Freedom of the Press in British India PDF

Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala MODULE 1 Freedom of the press in British India or freedom of the press in pre-independence India refers to the censorship on print media during the period of British rule by the British Crown on the Indian subcontinent from...

Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala MODULE 1 Freedom of the press in British India or freedom of the press in pre-independence India refers to the censorship on print media during the period of British rule by the British Crown on the Indian subcontinent from 1858 to 1947. The British Indian press was legally protected by the set of laws such as Vernacular Press Act, Censorship of Press Act, 1799, Metcalfe Act and Indian Press Act, 1910, while the media outlets were regulated by the Licensing Regulations, 1823, Licensing Act, 1857 and Registration Act, 1867. The British administrators in the India subcontinent (in modern-day Republic of India, Islamic Republic of Pakistan and People's Republic of Bangladesh) brought a set of rules and regulations into effect designed to prevent circulating claimed inaccurate, media bias and disinformation across the subcontinent. Hicky's Bengal Gazette in 1781, India's first newspaper Amrita Bazar Patrika in 1908, India's first Gujarati language and oldest bilingual newspaper started around 1868 In pre-independence, the government formulated several legal actions, including Gagging Act, comprised a set of rules for publishing, distributing and circulating news stories and operating media organizations working independently or running in the subcontinent. These rules primarily compelled regional and English-language newspapers to express their concerns under the selected provisions. During the period, government allowed a journalist or media industries to cover any story and brought it to the audiences without impacting sovereignty of British Empire in subcontinent. The British administrators are often credited for introducing the "independent journalism" (English press) in the subcontinent. During the period, the press became an instrumental for leaders, activists and the government itself. James Augustus Hicky, also referred to as "father of Indian press", a British citizen known for introducing first newspaper during the reign, and hence India's press foundation was originally led by the British administration despite the self-censorship by the imperialism. Hicky wrote articles independently on corruption and other scandals without naming the officials. To avoid lawsuits, he used multiple nicknames while referring to the authorities throughout his articles. In 1807, Hicky's Bengal Gazette was seized by the authorities for publishing anti- government articles. During the reign, administration was claimed to have involved in direct and self-censorship, leading some newspapers to stop publishing articles after licenses were revoked. Prior to the Indian Rebellion of 1857, the press was actively involved in independence movement and in demonstration coverages, leading the government to get involved in self-censorship on the press freedom. Later, Lord Lytton enacted Gagging Act to control the publications in the subcontinent, and while it compelled every newspaper, particularly English-language publications, the media organizations had to apply for a license upon ensuring "nothing was written against the government". The Gagging Act didn't affect the media, and it continued working until the new measures were taken. During the 1870s, the regional newspapers, including Amrita Bazar Patrika published vernacular language were also involved in encouraging people against the rule. Amrita Bazar Patrika, 1868's Bengali weekly newspaper caught government attention after it published about Indigo revolt. In the 1880s, the government formulated several new laws following the role of the press in freedom movement, and later the government. However, after formation of the Indian National Congress, the government enacted numerous sections in 1898 such as section 565, 124A and 153A of the Indian Penal Code. The government later enacted four new laws, comprised a comprehensive set of rules for media organizations. Among those were the Newspapers (Incitement to Offences) Act 1908, the Prevention of Seditious Meetings Act 1911, the Indian Press Act, 1910, the Criminal Law Amendment Act 1908, and the Secrets Act 1903. Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala The Press Act 1910 impacted almost all newspapers. It is believed around 1,000 publications were prosecuted under the Act, and government collected ₹500,000 of securities and forfeitures from the papers during the period of first five years the Act was enacted. Several journalists and publications, including the Amrita Bazar Patrika were charged under sedition law for publishing anti-government articles. In the later period, the Press Emergency Act 1931 was actively exercised amid Satyagraha, a nonviolent resistance or press advocacy (rally the masses) against the British rule. Following the Salt March, the Act played significantly in Bombay, Uttar Pradesh, Bengal, Madras, Delhi and Punjab for British administration to maintain a self-censorship on speech, public communication, or other information, on such material was considered objectionable. It is claimed the rule was involved in propaganda, while international news was also filtered. In November 1939, the authorities restricted newspapers from writing about the hunger strikes, which were held by prisoners across the country. The editors later raised concerns regarding the freedom of expression and safeguard of the press. The All-India Newspapers Editors' Conference also emerged during the period. It demanded the government to lift the restrictions on the press. In 1941, Mahatma Gandhi criticised the authorities for restricting media, citing "In the name of the war effort, all expression of opinion is effectively suppressed". Despite varieties of criticism, the government continued to prohibit the press. The government subsequently asked The Hitavada newspaper to reveal the name of its reporter. The authorities also conducted investigations at the office of Hindustan Times. It restricted the press and rebellion activities under the Defence of India Act 1915 from making announcements to the masses. It also extended imprisonment to five years, while the Official Secrets Act was passed to provide death sentence to those involved in anti-government editorials. In 1942 following the Quit India Movement, the press was instructed not cover any news about political parties. The All-India Newspaper Editors' Conference subsequently compiled the government order stating the newspapers will observe caution and refrain from publishing on Quit India Movement. In 1780, James Augustus Hickey launched Hicky's Bengal Gazette in Kolkata, which was later banned in 1872 following the anti-government editorials. In the later period, more newspaper and journals were launched such as the Bengal Journal, the Bombay Herald, The Calcutta Chronicle and General Advertiser and Madras Courier. The subcontinent saw numerous publications such as Samachar Sudha Varashan, Payam-e-Azadi, Sultan-ul-Akhbar and Doorbeen. All newspapers played significant role in Indian independence movement, while numerous publications, including Payam-e-Azadi were banned or seized by the government over spreading information which was considered "objectionable" Development of Press in India: Thе prеss played a crucial role in India's national awakening and indеpеndеncе strugglе by sprеading idеas and information. Howеvеr, British colonial rulе imposеd strict restrictions on both vernacular and English prеss to supprеss dissеnt and political consciousnеss. Coеrcivе laws, cеnsorship, and punitivе actions wеrе usеd to control thе prеss, pеrcеivеd as a thrеat to colonial rulе. Undеrstanding British prеss laws of thе 19th and 20th cеnturiеs providеs insights into thе dynamics of statе authority and civil libеrtiеs. Thе nationalist movеmеnt's rеsponsе to thеsе rеstrictions showcasеs thе fight for frееdom of еxprеssion. This background hеlps us undеrstand thе еvolution of thе prеss as thе 'Fourth Estatе' in indеpеndеnt India. Origin of the Press in India Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala The writing on the walls and on stones dating back to several centuries before Christ were the first signs of the origin of the press in India. Emperor Ashoka's edicts renouncing violence after the Kalinga war are available to this day on stone. Later, paper and writing materials were invented, and state records in the form of messages from spies were maintained in a rudimentary form. According to historians, ‘newsletters’ were the earliest though rough form of a newspaper. The newsletters were published on a regular basis throughout the Mughal era. These "manuscript newspapers" served as the only source of information about historical events. The practice seems to have continued until the East India Company began ruling over India. It is the dissemination of these newsletters that perhaps inspired James Augustus Hickey to start his newspaper Bengal Gazette in 1780. For additional information please visit: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nHODmI3zooU&t=15s Regulations Related To The Press In British India Let us look at some of the regulations passed to curb the freedom of the press in British India. Censorship Of Press Act, 1799 This was done by Lord Wellesley in preparation for a French invasion of India. It imposed press limitations, including pre-censorship, that were akin to those of war. Under Lord Hastings, who held progressive views, these limitations were loosened, and pre-censorship was abolished in 1818. Licensing Regulations, 1823 John Adams, the acting governor general, who held reactionary beliefs, put these into effect. These restrictions stated that it was illegal to start or operate a press without a licence. Later, the Act was expanded to include books, pamphlets, and journals. These limitations were mostly aimed at newspapers published in India or edited by Indians. Mirat-ul-Akbar by Rammohan Roy had to cease publication. Press Act, 1835 Or Metcalfe Act The offensive 1823 decree was overturned by Metcalfe, who served as governor-general from 1835 to 1836, earning him the title "liberator of the Indian press." A printer or publisher was obligated by the new Press Act (1835) to provide a specific account of the location of a publication and discontinue operations if so requested by a comparable statement. Newspapers grew quickly as a result of a liberal policy for press in British India. Licensing Act, 1857 This Act added licencing requirements to the registration process already established by the Metcalfe Act because of the situation created by the 1857 uprising. The government also reserved the authority to halt the production and distribution of any book, newspaper, or printed material. Registration Act, 1867 This Act, which was of a regulatory rather than a restricting nature, replaced Metcalfe's Act of 1835. According to the Act, (i) every book and newspaper had to include the name of the printer and publisher as well as the location of publishing; (ii) a copy had to be given to the local government within a month of a book's publication. Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala Vernacular Press Act The purpose of the Vernacular Press Act (VPA) is to effectively punish and suppress seditious writing while "better controlling" the vernacular press. The following were some of the Act's provisions. The district magistrate had the authority to order any vernacular newspaper's printer and publisher to sign a bond with the government promising not to use published material to incite hatred between people of different religions, castes, or races. The printer and publisher could also be asked to deposit security that could be forfeited if the rule were broken, and press equipment could be seized if that happened. There was no right to appeal to a legal tribunal against the magistrate's decision. A government censor could grant a vernacular publication an exemption from the Act's application in exchange for supporting documentation. Newspaper (Incitement To Offences) Act, 1908 The Act, which was created to combat extreme nationalist activity, gave magistrates the authority to seize press assets that published anything that could incite violence or murder. Tilak, the leader of the militant nationalists, was sentenced to six years in Mandalay (Burma) after being found guilty of sedition. Nationwide protests resulted from this. Textile and railway workshop workers in Bombay engaged the Army in street combat and went on strike for many days. This was welcomed by Lenin as the working class's entry onto the political scene in India. Indian Press Act, 1910 The worst aspects of the VPA were revived by this Act, which gave local governments the authority to require security from a newspaper's printer or publisher at registration, forge/deregister a newspaper if it violated the law, and require printers to give local governments two free copies of every issue. The Press Acts of 1908 and 1910 were repealed in 1921 based on the recommendations of a committee Tej Bahadur Sapru presided called the Press Committee. Indian Press (Emergency Powers) Act, 1931 This Act granted provincial governments broad authority to stifle the Civil Disobedience Movement's propaganda. In 1932, it was expanded much further to cover all actions intended to challenge the legitimacy of the government. History Of Freedom Of Press In India The Bengal Gazette, also known as the Calcutta General Advertiser, was the first newspaper in India. It was started by James Augustus Hickey in 1780. However, in 1872, the government took control of the newspaper because it criticised them too much. After that, more newspapers like The Bombay Herald, The Madras Courier, The Bengal Journal, and The Calcutta Chronicle were published. The government officers were worried that these newspapers might reach London and expose their wrongdoings, so they wanted to restrict the press in British India. Defending civil liberties, including the freedom of the press, was important to nationalists like Raja Rammohan Roy. The early nationalist movement focused on educating and influencing people through newspapers rather than big protests. The Indian National Congress also relied on the press to spread its decisions and activities. During that time, many brave and famous journalists started newspapers. Some of these newspapers were The Hindu and Swadesamitran by G. Subramaniya Aiyar, The Bengalee by Surendranath Banerjea, Voice of India by Dadabhai Naoroji, Amrita Bazar Patrika by Sisir Kumar Ghosh and Motilal Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala Ghosh, Indian Mirror by N.N. Sen, and Kesari and Maharatta by Balgangadhar Tilak. These newspapers were not just for making money, but they aimed to serve the nation and the people. They reached not only cities but also isolated villages, where people would gather around a single newspaper to read and discuss every article. Press in British India played a big role in politics and education, criticising government actions and engaging people in important discussions. Their influence extended beyond cities and towns; these newspapers made it to isolated villages, where each editorial and news item was carefully read and discussed in the "local libraries" that would assemble around a single newspaper. These libraries thus fulfilled the purposes of both political engagement and political education. Government Acts and policies were subjected to critical examination in these newspapers. They served as a group that was opposed to the government. During British rule in India, the government had strict rules to control the media. They had a law called Section 124 A, which punished those who spoke against the British government. But the nationalist media found clever ways to work around these restrictions. They would quote critical articles from newspapers in England or start their own articles with words of loyalty to the government. This required a clever mix of simplicity and hidden messages. The national movement always supported freedom of the press in British India. They criticised the Lord Lytton administration for how they treated famine victims, and in response, the government passed the Vernacular Press Act in 1878 to control the newspapers. The law earned the moniker "the gagging act" over time. The disparity between English and vernacular press in British India and the absence of an appeals process were the worst aspects of this Act. The action was taken against Som Prakash, Bharat Mihir, Dacca Prakash, and Samachar under the VPA. To avoid the VPA, the Amrita Bazar Patrika changed into an English newspaper overnight. The pre- censorship provision was later removed, and a press commissioner was appointed to provide reliable news to the media. The Act faced significant criticism before being finally repealed by Ripon in 1882. Surendranath Banerjee was the first journalist from India to be imprisoned in 1883. Banerjee had chastised a judge of the Calcutta High Court for being insensitive to the religious emotions of Bengalis in one of his rulings in a furious editorial in The Bengalee. The government revised Section 124A and introduced Section 153A in 1898, making it a crime for anybody to defame the Government of India or incite animosity among social classes, specifically towards the English in India. Nationwide protests were also sparked by this. A number of oppressive laws were passed during the Swadeshi and Boycott Movements and as militant nationalist trends grew. Tilak And Press In British India During British rule in India, Bal Gangadhar Tilak played an important role in the fight for freedom. He used his journals, Kesari and Maharatta, to spread anti-imperialist ideas. He also organised celebrations for Ganapati and Shivaji, which helped unite people against British rule. Tilak supported the rights of workers, farmers, and the lower middle class. He even led a boycott of foreign clothing and urged farmers to delay paying taxes if they faced crop failures. When the plague struck in 1897, there was public discontent with the government's actions. Tilak's writings and speeches were used against him, and he was sentenced to 18 months in prison. Despite this, he became a national hero and was known as "Lokmanya" for his leadership and commitment to his beliefs. British Administrative Policies The Portuguese established the printing press at Goa in 1557. East India Company established its first printing press in 1674 in Bombay. Great poverty, mass illiteracy and repressive press laws were the reasons for the slow growth of newspapers in India. Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala List of Newspapers in India - Founders and Features These early newspapers in India, established by different foundеrs with unique objectives, played a vital role in spreading information, fostеring patriotism, and expressing dissent against British rule and social challenges during the fight for independence. List of Newspapers Founders and Features - Started by James Augustus Hickey. Bengal Gazette or Calcutta - The first newspaper in India General Advertiser (1780) - Hickey, started exposing the corrupt tendencies of Hastings and the - A Bengali weekly started by Raja Rammohan Roy, who is regarded journalism in India. Sambad Kaumudi (1821) - It raised the issues such as the Indian demand for a trial jury in prov - It became the main vehicle of Raja Rammohan Roy’s campaign aga - India’s first Persian weekly started by Raja Rammohan Roy. Mirat-ul-Akhbar (1822) - It was primarily concerned with the political events of the time. - Thе oldеst running vеrnacular nеwspapеr in India was founded by F scholar. Bombay Samachar (1822) - Namеd as a Gujarati wееkly, it aimеd to serve thе British rеsidеnts o - It was founded to serve the British residents of western India, follow 1835 which removed restrictions on the liberty of the Indian press. Bombay Times (1838) - Its first editor was J.E. Brennan, who was a retired Irish doctor. - Founded by Dadabhai Naoroji. - A Gujarati fortnightly to clarify Zoroastrian concepts and promote P Rast Goftar (Truth Teller, 1851) discussed in Rahnumai - - Mazdayasnan Sabha. - He also started Voice of India. - A weekly newspaper started by Dwarakanath Vidyabhusan. Somaprakash (1858) - It was the first Bangla newspaper to indulge in political discussions. - It was founded as a fortnightly paper by Manmohan Ghose with fina Debendranath Tagore. Indian Mirror (1861) - In 1876, the paper was converted into a daily by Keshab Chandra Se Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala - Narendra Nath Sen, the founder of the Theosophical Society