for his helpful comments on the chapter dealing with social cognitive theory. We also wish to thank these other personality theorists for taking time to discuss appropri- ate sections of earlier editions of this book: Albert Bandura, Hans J. Eysenck (deceased), Robert McCrae, Paul T. Costa, Jr., Carl R. Rogers (deceased), Julian B. Rotter, and B. F. Skinner (deceased). Finally, we thank Mary Jo Feist, Linda Brannon, and Erika Rosenberg for their emotional support and other important contributions. As always, we welcome and appreciate comments from readers, which help us continue to improve Theories of Personality. Jess Feist Lake Charles, LA Gregory J. Feist Oakland, CA This page intentionally left blank Feist−Feist: Theories of I. Introduction Introduction © The McGraw−Hill 7 Personality, Seventh Companies, 2009 Edition PA R T O N E Introduction Chapter 1 Introduction to Personality Theory 2 1  8 Feist−Feist: Theories of I. Introduction 1. Introduction to © The McGraw−Hill Personality, Seventh Personality Theory Companies, 2009 Edition CHAPTER 1 Introduction to Personality Theory B What Is Personality? B What Is a Theory? Theory Defined Theory and Its Relatives Why Different Theories? Theorists’ Personalities and Their Theories of Personality What Makes a Theory Useful? B Dimensions for a Concept of Humanity B Research in Personality Theory B Key Terms and Concepts 2 Feist−Feist: Theories of I. Introduction 1. Introduction to © The McGraw−Hill 9 Personality, Seventh Personality Theory Companies, 2009 Edition Chapter 1 Introduction to Personality Theory 3 hy do people behave as they do? Do people have some choice in shaping their W own personality? What accounts for similarities and differences among peo- ple? What makes people act in predictable ways? Why are they unpredictable? Do hidden, unconscious forces control people’s behavior? What causes mental distur- bances? Is human behavior shaped more by heredity or by environment? For centuries, philosophers, theologians, and other thinkers have asked these questions as they pondered the nature of human nature—or even wondered whether humans have a basic nature. Until relatively recent times, great thinkers made little progress in finding satisfactory answers to these questions. A little more than 100 years ago, however, Sigmund Freud began to combine philosophical speculations with a primitive scientific method. As a neurologist trained in science, Freud began to listen to his patients to find out what hidden conflicts lay behind their assortment of symptoms. “Listening became, for Freud, more than an art; it became a method, a privileged road to knowledge that his patients mapped out for him” (Gay, 1988, p. 70). Freud’s method gradually became more scientific as he formulated hypotheses and checked their plausibility against his clinical experiences. From this combina- tion of speculation and clinical evidence, Freud evolved the first modern theory of personality. Later, a number of other men and women developed theories of person- ality—some were based largely on philosophical speculation; others, mainly on em- pirical evidence, but all used some combination of the two. Indeed, this chapter shows that a useful theory should be founded on both scientific evidence and con- trolled, imaginative speculation. What Is Personality? Psychologists differ among themselves as to the meaning of personality. Most agree that the word “personality” originated from the Latin persona, which referred to a theatrical mask worn by Roman actors in Greek dramas. These ancient Roman ac- tors wore a mask (persona) to project a role or false appearance. This surface view of personality, of course, is not an acceptable definition. When psychologists use the term “personality,” they are referring to something more than the role people play. However, personality theorists have not agreed on a single definition of per- sonality. Indeed, they evolved unique and vital theories because they lacked agree- ment as to the nature of humanity, and because each saw personality from an indi- vidual reference point. The personality theorists discussed in this book have had a variety of backgrounds. Some were born in Europe and lived their entire lives there; others were born in Europe, but migrated to other parts of the world, especially the United States; still others were born in North America and remained there. Many were influenced by early religious experiences; others were not. Most, but not all, have been trained in either psychiatry or psychology. Many have drawn on their ex- periences as psychotherapists; others have relied more on empirical research to gather data on human personality. Although they have all dealt in some way with what we call personality, each has approached this global concept from a different perspective. Some have tried to construct a comprehensive theory; others have been less ambitious and have dealt with only a few aspects of personality. Few personal- ity theorists have formally defined personality, but all have had their own view of it.  10 Feist−Feist: Theories of I. Introduction 1. Introduction to © The McGraw−Hill Personality, Seventh Personality Theory Companies, 2009 Edition 4 Part I Introduction No two people, not even identical twins, have exactly the same personalities. Although no single definition is acceptable to all personality theorists, we can say that personality is a pattern of relatively permanent traits and unique character- istics that give both consistency and individuality to a person’s behavior. Traits con- tribute to individual differences in behavior, consistency of behavior over time, and stability of behavior across situations. Traits may be unique, common to some group, or shared by the entire species, but their pattern is different for each individual. Thus each person, though like others in some ways, has a unique personality. Character- istics are unique qualities of an individual that include such attributes as tempera- ment, physique, and intelligence. What Is a Theory? The word “theory” has the dubious distinction of being one of the most misused and misunderstood words in the English language. Some people contrast theory to truth or fact, but such an antithesis demonstrates a fundamental lack of understanding of all three terms. In science, theories are tools used to generate research and organize observations, but neither “truth” nor “fact” has a place in a scientific terminology. Theory Defined A scientific theory is a set of related assumptions that allows scientists to use logi- cal deductive reasoning to formulate testable hypotheses. This definition needs fur- ther explanation. First, a theory is a set of assumptions. A single assumption can Feist−Feist: Theories of I. Introduction 1. Introduction to © The McGraw−Hill 11 Personality, Seventh Personality Theory Companies, 2009 Edition Chapter 1 Introduction to Personality Theory 5 never fill all the requirements of an adequate theory. A single assumption, for exam- ple, could not serve to integrate several observations, something a useful theory should do. Second, a theory is a set of related assumptions. Isolated assumptions can nei- ther generate meaningful hypotheses nor possess internal consistency—two criteria of a useful theory. A third key word in the definition is assumptions. The components of a theory are not proven facts in the sense that their validity has been absolutely established. They are, however, accepted as if they were true. This is a practical step, taken so that scientists can conduct useful research, the results of which continue to