of Ben contributions to the newspaper. - English Weekly started and edited by Girish Chandra Ghose. Bengalee (1862) S.N. Banerjee, its principal editor during the anti-partition agitation, b converted it into a daily. - Started by Shishir Kumar Ghosh and Motilal Ghosh, his brothers, as village Amrit Bazaar. Amrit Bazaar Patrika (1868) - Next year of foundation it added columns in English and continued due to the Vernacular Press Act, it converted overnight from Bengali - A literary journal founded by Bankimchandra Chattopadhyay. Bangadarshan (1872) - Bankim Chandra's 'Bande Mataram' was first published in this journ - Founded by G. Subramaniya Iyer The Hindu (1878) - It protested against the policies of British rule. - Both founded by Lokmanya Tilak - Mahratta was launched in English and Kesari in Marathi. Kesari and Mahratta (1881) - The 4-point programme of ‘Swaraj, Swadeshi, Boycott and National offered to Congress and to the whole nation was strongly propagated - A Tamil-language newspaper published in Madras. - It was founded by G. Subramania Iyer four years after he started Th English daily). Swadesamitran (1882) Swadesamitran started as a sister publication of The Hindu. - It was the first Tamil-language newspaper owned and operated by In - Funded by Shivram Mahadev Paranjape in Pune. Kaal (1897) - Paranjape astutely spoke against the British state, imperialism, and s - It was an extremist daily started by Brahmabandhab Upadhyay. Sandhya (1904) - The main purpose of the newspaper was to spread awareness among atrocities of the British government. - Founded by Shyamji Krishna Varma in London. The Indian Sociologist (1905) - It was a method of transporting the ideas of nationalist society into E Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala - Started by Bipan Chandra Pal and edited by Aurobindo Ghosh. Bande Mataram (1905) - It spread revolutionary ideas in Bengal. - The newspaper played a significant role in developing and propagat - Founded by Barindra Kumar Ghosh - It preached open revolt and the absolute denial of British rule and in containing instructions for guerrilla warfare. Yugantar (1906) - It advocated revolutionary terrorism - Alipore bomb case found a reference in Yugantar. - Founded by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Al-Hilal (1912) - He propagated his rationalist and nationalist ideas through Ai-Hilal - It advocated for active Muslim participation in the militant nationali - A weekly journal and the mouthpiece of the Ghadr movement Ghadr (1913) - Published in Urdu, Punjabi, Hindi and other Indian languages. - It was circulated in almost every country of the world where Indians - Through her articles in the newspaper The Commonweal, Annie Bes aware of the purpose of her agitation. Commonweal (1916) - Annie Besant’s articles in The Commonweal clearly demonstrated h movement. - She also started New India. - This famous book was written by Lala Lajpat Rai, and was publishe America. Young India (1916) - Young India gives a brief history of India in order to make a case fo Indian capability for good governance. - Started by Motilal Nehru Independent (1919) - Assisted by Syed Hussain, who later became its editor. - Its primary aim was to counter the Allahabad daily “the Leader”. - Bandi Jivan (A Life of Captivity) is an autobiographical three-part a Bandi Jivan (1922) Sanyal. Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala - He was also instrumental in setting up the Anushilan Samiti in Vara - He was also one of the co-founders of the Hindustan Republican Ar - English language weekly started by Mahatma Gandhi. Harijan (1933) - It promoted the fight against untouchability and liberating those disc Press In India: Post-Independence Growth & Impact Since India gained independence in 1947, the press has had a crucial role in shaping the country’s social and political environment. India’s rich journalistic history has witnessed substantial transformations, evolving from challenging beginnings into a thriving and varied medium that upholds democracy, free expression, and the public’s right to know. This article delves into the fascinating journey and growth of the Press in India after independence, exploring its remarkable developments and contributions. Post-Independence Press in India: Growth, Challenges, and Impact Freedom of the Press: After independence, India enshrined freedom of the press as a fundamental right in its constitution. The right to free speech and expression, which includes press freedom, has become a pillar of Indian democracy. This constitutional guarantee laid the groundwork for the press to thrive and serve as an important check on the government’s actions. Print Media Expansion: The Press in India experienced a rapid expansion of print media in the early years after independence. Several prominent newspapers, including The Times of India, The Hindu, Hindustan Times, and The Indian Express, were established and became influential voices in the nation’s political discourse. These publications were crucial in informing the public, exposing corruption, and advocating for social justice. Regional and Language Press: The press landscape in India reflects the country’s linguistic and cultural diversity. Along with the growth of English-language newspapers, regional and language newspapers expanded significantly in various states. Newspapers published in regional languages such as Hindi, Tamil, Bengali, Telugu, and Malayalam catered to the specific needs and interests of various linguistic communities, ensuring more localized information dissemination. Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala Role of Journalists: Post-independence India’s journalists emerged as key influencers and watchdogs, fearlessly reporting on issues of public concern. They exposed corruption, brought to light social injustices, and raised awareness about the difficulties that marginalized communities face. Many journalists became symbols of truth and integrity, fighting censorship and defending press freedom. Technological Advancements: In the latter half of the twentieth century, new technologies such as offset printing, phototypesetting, and, eventually, digital printing revolutionized the Press in India. These advancements resulted in increased printing and distribution efficiency, making newspapers more accessible to a wider audience. With the rise of the internet, online news portals and digital platforms became popular sources of information, further altering the media landscape. Facilitating Public Debate: The press serves as a forum for public debate and discussion on political issues. The media allows various stakeholders to express their views and engage in healthy dialogue through interviews, panel discussions, and talk shows. This promotes the exchange of ideas and the development of a vibrant democratic culture. Exposing Injustices and Social Issues: The press frequently highlights social injustices, discrimination, and marginalized voices that would otherwise go unnoticed. It draws attention to issues such as poverty, inequality, gender discrimination, caste discrimination, and religious conflicts, contributing to the social and political discourse surrounding these issues. Monitoring Government Performance: The press keeps a close eye on the government’s operations and policies. It examines political leaders’ performance, raises concerns about policy decisions, and investigates allegations of misconduct. The press, by acting as a public watchdog, contributes to transparency and holds those in power accountable to the people. Challenges and Press Freedom: Despite its achievements, the Indian press faced a number of challenges in maintaining its independence. Censorship, restrictions on free speech, and attacks on journalists all posed threats to press freedom. To uphold the principles of a free press, journalists and media organizations had to navigate legal battles, political pressures, and the occasional act of violence. PRESS DURING EMERGENCY On 25 June 1975, at midnight, the then-President, Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, declared a state of emergency in India on the "advice" of then-PM Indira Gandhi. It remained in effect until March 21, 1977. While reports of human rights violations during the period have been widely circulated and debated, the most crucial aspect of the period was the censorship of the press. PM Indira Gandhi-led government clamped down on the media, and made all efforts to curb the freedom of the Press. On 26 June 1975, the Indian government passed a law to "prevent malicious and scurrilous" articles in newspapers. The government also moved to shut the Press Council of India. Around 200 journalists, including foreign correspondents, were arrested. For two days, no newspaper was published in the country. It was only on June 28 that the newspapers were published again. How did the media cover imposition of Emergency in 1975? The Indian Express, headed by Ramnath Goenka, was then one of the largest dailies in the capital. The Indian Express, headed by Ramnath Goenka, ran a blank editorial on June 28 as a mark of protest against the media censorship. Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala Some other dailies like the Statesman also followed this. Another prominent newspaper, The Hindu, ran the lead story "President Proclaims National Emergency" with the slugs "Security of India Threatened by Internal Disturbances" and "Preventive Arrests: Press Censorship Imposed." Thakur V Hari Prasad-led Indian Herald ran the lead headline as "'Emergency Declared' JP, Morarji, Advani, Asoka Mehta & Vajpayee arrested". The New York Times published the news of the Emergency in its June 27 edition, headlined "A Shift by India." TIME magazine discussed the event in its July edition. It ran an article titled "INDIA: Indira Gandhi’s Dictatorship Digs In." "Strict censorship has prevented the once lively Indian press (some 830 daily newspapers) from printing anything other than official handouts about the crisis," its correspondent William Stewart wrote. Government’s policies regarding newspapers On July 29, 1975, then Union Minister for Information and Broadcasting, V.C. Shukla held a meeting with officers under him from where the pre-publication censorship guidelines were notified. The meeting also mandated the Principal Information Officer, A.R. Baji to categorise newspapers as friendly, neutral and hostile, and prepare a list accordingly. Baji did that promptly. Baji would testify before the Shah Commission later that “the categorization originally was done on the basis of the news and comments appearing in newspapers prior to the declaration of emergency and soon after it.” He also stated before the Commission that Shukla took keen interest himself in this effort and that “a narrower study looking into the views reflected in the editorial columns of newspapers between June 12 and June 26, 1975” was undertaken to make the final list. Among the exhibits before the Shah Commission was a note by Baji on the file endorsing the categorization of newspapers, which was as follows: A (Friendly) B (Hostile) C (Neutral) A ‘+’ (Positively friendly) B ‘+’ (Continuously Hostile) C ‘+’ (Shift from neutral position toward positive side) A ‘-‘ (Friendly but with some reservations)B ‘-‘ (Less Hostile than Before) C ‘-‘ (Shift from Neutral position toward hostile attitude) Among the major newspapers that existed then – Indian Express, Times of India, Hindustan Times, The Statesman, Amrit Bazar Patrika and The Hindu – the Emergency regime had categorized The Indian Express as “continuously hostile” while The Statesman was placed under the “B” category, otherwise hostile. Meanwhile, the Times of India, Hindustan Times (and its Hindi newspaper Hindustan), Amrit Bazar Patrika and The Hindu were all placed under the A + category, meaning ‘Positively Friendly.’ The classification, indeed, was meant to prop up the financial strength of those considered “friendly,” and deny the same to those who were declared “hostile.” In the words of the Shah Commission: The Government during this period utilised its advertising policy as a source of financial assistance or denial of financial assistance in newspapers, etc., in complete variance with the policy which it had Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala enunciated on the Floor of the Parliament. Newspapers and journals which were critical of the Government’s policies were denied advertisements whereas others like Amrit Bazar Patrika and National Herald which were regarded as being supporters of Government policies were given advertisements beyond their legitimate due. POST LPG EVOLUTION OF INDIAN PRESS Changing Mass Media Robin Jeffrey (2010: 169) has written at length about the changing impact of mass media in Indian political economy with the commercialisation of the mass media. He has argued that most of the media was not commercialised till the 1980s, and except for some national English- language newspapers, advertisers were hesitant to advertise in papers. Further, he argues that the Indian government was the largest advertiser, and newspapers adhered to government regulation of content to gain advertising revenue. Private newspapers had the freedom to determine content. However, they were dependent on the state for newsprint and advertisements. This functioned as a mode of increased control on newspaper content after independence, culminating in its complete control during the Emergency. The end of the Emergency in 1977 coincides with the growing importance of the private media. Multiple factors contributed to the growth of the private media, which would over-take the size and importance of the public media by the 1990s. Middle-class consciousness: The excesses of the Emergency imposed in 1977 led to the creation of a national middleclass consciousness. This was especially true for an expanding group of educated youth who were born after independence, and had actively participated in the movement led by Jayaprakash Narayan. They felt a growing alienation towards large-scale state- controlled development programmes and the public discourse around sacrifices and socialism. Moreover, there was a growing distrust of information provided by the public media. This class had a keen desire for gadgets and conveniences, a strong aspiration to work abroad and felt increasing frustration with socialist ideals (Thomas 2010: 178). This growing educated group would be an important audience for the private media in the 1980s. Expanding vernacular media: Except for a few large English-language dailies, advertisers had stayed away from newspapers because of the perceived low rate of readership in India. The Emergency brought an increased public demand for private newspapers, as well as an increased consciousness amongst advertisers about the reach of newspapers, especially the vernacular ones. A key element in fostering this awareness was the National Readership Survey II (NRS–II) in 1978, the year after the ‘Emergency’ ended. Sponsored by advertisers and advertising agencies. … NRS II estimated a two-third increase in urban readers since 1970 and hinted strongly at a great untapped pool of readers—and potential consumers. Most unexpectedly, it showed that the largest growth in readership had been in class III towns. Improvement in printing technology: With the discovery of large markets in towns and semi-urban areas, newspapers started investing in revolutionising technology. Once, one newspaper in a region showed that it could win substantial revenues in a region, other newspapers had to compete or risk failure. The media sector was one of the first sectors where competition and a high rate of return gave incentives for firms to innovate. This would typify the media industry after liberalisation as companies would try to capture markets from each other through advertising and innovation. Media–business–politics nexus: Vernacular newspapers provided a forum to create a regional identity. Some notable examples of the growing political influence and commercial viability of vernacular newspapers are Eenadu and Sun TV. Eenadu, a Telugu-language daily, and its proprietor Ramoji Rao not only financially supported the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), but were also involved in creating an environment conducive for TDP to sweep power from the Congress. Moreover, the office spaces, printers and personnel of Eenadu often provided the basic infrastructure for the TDP in its embryonic stages. More recently, the owners of Sun TV, the Marans, have played a similar role for Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam’s (DMK) rise to power in Tamil Nadu. Sometimes, the sheer reach and strength of a newspaper in the public imagination could affect the political situation of the state. The Punjab Kesari became the highest circulating Hindi-language newspaper in 1986 on the strength of its anti-Khalistan discourse. The power of vernacular newspapers to earn revenue, influence political discourse, and create regional identities led to many influential business persons and politicians entering the private media after liberalisation. These factors played a crucial role in creating the conditions of existence for the private media. This is an important argument, as private English- language newspapers would not have changed public discourse around reforms if they would were not positioned to benefit from reforms. Rhetoric and Economic Policies Economic policies are debated, negotiated and implemented based on economic and political factors. Members of Parliament and bureaucrats tend to explain/ justify policies using rhetoric which is accessible to the public. There is a tendency to use terms/words which evoke a certain meaning in the public imagination. In this sense, the Nehruvian state, social justice or Gandhian morals have a strong resonance with the public. A popular narrative of policies is required by political ideologues to gain democratic support from the masses. Moreover, the government has to justify its policies to the masses and requires a grammar to do so. Economic independence and sacrifice for the betterment of the nation were popular rhetorical tropes to justify economic policies which did not benefit the masses. Critiques of government policies have to engage with the tropes and arguments embedded in the public imagination. Popular explanations of Indian economic policies after independence were articulated by M K Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Indira Gandhi. Each added different elements to what is now popularly referred as “licence permit quota raj” (Times of India, 1 December 1989), Overall, these set of policies comprised the popular understanding of Indian economic policies before liberalisation. These policies were justified on the grounds that the two main economic roles of the state were to develop the economy and maintain political and economic freedom. However, the mass media plays an important role in interpreting and explaining economic policies to their audience, in this case, the English-speaking citizenry of India. The media interprets policies by framing them within certain terms of debate. The frame provides the categories within which we understand an issue, it establishes the limits of the discussion and defines the range of problems that it can refer to. Tone, headline, quotations and placement of article within a paper have an important role in determining the framing of an article. I focus on English language national dailies, mainly Hindu and Times of India, as these were the highest circulated English-language newspapers. English-language newspapers are read by a small section of English-literate Indians, and newspaper articles cannot be considered representative of the people of India. However, these papers are hugely influential as they are read by a policy influencing elite which include bureaucrats, professional classes, urban formal sector workers, and businesspersons. I have not surveyed business newspapers and magazines even though they are an important part of the news paper landscape, as their readership is much lower than these two English dailies and the arguments about rhetoric in these newspapers are similar for other elite English-language publications. The print media passed through three stages – rare, elite, and mass. Even though the newspaper readership scene in India was moving towards the mass stage, the wider reach could have an inverse relation with its impact if it entailed a focus on trivia. That, however, could be a contested assertion in light of the various agents and effects of the growth of the language press in India, particularly in the post-liberalisation period. The most striking point of reference could be the Hindi press, with publications such as Dainik Jagran, Dainik Bhaskar and