build and re- shape the original theory. Fourth, logical deductive reasoning is used by the researcher to formulate hy- potheses. The tenets of a theory must be stated with sufficient precision and logical consistency to permit scientists to deduce clearly stated hypotheses. The hypotheses are not components of the theory, but flow from it. It is the job of an imaginative sci- entist to begin with the general theory and, through deductive reasoning, arrive at a particular hypothesis that can be tested. If the general theoretical propositions are il- logical, they remain sterile and incapable of generating hypotheses. Moreover, if a researcher uses faulty logic in deducing hypotheses, the resulting research will be meaningless and will make no contribution to the ongoing process of theory con- struction. The final part of the definition includes the qualifier testable. Unless a hypoth- esis can be tested in some way, it is worthless. The hypothesis need not be tested im- mediately, but it must suggest the possibility that scientists in the future might de- velop the necessary means to test it. Theory and Its Relatives People sometimes confuse theory with philosophy, or speculation, or hypothesis, or taxonomy. Although theory is related to each of these concepts, it is not the same as any of them. Philosophy First, theory is related to philosophy, but it is a much narrower term. Philosophy means love of wisdom, and philosophers are people who pursue wisdom through thinking and reasoning. Philosophers are not scientists; they do not ordinarily con- duct controlled studies in their pursuit of wisdom. Philosophy encompasses several branches, one of which is epistemology, or the nature of knowledge. Theory relates most closely to this branch of philosophy, because it is a tool used by scientists in their pursuit of knowledge. Theories do not deal with “oughts” and “shoulds.” Therefore, a set of princi- ples about how one should live one’s life cannot be a theory. Such principles involve values and are the proper concern of philosophy. Although theories are not free of values, they are built on scientific evidence that has been obtained in a relatively un- biased fashion. Thus, there are no theories on why society should help homeless peo- ple or on what constitutes great art. Philosophy deals with what ought to be or what should be; theory does not. Theory deals with broad sets of if-then statements, but the goodness or badness of  12 Feist−Feist: Theories of I. Introduction 1. Introduction to © The McGraw−Hill Personality, Seventh Personality Theory Companies, 2009 Edition 6 Part I Introduction the outcomes of these statements is beyond the realm of theory. For example, a the- ory might tell us that if children are brought up in isolation, completely separated from human contact, then they will not develop human language, exhibit parenting behavior, and so on. But this statement says nothing about the morality of such a method of child rearing. Speculation Second, theories rely on speculation, but they are much more than mere armchair speculation. They do not flow forth from the mind of a great thinker isolated from empirical observations. They are closely tied to empirically gathered data and to science. What is the relationship between theory and science? Science is the branch of study concerned with observation and classification of data and with the verification of general laws through the testing of hypotheses. Theories are useful tools employed by scientists to give meaning and organization to observations. In addition, theories provide fertile ground for producing testable hypotheses. Without some kind of the- ory to hold observations together and to point to directions of possible research, sci- ence would be greatly handicapped. Theories are not useless fantasies fabricated by impractical scholars fearful of soiling their hands in the machinery of scientific investigation. In fact, theories them- selves are quite practical and are essential to the advancement of any science. Spec- ulation and empirical observation are the two essential cornerstones of theory build- ing, but speculation must not run rampantly in advance of controlled observation. Hypothesis Although theory is a narrower concept than philosophy, it is a broader term than hy- pothesis. A good theory is capable of generating many hypotheses. A hypothesis is an educated guess or prediction specific enough for its validity to be tested through the use of the scientific method. A theory is too general to lend itself to direct veri- fication, but a single comprehensive theory is capable of generating thousands of hy- potheses. Hypotheses, then, are more specific than the theories that give them birth. The offspring, however, should not be confused with the parent. Of course, a close relationship exists between a theory and a hypothesis. Using deductive reasoning (going from the general to the specific), a scientific investigator can derive testable hypotheses from a useful theory and then test these hypotheses. The results of these tests—whether they support or contradict the hypotheses—feed back into the theory. Using inductive reasoning (going from the specific to the gen- eral), the investigator then alters the theory to reflect these results. As the theory grows and changes, other hypotheses can be drawn from it, and when tested they in turn reshape the theory. Taxonomy A taxonomy is a classification of things according to their natural relationships. Tax- onomies are essential to the development of a science because without classification of data science could not grow. Mere classification, however, does not constitute a Feist−Feist: Theories of I. Introduction 1. Introduction to © The McGraw−Hill 13 Personality, Seventh Personality Theory Companies, 2009 Edition Chapter 1 Introduction to Personality Theory 7 theory. However, taxonomies can evolve into theories when they begin to generate testable hypotheses and to explain research findings. For example, Robert McCrae and Paul Costa began their research by classifying people into five stable personal- ity traits. Eventually, this research on the Big Five taxonomy led to more than a mere classification; it became a theory, capable of suggesting hypotheses and offering ex- planations for research results. Why Different Theories? If theories of personality are truly scientific, why do we have so many different ones? Alternate theories exist because the very nature of a theory allows the theorist to make speculations from a particular point of view. Theorists must be as objective as possible when gathering data, but their decisions as to what data are collected and how these data are interpreted are personal ones. Theories are not immutable laws; they are built, not on proven facts, but on assumptions that are subject to individual interpretation. All theories are a reflection of their authors’ personal backgrounds, childhood experiences, philosophy of life, interpersonal relationships, and unique manner of looking at the world. Because observations are colored by the individual observer’s frame of reference, it follows that there may be many diverse theories. Nevertheless, divergent theories can be useful. The usefulness of a theory does not depend on its commonsense value or on its agreement with other theories; rather, it depends on its ability to generate research and to explain research data and other observations. Theorists’ Personalities and Their Theories of Personality Because personality theories grow from theorists’ own personalities, a study of those personalities is