Hindustan ranking among the largest circulated newspapers in India, and catering to the most populous states. In her seminal study of the growth of the Hindi press, media critic Sevanti Ninan reflects on how the expansion of the Hindi print media space could be seen as constituting a new form of what German thinker Jurgen Habermas called public sphere. The phenomenal rise in the readership took care of Habermas’ condition of more and more participants Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala in the public sphere (the aspect of quantity and inclusion). As for the question of quality, or rather degeneration, Ninan doesn’t agree with the argument that the commercialization and the mass reach degraded the public sphere. The role of commercialization wasn’t different from how the market forces let the American penny press add a rising number of readers. This phase came to India when a large number of even illiterate Indians, and growing number of newspaper-literate population, was exposed to political socialization. So, contrary to what a section of critics might argue, the process of reaching out to new readers wasn’t happening in a politically virgin mindspace. In its earlier phase, say the turn of the 20th century, Hindi publications had a different role in the public sphere, one aimed at a particular form of consciousness among its limited readers. It had an emphasis on anti-colonial nationalist struggle. By the end of the century, almost four decades after Independence, the Hindi press wasn't only exploring avenues of advertising revenue but also waking up to the existence of the upwardly mobile and consumerist readers in the hinterland who were looking to have their slice of the local news, liberalizing India and globalizing the world. Many were just waiting to put their literacy to the test of newspaper reading and having a news universe. “Hindi newspapers, harbingers of nationalism at the turn of the 20th century, had become harbingers of material change by the turn of the 21st. They were now bursting with colour supplements and marketing coupons even as they brought politics, sports and news-you-can-use to rural and urban homes in village and small-town India,’’ Ninan writes in Headlines from the Heartland. In the 90s, an aspect needs to be recalled while talking about a new generation of newspaper-literate readers. For a sizeable section of the new consumers of the print media, or even the first generation readers within their families, reading the papers was a post-TV experience. Either they had turned literate after being TV news consumers or their appetite for more news was being whetted by the TV news the previous evening. In a way, it was a news agenda-setting of a different kind, though very different from how some sensationalist TV news stories struggled for space in newspapers the next morning or how social media theatrics are vying for primetime attention on TV today. While chasing advertisement revenue, the leading Hindi print publications were quick to grasp the value of expanding their readership to attract potential advertisers. They couldn’t lose sight of the untapped but huge opportunities of adding readers in small towns and villages – the sites which were witnessing the emergence of semi-urban and rural middle class. The first 15 years of the post- liberalisation period saw the print media reinvent the public sphere in the Hindi heartland. “Newspaper penetration increased, and marketers quickly followed. Print went from being an elite to a mass medium and very ordinary people living in very small towns (known as kasbas) and villages became both news consumers and newsmakers as newspapers localized,” Ninan observes. In the commercially guided blueprint for expansion, Hindi dailies saw a number of strategies like localization, multiple-editions, subscription gifts, reader-driven supplements and pullouts, the generous use of Hinglish and other marketing and editorial initiatives. What forms did such moves take and how did they attract the goldmine of readership waiting to pick up a newspaper? To what extent did the strategies of marketing the paper or the tailoring of news and views influence the nature of the public sphere? Moreover, how did the market logic align with the editorial outlook for which some of the newspapers were known? EFFECT OF COVID ON PRESS REGULATION Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala The COVID-19 pandemic has strongly impacted the journalism industry and affected journalists' work. Many local newspapers have been severely affected by losses in advertising revenues from COVID-19; journalists have been laid off, and some publications have folded. Many newspapers with paywalls lowered them for some or all of their COVID-19 coverage. The pandemic was characterized as a potential "extinction event" for journalism as hundreds of news outlets closed and journalists were laid off around the world, advertising budgets were slashed, and many were forced to rethink how to do their jobs amid restrictions on movement and limited access to information or public officials. Journalists and media organizations have had to address new challenges, including figuring out how to do their jobs safely and how to navigate increased repression and censorship brought on by the response to the pandemic, with freelancers facing additional difficulties in countries where press cards or official designations limit who can be considered a journalist. Journalists have worked to produce coverage of the pandemic combating misinformation, providing public health updates, and supplying entertainment to help people cope with the virus's impact. The COVID-19 pandemic has also enabled citizen journalism to a small extent, for example, through the CoronaReport digital journalism project, "a citizen science project which democratizes the reporting on the Coronavirus, and makes these reports accessible to other citizens."[non-primary source needed] The long duration of the pandemic may have resulted in a COVID-19 information fatigue that could pose a challenge for journalists. The World Health Organization has described - as a “second disease” accompanying the COVID- 19 pandemic - an “infodemic”, which is “an over-abundance of information – some accurate and some not – that makes it hard for people to find trustworthy sources and reliable guidance when they need it”. Journalism is key to supplying credible information within the wider “infodemic”, and to combating the myths and rumours. Without it, false content can run rampant. Falsehoods in circulation can be categorized as both disinformation (produced and shared with malicious motivation), and misinformation, when these lies are spread without bad intentions. But in the context of COVID-19, the effects of both can be equally deadly. The volume and velocity of false information within the “infodemic” points to the existence of a toxic disinfodemic of disinformation and misinformation, as is described in two recent UNESCO policy papers on this subject. While information empowers, the disinfodemic disempowers. It endangers lives and leads to confusion and discord. Statistics to track trends on the scope and spread of the disinfodemic are scarce. But some figures point to a massive scale. Based on a machine learning analysis of 112 million public social media posts, in 64 languages, related to the COVID-19 pandemic, researchers at the Bruno Kessler Foundation found 40% of posts came from unreliable sources. Another study using machine learning techniques, by the Foundation’s COVID-19 Infodemic Observatory, found that almost 42% of over 178 million tweets related to COVID-19 were produced by bots, and 40% were “unreliable”. Roughly 1/3 of social media users have reported seeing false or misleading information about the coronavirus, says a study by the Reuters Institute carried out in six countries. Research by Pew suggests that people who receive their news primarily through social media are more likely to be exposed to false content. In March, about 40 million problematic posts related to COVID-19 on Facebook were identified (and had warnings placed next to them), according to the company. “Hundreds of thousands of pieces of misinformation about the virus that could lead to imminent physical harm,” were also removed, it added. Approximately 19 million out of nearly 50 million (38%) tweets related to COVD-19 analyzed using artificial intelligence by Blackbird.AI were deemed to be “manipulated content”. Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala Newsguard identified191 websites in Europe and North America that have published false information about the virus. The CoronaVirusFacts Alliance has discovered - and disproved - more than 3,500 false or misleading pieces of information, in more than 70 countries and in more than 40 languages. In much of the disinfodemic, there have also been themes of xenophobia, racism and hate speech. The problem is not only the volume of falsity, but also its combination with emotional content and the fact that it is spread by actors with influence. II. Technology companies are taking action, but more transparency is neededLarge social media, messaging and search companies help billions of people around the world to find and share information. Yet these platforms have also become hotbeds for the disinfodemic. Their business models — designed to capture and keep user attention and gather data for targeted advertising — have made them susceptible to the disinfodemic, including in their advertisements. In response, these companies have taken action, possibly even at a greater scale and speed than with other types of false content in the past. On 16 March 2020, Facebook, Google, LinkedIn, Microsoft, Reddit, Twitter and YouTube issued a joint statement on their commitment to fight coronavirus-related misinformation.Overall, social media, social networking and search engine companies have addressed the disinfodemic through: Content moderation: removing, downranking or labelling COVID-19 disinformation. This is increasingly through automated systems powered by artificial intelligence. These were already in place but are now more widely applied as human moderators are required to stay at home. But sometimes legitimate expression is caught in the net, and wrongly identified and taken down. Donations to fact-checkers and journalists. Directing users towards official health information, including through partnering with national public health and international organizations like the WHO, as well as through information centres that direct users to official information at the top of news feeds or in search results. Advertising policies: companies have banned advertisements that include COVID-19 disinformation, but still there are people online able to peddle falsehoods for profit.Telecommunications companies around the world have taken more than 190 measures to expand internet access, including to suspend data caps, provide additional bandwidth, zero-rate access to public health information, and offer free WiFi to medical professionals. Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala Global press freedom violations that have been documented in relation to the pandemic can roughly be divided into 10 categories to monitor: 1. Laws against “fake news” The pandemic has provided governments with a new excuse to wield laws criminalizing the spread of “fake news,” “misinformation,” or “false information” — and offered a reason to implement new ones. Over the past seven years, the number of journalists imprisoned on charges of “fake news” or “false news” has climbed, according to CPJ research. Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala Carlos Gaio, a U.K.-based senior legal officer with the Media Legal Defence Initiative, told CPJ that “fake news” laws will continue to spread as governments try to control messaging about the virus, affecting journalists and fact-checkers alike. “It’s a very complicated subject to outlaw something like that [and it] is very, very dangerous,” Gaio said. Disinformation is a real problem, but these legal measures give governments latitude to decide what they consider to be false, sending a chilling message to critical journalists. In the U.S., President Donald Trump frequently disparages the media’s COVID-19 coverage and uses the term “fake news” when he disagrees with reporting, a strategy that CPJ has found effectively discredits the media and erodes public trust. It serves as a green light for authoritarians to deride and prosecute their own press. South Africa on March 18 criminalized disinformation about the pandemic with penalties that include hefty fines and jail time – a particularly worrying move since the country often serves as a regional model. Puerto Rico, a U.S. territory, on April 6 made it illegal for media outlets to “transmit or allow the transmission” of “false information.” Violators could face up to six months in prison and fines up to $5000. 2. Jailing journalists Arresting journalists has long been a tactic of authoritarian governments looking to silence critical reporting; at least 250 journalists were jailed worldwide at CPJ’s last annual count in December. With COVID-19 in circulation, imprisonment could be deadly; journalists are held in unsanitary conditions and forced into close proximity with others who could be infected. CPJ and more than 190 partner organizations have called on authorities worldwide to release all journalists jailed because of their work. Nonetheless, arrests continue. In India, authorities in Tamil Nadu state arrested on April 23 the founder of SimpliCity news portal and accused him of violating the antiquated Epidemic Diseases Act and other laws. The website had alleged government corruption in food distribution efforts related to the pandemic. Jordan’s military arrested two journalists for satellite channel Roya TV on April 10 in relation to a report on worker complaints about the economic impact of a curfew. Somali authorities arrested an editor for Goobjoog Media Group on April 14 and accused him of spreading false news and offending the president’s honor after the journalist posted criticism on Facebook of the government’s handling of the crisis. 3. Suspending free speech Some governments’ emergency measures have revoked or suspended the right to free speech for the duration of the emergency. Liberia’s constitution protects freedom of expression “save during an emergency” and affords presidential power to “suspend or affect certain rights, freedoms and guarantees” during a state of emergency like the one imposed April 11. Honduras on March 16 declared a temporary state of emergency that suspended some articles of the constitution, including the one that protects the right to free expression (though the government reversed that measure days later). 4. Blunt censorship, online and off Authorities in several countries suspended newspaper distribution and printing in what they called an effort to curb the spread of COVID-19. Elsewhere, media regulators have blocked websites or removed articles with critical coverage. Jordan, Oman, Morocco, Yemen, and Iran all suspended newspaper distribution in March. Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala Tajikistan blocked independent news website Akhbor on April 9, after it reported critically on the government. Russia’s media regulator, Roskomnadzor, ordered radio station Ekho Moskvy to take down an interview with a disease expert, and news website Govorit Magadan to remove an article about a local pneumonia death. 5. Threatening and harassing journalists, online and off Government officials and private citizens alike have responded to critical reporting on the pandemic response with violence and threats. In places where the reporting environment was already hazardous, the situation has grown more fraught. Chechnya’s leader, Ramzan Kadyrov, threatened a Novaya Gazeta reporter after she wrote on April 12 that Chechens had stopped reporting coronavirus symptoms for fear of being labeled “terrorists.” Haitian journalists were assaulted by unidentified men at the government’s National Identification Office on April 2 as they investigated claims that the office was violating COVID-19 guidelines on social distancing. Ghanaian soldiers enforcing restrictions related to the pandemic assaulted journalists in two separate incidents in April. 6. Accreditation requirements and restricted freedom of movement Authorities have restricted journalists’ ability to move about freely, such as if they want to report during curfews, or enter hospitals to get a first-hand account of health care. Sometimes the press is granted special access, but requiring members of the media to have government-issued press credentials allows leaders to decide who gets counted as a journalist. CPJ research shows that this leaves open the possibility that they will exclude those not affiliated with major outlets or those who report critically on the authorities. Indian police assaulted at least four journalists in three separate incidents in Hyderabad and Delhi on March 23 as they transited to or from work during the lockdown, even though national authorities have stated that journalists are exempt from the restrictions. Nigeria required journalists to carry a valid identification card to move around certain locked down areas, including the capital Abuja, and designated only 16 journalists as allowed to enter the president’s villa. 7. Restricted access to information Laws on freedom of information that allow journalists to request government data and records have been suspended. Government proceedings that journalists usually attend have moved online, with varying degrees of access for the press. In the U.S., Trump’s antagonism to journalists sets a poor example for U.S. state and local officials. Gaio told CPJ that these trends are likely to persist. “[Governments] will make it more difficult for officials to provide information. Access to information will take longer, and it will make it more complicated for journalists to access public spaces because of infection risks,” he said. Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro on March 23 signed a measure into law that suspends deadlines for public authorities and institutions to respond to requests for information, and does away with appeals in case of denial. (Brazil’s Supreme Court overturned the measure on April 30, according to news reports.) United States governors and mayors have created a patchwork of access to press conferences around the country. In Florida, the governor on March 28 barred one reporter from attending a press conference after she asked about social distancing measures. 8. Expulsions and visa restrictions Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala In order to control the narrative of how the government is responding to COVID-19, some states are being inhospitable to foreign media, which in some places has traditionally enjoyed greater latitude than locals to report critically. China and the United States have been engaged in a tit-for-tat over journalist access since early in 2020. Among the developments: In February, China forced out three Wall Street Journal reporters, ostensibly in retaliation for a headline on an opinion piece about COVID-19. In March, the U.S. imposed a limit of 100 on the number of visas for Chinese state media; China retaliated by terminating visas for at least 13 U.S. reporters from The New York Times, The Washington Post and The Wall Street Journal. Egypt expelled Guardian reporter Ruth Michaelson in retaliation for her report on March 15 that cast doubt on the government’s official statistics regarding the pandemic. 9. Surveillance and contact tracing Governments around the world are monitoring mobile phone location data and testing or rolling out new tracking apps to follow the spread of COVID-19, according to news reports. the surveillance could imperil source confidentiality. The systems are introduced with limited oversight, and could endure long after the pandemic. “There’s always a concern that emergency situations create new baseline expectations for what kind of surveillance the government is authorized to conduct. We certainly saw this through 9-11, but I think the same issue is presented here,” said Carrie DeCell, a staff attorney with the Knight First Amendment Institute in New York. “Actions that might be justified in that particular context certainly would not be justified once governments get a handle on this pandemic and once the crisis subsides somewhere in the near future.” David Maass, a senior investigative researcher at the San Francisco-based Electronic Frontier Foundation, agreed that once law enforcement is given a new technology, it’s difficult to take it back. “We’ve seen that today they’re using it for this very dangerous virus, but we don’t know what will happen later.” Telecom companies in Italy, Germany, and Austria are turning over location data to public health officials, though aggregated and anonymized; governments in South Korea and South Africa are monitoring individual cell phone locations, and Israel authorized security agents to access location and other data from millions of mobile phone users. 