appropriate. In recent years a subdiscipline of psychology called psy- chology of science has begun to look at personal traits of scientists. The psychology of science studies both science and the behavior of scientists; that is, it investigates the im- pact of an individual scientist’s psychological processes and personal characteristics on the development of her or his scientific theories and research (Feist, 1993, 1994, 2006; Feist & Gorman, 1998; Gholson, Shadish, Neimeyer, & Houts, 1989). In other words, the psychology of science examines how scientists’ personalities, cognitive processes, developmental histories, and social experience affect the kind of science they conduct and the theories they create. Indeed, a number of investigators (Hart, 1982; Johnson, Germer, Efran, & Overton, 1988; Simonton, 2000; Zachar & Leong, 1992) have demonstrated that personality differences influence one’s theoretical orientation as well as one’s inclination to lean toward the “hard” or “soft” side of a discipline. An understanding of theories of personality rests on information regarding the historical, social, and psychological worlds of each theorist at the time of his or her theorizing. Because we believe that personality theories reflect the theorist’s person- ality, we have included a substantial amount of biographical information on each major theorist. Indeed, personality differences among theorists account for funda- mental disagreements between those who lean toward the quantitative side of psy- chology (behaviorists, social learning theorists, and trait theorists) and those inclined  14 Feist−Feist: Theories of I. Introduction 1. Introduction to © The McGraw−Hill Personality, Seventh Personality Theory Companies, 2009 Edition 8 Part I Introduction toward the clinical and qualitative side of psychology (psychoanalysts, humanists, and existentialists). Although a theorist’s personality partially shapes his or her theory, it should not be the sole determinant of that theory. Likewise, your acceptance of one or an- other theory should not rest only on your personal values and predilections. When evaluating and choosing a theory, you should acknowledge the impact of the theo- rist’s personal history on the theory, but you should ultimately evaluate it on the basis of scientific criteria that are independent of that personal history. Some observers (Feist, 2006; Feist & Gorman, 1998) have distinguished between science as process and science as product. The scientific process may be influenced by the personal characteristics of the scientist, but the ultimate usefulness of the scientific product is and must be evaluated independently of the process. Thus, your evaluation of each of the theories presented in this book should rest more on objective criteria than on your subjective likes and dislikes. What Makes a Theory Useful? A useful theory has a mutual and dynamic interaction with research data. First, a the- ory generates a number of hypotheses that can be investigated through research, thus yielding research data. These data flow back into the theory and restructure it. From this newly contoured theory, scientists can extract other hypotheses, leading to more research and additional data, which in turn reshape and enlarge the theory even more. This cyclic relationship continues for as long as the theory proves useful. Second, a useful theory organizes research data into a meaningful structure and provides an explanation for the results of scientific research. This relationship between theory and research data is shown in Figure 1.1. When a theory is no longer able to generate additional research or to explain related research data, it loses its usefulness and is set aside in favor of a more useful one. In addition to sparking research and explaining research data, a useful theory must lend itself to confirmation or disconfirmation, provide the practitioner with a guide to action, be consistent with itself, and be as simple as possible. Therefore, we have evaluated each of the theories presented in this book on the basis of six cri- teria: A useful theory (1) generates research, (2) is falsifiable, (3) organizes data, (4) guides action, (5) is internally consistent, and (6) is parsimonious. Generates Research The most important criterion of a useful theory is its ability to stimulate and guide further research. Without an adequate theory to point the way, many of science’s pres- ent empirical findings would have remained undiscovered. In astronomy, for example, the planet Neptune was discovered because the theory of motion generated the hy- pothesis that the irregularity in the path of Uranus must be caused by the presence of another planet. Useful theory provided astronomers with a road map that guided their search for and discovery of the new planet. A useful theory will generate two different kinds of research: descriptive re- search and hypothesis testing. Descriptive research, which can expand an existing theory, is concerned with the measurement, labeling, and categorization of the units employed in theory building. Descriptive research has a symbiotic relationship with Feist−Feist: Theories of I. Introduction 1. Introduction to © The McGraw−Hill 15 Personality, Seventh Personality Theory Companies, 2009 Edition Chapter 1 Introduction to Personality Theory 9 Hypothesis Theory Research m The ea o ni ry ory ng gi to ves the da ta pe ha s re ata D Research data FIGURE 1.1 The Interaction among Theory, Hypotheses, Research, and Research Data. theory. On one hand, it provides the building blocks for the theory, and on the other, it receives its impetus from the dynamic, expanding theory. The more useful the the- ory, the more research generated by it; the greater the amount of descriptive research, the more complete the theory. The second kind of research generated by a useful theory, hypothesis testing, leads to an indirect verification of the usefulness of the theory. As we have noted, a useful theory will generate many hypotheses that, when tested, add to a database that may reshape and enlarge the theory. (Refer again to Figure 1.1.) Is Falsifiable A theory must also be evaluated on its ability to be confirmed or disconfirmed; that is, it must be falsifiable. To be falsifiable, a theory must be precise enough to sug- gest research that may either support or fail to support its major tenets. If a theory is so vague and nebulous that both positive and negative research results can be inter- preted as support, then that theory is not falsifiable and ceases to be useful. Falsifia- bility, however, is not the same as false; it simply means that negative research re- sults will refute the theory and force the theorist to either discard it or modify it. A falsifiable theory is accountable to experimental results. Figure 1.1 depicts a circular and mutually reinforcing connection between theory and research; each forms a basis for the other. Science is distinguished from nonscience by its ability to reject ideas that are not supported empirically even though they seem logical and ra- tional. For example, Aristotle used logic to argue that lighter bodies fall at slower rates than heavier bodies. Although his argument may have agreed with “common sense,” it had one problem: It was empirically wrong. Theories that rely heavily on unobservable transformations in the unconscious are exceedingly difficult to either verify or falsify. For example, Freud’s theory  16 Feist−Feist: Theories of I. Introduction 1. Introduction to © The McGraw−Hill Personality, Seventh Personality Theory Companies, 2009 Edition 10 Part I Introduction suggests that many of our emotions and behaviors are motivated by unconscious tendencies that are directly opposite the ones we express. For instance, unconscious hate might be expressed as conscious love, or unconscious fear of one’s own homo- sexual feelings might take the form of exaggerated hostility toward homosexual in- dividuals. Because Freud’s theory allows for such transformations within the uncon- scious, it is nearly impossible to either verify or falsify. A theory that can explain everything explains nothing. Organizes Data A useful theory should also be able to organize those research data that are not in- compatible with each other. Without some organization or classification, research findings would remain isolated and meaningless. Unless data are organized into some intelligible framework, scientists are left with no clear direction to follow in the pursuit of further knowledge. They cannot ask intelligent questions without a the- oretical framework that organizes their information. Without intelligent questions, further research is severely curtailed. A useful theory of personality must be capable of integrating what is currently known about human behavior and personality development. It must be able to shape as many bits of information as possible into a meaningful arrangement. If a person- ality theory does not offer a reasonable explanation of at least some kinds of behav- ior, it ceases to be useful. Guides Action A fourth criterion of a useful theory is its ability to guide the practitioner over the rough course of day-to-day problems. For example, parents, teachers, business man- agers, and psychotherapists are confronted continually with an avalanche of ques- tions for which they try to find workable answers. Good theory provides a structure for finding many of those answers. Without a useful theory, practitioners would stumble in the darkness of trial and error techniques; with a sound theoretical orien- tation, they can discern a suitable course of action. For the Freudian psychoanalyst and the Rogerian counselor, answers to the same question would be very different. To the question “How can I best treat this pa- tient?” the psychoanalytic therapist might answer along these lines: If psychoneuroses are caused by childhood sexual conflicts that have become unconscious, then I can help this patient best by delving into these repressions and allowing the patient to re- live the experiences in the absence of conflict. To the same question, the Rogerian therapist might answer: If, in order to grow psychologically, people need empathy, unconditional positive regard, and a relationship with a congruent therapist, then I can best help this client by providing an accepting, nonthreatening atmosphere. No- tice that both therapists constructed their answers in an if-then framework, even though the two answers call for very different courses of action. Also included in this criterion is the extent to which the theory stimulates thought and action in other disciplines, such as art, literature (including movies and television dramas), law, sociology, philosophy, religion, education, business admin- istration, and psychotherapy. Most of the theories discussed in this book have had some influence in areas beyond psychology. For example, Freud’s theory has Feist−Feist: Theories of I. Introduction 1. Introduction to © The McGraw−Hill 17 Personality, Seventh Personality Theory Companies, 2009 Edition Chapter 1 Introduction to Personality Theory 11 prompted research on recovered memories, a topic very important to the legal pro- fession. Also, Carl Jung’s theory is of great interest to many theologians and has cap- tured the imagination of popular writers such as Joseph Campbell and others. Simi- larly, the ideas of Alfred Adler, Erik Erikson, B. F. Skinner, Abraham Maslow, Carl Rogers, Rollo May, and other personality theorists have sparked interest and action in a broad range of scholarly fields. Is Internally Consistent A useful theory need not be consistent with other theories, but it must be consistent with itself. An internally consistent theory is one whose components are logically compatible. Its limitations of scope are carefully defined and it does not offer expla- nations that lie beyond that scope. Also, an internally consistent theory uses lan- guage in a consistent manner; that is, it does not use the same term to mean two different things, nor does it use two separate terms to refer to the same concept. A good theory will use concepts and terms that have been clearly and opera- tionally defined. An operational definition is one that defines units in terms of ob- servable events or behaviors that can be measured. For example, an extravert can be operationally defined as any person who attains a predetermined score on a particu- lar personality inventory. Is Parsimonious When two theories are equal in their ability to generate research, be falsified, give meaning to data, guide the practitioner, and be self-consistent, the simpler one is pre- ferred. This is the law of parsimony. In fact, of course, two theories are never ex- actly equal in these other abilities, but in general, simple, straightforward theories are more useful than ones that bog down under the weight of complicated concepts and esoteric language. In building a theory of personality, psychologists should begin on a limited scale and avoid sweeping generalizations that attempt to explain all of human be- havior. That course of action was followed by most of the theorists discussed in this book. For example, Freud began with a theory based largely on hysterical neuroses and, over a period of years, gradually expanded it to include more and more of the total personality. Dimensions for a Concept of Humanity Personality theories differ on basic issues concerning the nature of humanity. Each personality theory reflects its author’s assumptions about humanity. These as- sumptions rest on several broad dimensions that separate the various personality theorists. We use six of these dimensions as a framework for viewing each theorist’s concept of humanity. The first dimension is determinism versus free choice. Are people’s behaviors determined by forces over which they have no control, or can people choose to be  18 Feist−Feist: Theories of I. Introduction 1. Introduction to © The McGraw−Hill Personality, Seventh Personality Theory Companies, 2009 Edition 12 Part I Introduction what they wish to be? Can behavior be partially free and partially determined at the same time? Although the dimension of determinism versus free will is more philosophical than scientific, the position theorists take on this issue shapes their way of looking at people and colors their concept of humanity. A second issue is one of pessimism versus optimism. Are people doomed to live miserable, conflicted, and troubled lives, or can they change and grow into psychologically healthy, happy, fully functioning human beings? In general, per- sonality theorists who believe in determinism tend to be pessimistic (Skinner was a notable exception), whereas those who believe in free choice are usually opti- mistic. A third dimension for viewing a theorist’s concept of humanity is causality versus teleology. Briefly, causality holds that behavior is a function of past experi- ences, whereas teleology is an explanation of behavior in terms of future goals or purposes. Do people act as they do because of what has happened to them in the past, or do they act as they do because they have certain expectations of what will happen in the