10. Emergency Measures Authoritarian rulers can take an opportunistic approach to emergency measures that criminalize or restrict newsgathering activities, as CPJ has documented previously. Hungary’s parliament on March 30 approved a set of emergency laws enabling Prime Minister Viktor Orbán to rule by decree. Thailand introduced on March 26 a state of emergency that allows the government to “correct” reports it considers incorrect and allows for charges against journalists under the Computer Crimes Act, which carries five-year prison penalties for violations. With many countries still under states of emergency that grant authorities power to rule by decree — and the virus only beginning to take hold in some developing countries – even more restrictions could be on the way. MODULE 2 Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala HISTORY OF BROADCASTING- RADIO & TV Radio & TV as Mass media Radio & TV Broadcasting The Beginning of Radio & TV shows Radio: History of AIR Broadcasting in India actually began about 13 years before AIR came into existence. In June 1923 the Radio Club of Bombay made the first ever broadcast in the country. This was followed by the setting up of the Calcutta Radio Club five months later. The Indian Broadcasting Company (IBC) came into being on July 23, 1927, only to face liquidation in less than three years. In April 1930, the Indian Broadcasting Service, under the Department of Industries and Labour, commenced its operations on an experimental basis. Lionel Fielden was appointed the first Controller of Broadcasting in August 1935. In the following month Akashvani Mysore, a private radio station was set up. On June 8, 1936, the Indian State Broadcasting Service became All India Radio. The Central News Organisation (CNO) came into existence in August, 1937. In the same year, AIR came under the Department of Communications and four years later came under the Department of Information and Broadcasting. When India attained independence, there were six radio stations in India, at Delhi, Bombay, Calcutta, Madras, Tiruchirapalli and Lucknow. There were three in Pakistan (Peshawar, Lahore and Dacca). AIR then had a coverage of just 2.5 % of the area and 11% of the population. The following year, CNO was split up into two divisions, the News Services Division (NSD) and the External Services Division (ESD). In 1956 the name AKASHVANI was adopted for the National Broadcaster. The Vividh Bharati Service was launched in 1957 with popular film music as its main component. The phenomenal growth achieved by All India Radio has made it one of the largest media organisations in the world. With a network of 262 radio stations, AIR today is accessible to almost the entire population of the country and nearly 92% of the total area. A broadcasting giant, AIR today broadcasts in 23 languages and 146 dialects catering to a vast spectrum of socio-economically and culturally diverse populace. Programmes of the External Services Division are broadcast in 11 Indian and 16 foreign languages reaching out to more than 100 countries. These external broadcasts aim to keep the overseas listeners informed about developments in the country and provide a rich fare of entertainment as well. The News Services Division, of All India Radio broadcasts 647 bulletins daily for a total duration of nearly 56 hours in about 90 Languages/Dialects in Home, Regional, External and DTH Services. 314 news headlines on hourly basis are also being mounted on FM mode from 41 AIR Stations. 44 Regional News Units originate 469 daily news bulletins in 75 languages. In addition to the daily news bulletins, the News Services Division also mounts number of news-based programmes on topical subjects from Delhi and its Regional News Units AIR operates at present 18 FM stereo channels, called AIR FM Rainbow, targeting the urban audience in a refreshing style of presentation. Four more FM channels called, AIR FM Gold, broadcast composite news and entertainment programmes from Delhi, Kolkata, Chennai and Mumbai. With the FM wave sweeping the country, AIR is augmenting its Medium Wave transmission with additional FM transmitters at Regional stations. Evolution of Programmimg Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala Growth and expansion over the years From humble beginnings: AIR started with just six stations at the dawn of Indian independence in 1947. As the nation grew, so did AIR, expanding its reach and capabilities. Reaching remote areas: In a country with vast geographies and diverse communities, AIR took on the challenge of reaching the most remote corners, making it a truly national broadcaster. Embracing technology: Over the years, AIR has continually updated its technology, transitioning from analog to digital broadcasting, and now extending its presence to online streaming and mobile applications. Programs that resonate with the Indian ethos All India Radio’s programming has been as diverse as the country itself, offering a range of content from news and educational programs to music and drama. It has played a crucial role in: Preserving culture: By broadcasting classical music concerts, folk music, and dramas, AIR has helped preserve and promote India’s rich cultural heritage. Informing the public: News bulletins and current affairs programs have ensured that even the most isolated communities stay informed about national and international events. Language diversity: With programs in over 23 languages and 146 dialects, AIR has celebrated and catered to India’s linguistic diversity. The impact of AIR on Indian society The impact of AIR on India’s society is profound and multifaceted. It has: United the nation: By broadcasting across India, AIR has played a part in unifying a nation with immense diversity. Supported education: Educational programs have reached students in far-flung areas, contributing significantly to the nation’s literacy and education. Elevated public discourse: Talk shows and discussions on AIR have raised awareness and fostered public discourse on social, economic, and political issues. AIR in the age of digital transformation With the advent of the digital age, AIR has embraced new technologies to keep pace with changing listener preferences: Digital radio services: AIR now offers digital radio services, providing superior sound quality and a variety of channels. Online streaming: Understanding the global shift towards online content consumption, AIR streams its channels online, making them accessible worldwide. Mobile apps: AIR’s mobile apps bring convenience to listeners, enabling them to tune in from anywhere at any time. Challenges and the road ahead Despite its widespread influence, AIR faces challenges such as competition from private broadcasters and changing media consumption habits. The future for AIR involves: Adapting content: Staying relevant to the youth and urban populations by curating content that resonates with their interests and lifestyles. Investing in technology: Continuing to invest in the latest broadcasting technologies to improve reach and quality. Engaging with audiences: Leveraging social media and other platforms to engage with listeners and receive feedback. Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala Evolution Of Radio - Technological Advancements The evolution of radio in India as well as the whole world is led by significant technological improvements in analog radio that introduced the use of a box for entertainment, information, and much more. Here are some of the milestones that explain this complete journey: 1. AM and FM Radio Broadcasting Both the AM and FM have played a core role in the evolution of radio in India. AM helped to encourage long-distance transmissions of the information to support the radio reach and accessibility, FM radio broadcasting on the other hand contributed significantly to revolutionizing sound quality and providing a better experience to the listeners. 2. Transistor Radios The introduction of the transistor radio in the 1950s was another momentous milestone in the history of radio. These were the pocked-sized devices consisting of vacuum tubes. These radios were very cost-effective, compact as well as energy-efficient. This innovation eliminated the constraints of distance and time, fostering a wider reach of radio among the target audience. Also, transistor radios completely reshaped the listening habits of people due to their mobility. 3. Portable and Car Radios The evolution of radio received another transformation with the inception of portable and in-car radios. This evolution made it easier for everyone to carry their favorite radio stations anywhere they wanted while eliminating the need for hefty transistors. At the same time, the car radios brought fun to car drives and traveling times which further reshaped the way people consume music, news, and information in their everyday lives. Limitations Of Analog Radio While there were many benefits associated with analog radio, still some of its drawbacks made it inferior to digital radio. Here are some of the limitations that people experienced with analog radio: 1. Signal Interference There was a lot of signal interference in analog radio which would restrict the fun time and news time. The interference could be caused by atmospheric conditions, electrical appliances, physical obstacles, and much more. So, people often used to compromise with the sound quality of radio and thus people were looking for a more seamless experience. 2. Limited Channel Capacity The history of radio changed when the listeners experienced a lack of choices in channels when using FM radio. The limited channel capacity resulted in the competition for allocation, lack of diversity in programs, and thus, only serving limited content to listeners around the nation. 