future? A fourth consideration that divides personality theorists is their attitude to- ward conscious versus unconscious determinants of behavior. Are people ordinarily aware of what they are doing and why they are doing it, or do unconscious forces impinge on them and drive them to act without awareness of these underlying forces? The fifth question is one of biological versus social influences on personality. Are people mostly creatures of biology, or are their personalities shaped largely by their social relationships? A more specific element of this issue is heredity versus environment; that is, are personal characteristics more the result of heredity, or are they environmentally determined? A sixth issue is uniqueness versus similarities. Is the salient feature of people their individuality, or is it their common characteristics? Should the study of per- sonality concentrate on those traits that make people alike, or should it look at those traits that make people different? These and other basic issues that separate personality theorists have resulted in truly different personality theories, not merely differences in terminology. We could not erase the differences among personality theories by adopting a common language. The differences are philosophical and deep-seated. Each personality the- ory reflects the individual personality of its creator, and each creator has a unique philosophical orientation, shaped in part by early childhood experiences, birth order, gender, training, education, and pattern of interpersonal relationships. These differences help determine whether a theorist will be deterministic or a believer in free choice, will be pessimistic or optimistic, will adopt a causal explanation or a teleological one. They also help determine whether the theorist emphasizes con- sciousness or unconsciousness, biological or social factors, uniqueness or similari- ties of people. These differences do not, however, negate the possibility that two theorists with opposing views of humanity can be equally scientific in their data gathering and theory building. Feist−Feist: Theories of I. Introduction 1. Introduction to © The McGraw−Hill 19 Personality, Seventh Personality Theory Companies, 2009 Edition Chapter 1 Introduction to Personality Theory 13 Research in Personality Theory As we pointed out earlier, the primary criterion for a useful theory is its ability to generate research. We also noted that theories and research data have a cyclic rela- tionship: Theory gives meaning to data, and data result from experimental research designed to test hypotheses generated by the theory. Not all data, however, flow from experimental research. Much of it comes from observations that each of us make every day. To observe simply means to notice something, to pay attention. You have been observing human personalities for nearly as long as you have been alive. You notice that some people are talkative and outgoing; others are quiet and reserved. You may have even labeled such people as extraverts and introverts. Are these labels accurate? Is one extraverted person like another? Does an extravert always act in a talkative, outgoing manner? Can all people be classified as either in- troverts or extraverts? In making observations and asking questions, you are doing some of the same things psychologists do, that is, observing human behaviors and trying to make sense of these observations. However, psychologists, like other scientists, try to be sys- tematic so that their predictions will be consistent and accurate. To improve their ability to predict, personality psychologists have developed a number of assessment techniques, including personality inventories. Much of the re- search reported in the remaining chapters of this book has relied on various assess- ment procedures, which purport to measure different dimensions of personality. For these instruments to be useful they must be both reliable and valid. The reliability of a measuring instrument is the extent to which it yields consistent results. Personality inventories may be reliable and yet lack validity or accuracy. Va- lidity is the degree to which an instrument measures what it is supposed to measure. Personality psychologists are primarily concerned with two types of validity—con- struct validity and predictive validity. Construct validity is the extent to which an in- strument measures some hypothetical construct. Constructs such as extraversion, ag- gressiveness, intelligence, and emotional stability have no physical existence; they are hypothetical constructs that should relate to observable behavior. Three impor- tant types of construct validity are convergent validity, divergent validity, and dis- criminant validity. A measuring instrument has convergent construct validity to the extent that scores on that instrument correlate highly (converge) with scores on a va- riety of valid measures of that same construct. For example, a personality inventory that attempts to measure extraversion should correlate with other measures of extra- version or other factors such as sociability and assertiveness that are known to clus- ter together with extraversion. An inventory has divergent construct validity if it has low or insignificant correlations with other inventories that do not measure that con- struct. For example, an inventory purporting to measure extraversion should not be highly correlated with social desirability, emotional stability, honesty, or self-esteem. Finally, an inventory has discriminant validity if it discriminates between two groups of people known to be different. For example, a personality inventory measuring ex- traversion should yield higher scores for people known to be extraverted than for people known to be introverted. A second dimension of validity is predictive validity, or the extent that a test predicts some future behavior. For example, a test of extraversion has predictive  20 Feist−Feist: Theories of I. Introduction 1. Introduction to © The McGraw−Hill Personality, Seventh Personality Theory Companies, 2009 Edition 14 Part I Introduction validity if it correlates with future behaviors, such as smoking cigarettes, perform- ing well on scholastic achievement tests, taking risks, or any other independent cri- terion. The ultimate value of any measuring instrument is the degree to which it can predict some future behavior or condition. Most of the early personality theorists did not use standardized assessment in- ventories. Although Freud, Adler, and Jung all developed some form of projective tool, none of them used the technique with sufficient precision to establish its relia- bility and validity. However, the theories of Freud, Adler, and Jung have spawned a number of standardized personality inventories as researchers and clinicians have sought to measure units of personality proposed by those theorists. Later personal- ity theorists, especially Julian Rotter, Hans Eysenck, and the Five-Factor Theorists have developed and used a number of personality measures and have relied heavily on them in constructing their theoretical models. Key Terms and Concepts The term “personality” comes from the Latin persona, or the mask that people present to the outside world, but psychologists see personality as much more than outward appearances. Personality includes all those relatively permanent traits or characteristics that render some consistency to a person’s behavior. A theory is a set of related assumptions that allows scientists to formulate testable hypotheses. Theory should not be confused with philosophy, speculation, hypothesis, or taxonomy, although it is related to each of these terms. Six criteria determine the usefulness of a scientific theory: (1) Does the theory generate research? (2) Is it falsifiable? (3) Does it organize and explain knowledge? (4) Does it suggest practical solutions to everyday problems? (5) Is it internally consistent? and (6) Is it simple or parsimonious? Each personality theorist has had either an implicit or explicit concept of humanity. Concepts of human nature can be discussed from six perspectives: (1) determinism versus free choice, (2) pessimism versus optimism, (3) causality versus teleology, (4) conscious versus unconscious determinants, (5) biological versus social factors, and (6) uniqueness versus similarities in people. Feist−Feist: Theories of II. Psychodynamic Introduction © The McGraw−Hill 21 Personality, Seventh Theories Companies, 2009 Edition PA R T T W O Psychodynamic Theories Chapter 2 Freud Psychoanalysis 16 Chapter 3 Adler Individual Psychology 64 Chapter 4 Jung Analytical Psychology 97 Chapter 5 Klein Object Relations Theory 135 Chapter 6 Horney Psychoanalytic Social Theory 162 Chapter 7 Fromm Humanistic Psychoanalysis 186 Chapter 8 Sullivan Interpersonal Theory 212 Chapter 9 Erikson Post-Freudian Theory 242 15  22 Feist−Feist: Theories of II. Psychodynamic 2. Freud: Psychoanalysis © The McGraw−Hill Personality, Seventh Theories Companies, 2009 Edition CHAPTER 2 Freud: Psychoanalysis B Overview of Psychoanalytic Theory B Biography of Sigmund Freud B Levels of Mental Life Unconscious Preconscious Conscious B Provinces of the Mind The Id The Ego The Superego B Dynamics of Personality Drives Freud Sex Aggression Anxiety Genital Period B Defense Mechanisms Maturity Repression B Applications of Psychoanalytic Theory Reaction Formation Freud’s Early Therapeutic Technique Displacement Freud’s Later Therapeutic Technique Fixation Dream Analysis Regression Freudian Slips Projection B Related Research Introjection Unconscious Mental Processing Sublimation Pleasure and the Id: Inhibition and the Ego B Stages of Development Repression, Inhibition, and Defense Mechanisms Infantile Period Research on Dreams Oral Phase B Critique of Freud Anal Phase Did Freud Understand Women? Phallic Phase Was Freud a Scientist? Male Oedipus Complex B Concept of Humanity Female Oedipus Complex B Key Terms and Concepts Latency Period 16 Feist−Feist: Theories of II. Psychodynamic 2. Freud: Psychoanalysis © The McGraw−Hill 23 Personality, Seventh Theories Companies, 2009 Edition Chapter 2 Freud: Psychoanalysis 17 rom ancient history to the present time, people have searched for some magic F panacea or potion to lessen pain or to enhance performance. One such search was conducted by a young, ambitious physician who came to believe that he had dis- covered a drug that had all sorts of wonderful properties. Hearing that the drug had been used successfully to energize soldiers suffering from near exhaustion, this physician decided to try it on patients, colleagues, and friends. If the drug worked as well as he expected, he might gain the fame to which he aspired. After learning of the drug’s successful use in heart disease, nervous exhaus- tion, addiction to alcohol and morphine, and several other psychological and physi- ological problems, the doctor decided to try the drug on himself. He was quite pleased with the results. To him, the drug had a pleasant aroma and an unusual ef- fect on the lips and mouth. More importantly, however, was the drug’s therapeutic ef- fect on his serious depression. In a letter to his fiancée whom he had not seen in a year, he reported that during his last severe depression, he had taken small quantities of the drug with marvelous results. He wrote that the next time he saw her he would be like a wild man, feeling the effects of the drug. He also told his fiancée that he would give her small amounts of the drug, ostensibly to make her strong and to help her gain weight. The young doctor wrote a pamphlet extolling the benefits of the drug, but he had not yet completed the necessary experiments on the drug’s value as an analgesic. Impatient to be near his fiancée, he delayed completion of his experiments and went off to see her. During that visit, a colleague—and not he—completed the experi- ments, published the results, and gained the recognition the young doctor had hoped for himself. These events took place in 1884; the drug was cocaine; the young doctor was Sigmund Freud. Overview of Psychoanalytic Theory Freud, of course, was fortunate that his name did not become indelibly tied to co- caine. Instead, his name has become associated with psychoanalysis, the most fa- mous of all personality theories. What makes Freud’s theory so interesting? First, the twin cornerstones of psy- choanalysis, sex and aggression, are two subjects of continuing popularity. Second, the theory was spread beyond its Viennese origins by an ardent and dedicated group of followers, many of whom romanticized Freud as a nearly mythological and lonely hero. Third, Freud’s brilliant command of language enabled him to present his theo- ries in a stimulating and exciting manner. Freud’s understanding of human personality was based on his experiences with patients, his analysis of his own dreams, and his vast readings in the various sciences and humanities. These experiences provided the basic data for the evolution of his theories. To him, theory followed observation, and his concept of personality under- went constant revisions during the last 50 years of his life. Evolutionary though it was, Freud insisted that psychoanalysis could not be subjected to eclecticism, and disciples who deviated from his basic ideas soon found themselves personally and professionally ostracized by Freud.  24 Feist−Feist: Theories of II. Psychodynamic 2. Freud: Psychoanalysis © The McGraw−Hill Personality, Seventh Theories Companies, 2009 Edition 18 Part II Psychodynamic Theories Although Freud regarded himself primarily as a scientist, his definition of sci- ence would be somewhat different from that held by most psychologists today. Freud relied more on deductive reasoning than on rigorous research methods, and he made observations subjectively and on a relatively small sample of patients, most of whom were from the upper-middle and upper classes. He did not quantify his data, nor did he make observations under controlled conditions. He utilized the case study ap- proach almost exclusively, typically formulating hypotheses after the facts of the case were known. Biography of Sigmund Freud Sigismund (Sigmund) Freud was born either on March 6 or May 6, 1856, in Freiberg, Moravia, which is now part of the Czech Republic. (Scholars disagree on his birth date—the first date was but 8 months after the marriage of his parents.) Freud was the firstborn child of Jacob and Amalie Nathanson Freud, although his fa- ther had two grown sons, Emanuel and Philipp, from a previous marriage. Jacob and Amalie Freud had seven other children within 10 years, but Sigmund remained the favorite of his young, indulgent mother, which may have partially contributed to his lifelong self-confidence (E. Jones, 1953). A scholarly, serious-minded youth, Freud did not have a close friendship with any of his younger siblings. He did, however, enjoy a warm, indulgent relationship with his mother, leading him in later years to observe that the mother/son relationship was the most perfect, the most free from ambivalence of all human relationships (Freud, 1933/1964). When Sigmund was three, the two Freud families left Freiberg. Emanuel’s family and Philipp moved to England, and the Jacob Freud family moved first to Leipzig and then to Vienna. The Austrian capital remained Sigmund Freud’s home for nearly 80 years, until 1938 when the Nazi invasion forced him to emigrate to London, where he died on September 23, 1939. When Freud was about a year and a half old, his mother gave birth to a second son, Julius, an event that was to have a significant impact on Freud’s psychic development. Sigmund was filled with hostility toward his younger brother and harbored an unconscious wish for his death. When Julius died at 6 months of age, Sigmund was left with feelings of guilt at having caused his brother’s death. When Freud reached middle age, he began to understand that his wish did not actually cause his brother’s death and that children often have a death wish for a younger sibling. This discovery purged Freud of the guilt he had carried into adulthood and, by his own analysis, contributed to his later psychic development (Freud, 1900/1953). Freud was drawn into medicine, not because he loved medical practice, but be- cause he was intensely curious about human nature (Ellenberger, 1970). He entered the University of Vienna Medical School with no intention of practicing medicine. Instead, he preferred teaching and doing research in physiology, which he continued even after he graduated from the university’s Physiological Institute. Freud might have continued this work indefinitely had it not been for two fac- tors. First, he believed (probably with some justification) that, as a Jew, his opportu- nities for academic advancement would be limited. Second, his father, who helped finance his medical school expense, became less able to provide monetary aid. Re- Feist−Feist: Theories of II. Psychodynamic 2. Freud: Psychoanalysis © The McGraw−Hill 25 Personality, Seventh Theories Companies, 2009 Edition Chapter 2 Freud: Psychoanalysis 19 luctantly, Freud turned from his laboratory to the practice of medicine. He worked for 3 years in the General Hospital of Vienna, becoming familiar with the practice of various branches of medicine, including psychiatry and nervous diseases (Freud, 1925/1959). In 1885, he received a traveling grant from the University of Vienna and de- cided to study in Paris with the famous French neurologist Jean-Martin Charcot. He spent 4 months with Charcot, from whom he learned the hypnotic technique for treating hysteria, a disorder typically characterized by paralysis or the improper functioning of certain parts of the body. Through hypnosis, Freud became convinced of a psychogenic and sexual origin of hysterical symptoms. While still a medical student, Freud developed a close professional association and a personal friendship with Josef Breuer, a well-known Viennese physician 14 years older than Freud and a man of considerable scientific reputation (Ferris, 1997). Breuer taught Freud about catharsis, the process of removing hysterical symptoms through “talking them out.” While using catharsis, Freud gradually and laboriously discovered the free association technique, which soon replaced hypnosis as his prin- cipal therapeutic technique. From as early as adolescence, Freud literally dreamed of making a monumen- tal discovery and achieving fame (Newton, 1995). On several occasions during the 1880s and 1890s he believed he was on the verge of such a discovery. His first op- portunity to gain recognition came in 1884–1885 and involved his experiments with cocaine, which we discussed in the opening vignette. Freud’s second opportunity for achieving some measure of fame came in 1886 after he returned from Paris, where he had learned about male hysteria from Char- cot. He assumed that this knowledge would gain him respect and recognition from the Imperial Society of Physicians of Vienna, whom he mistakenly believed would be impressed by the young Dr. Freud’s knowledge of male hysteria. Early physicians Sigmund Freud with his daughter, Anna, who was a psychoanalyst in her own right.  26 Feist−Feist: Theories of II. Psychodynamic 2. Freud: Psychoanalysis © The McGraw−Hill Personality, Seventh Theories Companies, 2009 Edition 20 Part II Psychodynamic Theories had believed that hysteria was strictly a female disorder because the very word had the same origins as uterus and was the result of a “wandering womb,” with the uterus traveling throughout women’s bodies and causing various parts to malfunction. How- ever, by 1886, when Freud presented a paper on male hysteria to the Society, most physicians present were already familiar with the illness and knew that it could also be a male disorder. Because originality was expected and because Freud’s paper was a rehash of what was already known, the Viennese physicians did not respond well to the presentation. Also, Freud’s constant praise of Charcot, a Frenchman, cooled the Viennese physicians to his talk. Unfortunately, in his autobiographical study, Freud (1925/1959) told a very different story, claiming that his lecture was not well received because members of the learned society could not fathom the concept of male hysteria. Freud’s account of this incident, now known to be in error, was nev- ertheless perpetuated for years, and as Sulloway (1992) argued, it is but one of many fictions created by Freud and his followers to mythologize psychoanalysis and to make a lonely hero of its founder. Disappointed in his attempts to gain fame and afflicted with feelings (both jus- tified and otherwise) of professional opposition due to his defense of cocaine and his belief in the sexual origins of neuroses, Freud felt the need to join with a more re- spected colleague. He turned to Breuer, with whom he had worked while still a med- ical student and with whom he enjoyed a continuing personal and professional rela- tionship. Breuer had discussed in detail with Freud the case of Anna O, a young woman Freud had never met, but whom Breuer had spent many hours treating for hysteria several years earlier. Because of his rebuff by the Imperial Society of Physi- cians and his desire to establish a reputation for himself, Freud urged Breuer to col- laborate with him in publishing an account of Anna O and several other cases of hys- teria. Breuer, however, was not as eager as the younger and more revolutionary Freud to publish a full treatise on hysteria built on only a few case studies. He also could not accept Freud’s notion that childhood sexual experiences were the source of adult hysteria. Finally, and with some reluctance, Breuer agreed to publish with Freud Studies on Hysteria (Breuer & Freud, 1895/1955). In this book, Freud introduced the term “psychical analysis,” and during the following year, he began calling his ap- proach “psycho-analysis.” At about the time Studies on Hysteria was published, Freud and Breuer had a professional disagreement and became estranged personally. Freud then turned to his friend Wilhelm Fliess, a Berlin physician who served as a sounding board for Freud’s newly developing ideas. Freud’s letters to Fliess (Freud, 1985) constitute a firsthand account of the beginnings of psychoanalysis and reveal the embryonic stage of Freudian theory. Freud and Fliess had become friends in 1887, but their relationship became more intimate following Freud’s break with Breuer. During the late 1890s, Freud suffered both professional isolation and personal crises. He had begun to analyze his own dreams, and after the death of his father in 1896, he initiated the practice of analyzing himself daily. Although his self-analysis was a lifetime labor, it was especially difficult for him during the late 1890s. During this period, Freud regarded himself as his own best patient. In August of 1897, he wrote to Fliess, “the chief patient I am preoccupied with is myself.... The analysis is more difficult than any other. It is, in fact what paralyzes my psychic strength” (Freud, 1985, p. 261). Feist−Feist: Theories of II. Psychodynamic 2. Freud: Psychoanalysis © The McGraw−Hill 27 Personality, Seventh Theories Companies, 2009 Edition Chapter 2 Freud: Psychoanalysis 21 A second personal crisis was his realization that he was now middle-aged and had yet to achieve the fame he so passionately desired. During this time he had suf- fered yet another disappointment in his attempt to make a major scientific contribu- tion. Again he believed himself to be on the brink of an important breakthrough with his “discovery” that neuroses have their etiology in a child’s seduction by a parent. Freud likened this finding to the discovery of the source of the Nile. However, in 1897 he abandoned the seduction theory and once again had to postpone the discov- ery that would propel him to greatness. Why did Freud abandon his once-treasured seduction theory? In a letter dated September 21, 1897, to Wilhelm Fliess, he gave four reasons why he could no longer believe in his seduction theory. First, he said, the seduction theory had not enabled him to successfully treat even a single patient. Second, a great number of fathers, in- cluding his own, would have to be accused of sexual perversion because hysteria was quite common even among Freud’s siblings. Third, Freud believed that the uncon- scious mind could probably not distinguish reality from fiction, a belief that later evolved into the Oedipus complex. And fourth, he found that the unconscious mem- ories of advanced psychotic patients almost never revealed early childhood sexual experiences (Freud, 1985). After abandoning his seduction theory and with no Oedi- pus complex to replace it, Freud sank even more deeply into his midlife crisis. Freud’s official biographer, Ernest Jones (1953, 1955, 1957), believed that Freud suffered from a severe psychoneurosis during the late 1890s, although Max Schur (1972), Freud’s personal physician during the final decade of his life, con- tended that his illness was due to a cardiac lesion, aggravated by addiction to nico- tine. Peter Gay (1988) suggested that during the time immediately after his father’s death, Freud “relived his oedipal conflicts with peculiar ferocity” (p. 141). But Henri Ellenberger (1970) described this period in Freud’s life as a time of “creative illness,” a condition characterized by depression, neurosis, psychosomatic ailments, and an intense preoccupation with some form of creative activity. In any event, at midlife, Freud was suffering from self-doubts, depression, and an obsession with his own death. Despite these difficulties, Freud completed his greatest work, Interpretation of Dreams (1900/1953), during this period. This book, finished in 1899, was an out- growth of his self-analysis, much of which he had revealed to his friend Wilhelm Fliess. The book contained many of Freud’s own dreams, some disguised behind fic- titious names. Almost immediately after the publication of Interpretation of Dreams, his friendship with Fliess began to cool, eventually to rupture in 1903. This breakup par- alleled Freud’s earlier estrangement from Breuer, which took place almost immedi- ately after they had published Studies on Hysteria together. It was also a harbinger of his breaks with Alfred Adler, Carl Jung, and several other close associates. Why did Freud have difficulties with so many former friends? Freud himself answered this question, stating that “it is not the scientific differences that are so important; it is usually some other kind of animosity, jealousy or revenge, that gives the impulse to enmity. The scientific differences come later” (Wortis, 1954, p. 163). Although Interpretation of Dreams did not create the instant international stir Freud had hoped, it eventually gained for him the fame and recognition he had sought. In the 5-year period following its publication, Freud, now filled with renewed  28 Feist−Feist: Theories of II. Psychodynamic 2. Freud: Psychoanalysis © The McGraw−Hill Personality, Seventh Theories Companies, 2009 Edition 22 Part II Psychodynamic Theories self-confidence, wrote several important works that helped solidify the foundation of psychoanalysis, including On Dreams (1901/1953), written because Interpretation of Dreams had failed to capture much interest; Psychopathology of Everyday Life (1901/1960), which introduced the world to Freudian slips; Three Essays on the The- ory of Sexuality (1905/1953b), which established sex as the cornerstone of psycho- analysis; and Jokes and Their Relation to the Unconscious (1905/1960), which pro- posed that jokes, like dreams and Freudian slips, have an unconscious meaning. These publications helped Freud attain some local prominence in scientific and med- ical circles. In 1902, Freud invited a small group of somewhat younger Viennese physi- cians to meet in his home to discuss psychological issues. Then, in the fall of that year, these five men—Freud, Alfred Adler, Wilhelm Stekel, Max Kahane, and Rudolf Reitler—formed the Wednesday Psychological Society, with Freud as discussion leader. In 1908, this organization adopted a more formal name—the Vienna Psycho- analytic Society. In 1910, Freud and his followers founded the International Psychoanalytic As- sociation with Carl Jung of Zürich as president. Freud was attracted to Jung because of his keen intellect and also because he was neither Jewish nor Viennese. Between 1902 and 1906, all 17 of Freud’s disciples had been Jewish (Kurzweil, 1989), and Freud was interested in giving psychoanalysis a more cosmopolitan flavor. Although Jung was a welcome addition to the Freudian circle and had been designated as the “Crown Prince” and “the man of the future,” he, like Adler and Stekel before him, eventually quarreled bitterly with Freud and left the psychoanalytic movement. The seeds of disagreement between Jung and Freud were probably sown when the two men, along with Sandor Ferenczi, traveled to the United States in 1909 to deliver a series of lectures at Clark University near Boston. To pass the time during their trav- els, Freud and Jung interpreted each other’s dreams, a potentially explosive practice that eventually led to the end of their relationship in 1913 (McGuire, 1974). The years of World War I were difficult for Freud. He was cut off from com- munication with his faithful followers, his psychoanalytic practice dwindled, his home was sometimes without heat, and he and his family had little food. After the war, despite advancing years and pain suffered from 33 operations for cancer of the mouth, he made important revisions in his theory. The most significant of these were the elevation of aggression to a level equal to that of the sexual drive, the inclusion of repression as one of the defenses of the ego; and his attempt to clarify the female Oedipus complex, which he was never able to completely accomplish. What personal qualities did Freud possess? A more complete insight into his personality can be found in Breger (2000), Clark (1980), Ellenberger (1970), Ferris (1997), Gay (1988), Handlbauer (1998), Isbister (1985), E. Jones (1953, 1955, 1957), Newton (1995), Noland (1999), Roazen (1993, 1995, 2001), Silverstein (2003), Sulloway (1992), Vitz (1988), and dozens of other books on Freud’s life. Above all, Freud was a sensitive, passionate person who had the capacity for inti-