3. Sound Quality Another big cause that caused the shift from analog radio is its poor sound quality. Due to the vulnerability to noise and distortion, the sound quality in analog radio was compromised heavily and thus affected the expected sound quality from listeners. It was a big obstacle in a fun time for listeners. Evolution Of Radio: From Analog to Digital Broadcasting Because of the limitations associated with analog radio, the evolution of radio was ready for the shift to digital broadcasting for a better experience. The vision of this transition was to enhance the quality of radio and elevate the listening experience of the users by eliminating all the drawbacks of analog radio. Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala The induction of digital radio completely changed the radio landscape by overcoming all the analog radio limitations. Digital radio converts audio signals into digital data and thus begins the new era of broadcasting. This system uses binary-formatted data that ensures flawless sound reproduction thus enhancing the overall user experience with better sound quality. This was one of the biggest milestones in the history of radio, causing a significant shift from analog radio to digital technology. Advantages Of Online Radio There is no doubt that analog radio ruled the world for a very long time. However, online FM radio brought some advantages in the evolution of radio that made it one of the most preferred modes of entertainment for people worldwide. Let's have a glance over these advantages: 1. Enhanced Sound Quality By eliminating the drawbacks of analog radio, online radio led the world to an immersive experience of digital radio with enhanced sound quality. The crystal clear audio of online radio took the audience on a melodious aural journey and thus elevated the listening experience of the people. 2. Increased Channel Capacity The history of radio experienced a big change when online FM radio brought the increased channel capacity into existence. This enabled the radio landscape to further provide a diverse and wide range of content, tailored especially according to the people coming from different cultures, backgrounds, and regions. 3. Additional Services Another big benefit of online radio is that it took the scenario above the mere audio experience. By introducing multimedia formats, the online FM radio delivered live written information to traffic updates, weather reports, and features like song identification and purchase. Different Online Radio Standards The history of radio is full of different digital radio standards, and each of them carries its unique implementations and requirements. Here are some of the renowned digital radio stations: 1. HD Radio HD Radio was an innovation by iBiquity Digital Corporation that marked a significant shift in the evolution of radio. Through the transmission of analog and digital signals, this innovation revolutionized the radio listening experience by providing better sound quality, accessibility to more channels, and helping listeners immerse themselves in a spectacular audio experience. 2. Digital Audio Broadcasting (DAB) DAB, also known as Eureka 147, emerged as a popular digital radio standard in Europe, Asia, Australia, and other selected regions that brought a big change in the history of radio. As a successor of analog radio, Digital Audio Broadcasting provided better sound quality, and thus enhanced the user experience by bringing more options to radio stations. 3. Digital Radio Mondiale (DRM) DRM was designed specifically for signal transmission across long, short, and medium-wave bands that brought the revolutionary shift in digital radio. This evolution enabled the broadcasters to offer high-quality audio services to people while enhancing the reception standards. This step was a great relief for the areas where analog transmission is always an issue. The enhanced audio quality Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala promise by DRM brought the attention of listeners, enhancing a strong brand position as an influential force in digital radio. Impact of Online Radio on Broadcasting Online radio contributed significantly to the evolution of radio by bringing better sound quality, a range of channel choices, and much more. At the same time, various limitations of analog radio were eliminated enhancing the user experience significantly. The increased channel capacity made it easier for the broadcasters to provide content for different demographies which increased the quality as well as quantity of information. Thus, the radio industry evolved into a more diversified and vibrant landscape that generated more possibilities in the history of radio. Moreover, this evolution in the history of radio expanded the traditional audio content to explore the new era of ancillary services. A range of information could be accessed via online radio including the different offerings, text information displays, updates on real-time traffic, weather reports, and much more. The Future of Online Radio Apps The online radio apps are all set to carve their name with gold in the journey of evolution of radio, all because of the different technological advancements. A plethora of innovations have been introduced in the journey including internet radio, streaming services, personalized radio experiences, and much more. The complete radio industry is headed toward growth and transformation, encouraging a more personalized listening experience for users and leading to a significant spike in radio preferences. Surprisingly, phone calls can also be facilitated over radio frequencies now. Even in India, several online radio apps can be used for listening to different radio programs anytime and anywhere. However, it is still very difficult to find a genuine app among the crowd flooded with different APKs and useless software. So, it is recommended to rely only on reputable online radio apps in India that offer free and reliable streaming services. Factors to Consider While Choosing an Online Radio App Here are the five major factors that must be considered when selecting an online radio app: 1. Content Variety The foremost factor that you must consider while selecting the online radio app is the content variety. The application must cater to diverse radio stations, genres, and podcasts according to various preferences and moods. With a wide range of content variety, the listening experience gets better. Whether the listener wants to listen to music, hear the news, or access talk shows, the availability of diverse content makes the radio app an all-in-one solution. The content variety enables the user to dive deeper into their interests and find the content they prefer. 2. User-Friendly Interface Just like the content, it is important to have an intuitive and seamless user interface that navigates the users through different features and functionalities of the application. Tasks like finding radio stations, creating playlists, enhancing the overall user experience, and leveraging the different features become easy with a good UI. Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala The intuitive and simpler interface enables the users to focus and explore the application without getting confused by the complexities. Hassle hassle-free experience brings the users again and again to the application. 3. Sound Quality You will only be able to enjoy music and radio for a short period if the sound quality is good. So, make sure that the mobile radio app you are choosing offers a good sound quality and adjusts itself according to the available internet connection. The good sound quality enhances the overall enjoyment and enables the users to immerse in their music playlist without getting irritated. This provides a more enriching listening experience to the vast audience base. 4. Offline Listening While most mobile apps only run with internet connection, you can find online radio apps that offer unstoppable fun and music experiences even when not connected to the internet. Options like song download, offline FM radio, and offline access to different radio stations elevate the user experience and make the application even more preferable to the audience. 5. Cost Factor There are different pricing associated with the different types of apps. So, you must analyze the monetization model of the app whether it is completely free, offer premium features, or there are in- app purchases. Similarly, a lot of advertisement interruptions can also ruin your experience, which is why you should assess this factor efficiently. Depending on your budget and music taste, choose the right online radio app. Conclusion: Evolution of Radio The evolution of radio travels back from analog radio to digital broadcasting, introducing various chapters in the history of radio. The complete journey of radio in India is full of new surprises, innovation, enhanced user experience, and various supplementary experiences. Starting from the analog radio with hefty transistors to the car radio and online radio apps, the history of radio has entirely changed the way people consumed music, information, traffic, and weather reports on the radio. Moving ahead, the arrival of digital radio made a significant improvement in the sound quality, number of channels, mobility of radios, etc. The technological advancements continued to unfold radio history and shaped the dynamic future of radio. PRIVATIZATION OF RADI BROADCASTING Historically, the radio symbolizes government control over information and has experienced a tremendous transition in India. Its transformation from a state-owned monopoly to a thriving private-sector results from shifting policies, technological advances, and changing listener preferences. All India Radio (AIR), the state-owned broadcaster, dominated India’s airwaves for decades. However, in the 1990s, a revolution began as the government gradually opened the door to privatisation. This article looks into the intriguing history of this shift, examining milestones, popular stations, and the promising future of radio in India. Experimentation and First Steps The turning point occurred in 1993 when daily, two-hour private program slots were introduced on FM channels in Delhi and Mumbai. This initiative sparked the interest for various content, paving the stage for the “Phase I” auction 2001. This historic event saw 108 licenses given across 40 locations, giving rise to renowned stations such as Radio City Bangalore, the first private FM station. This Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala resulted in the creation of renowned stations such as Red FM, Radio One, Radio Nasha, and Radio Mirchi, each with its personality and target demographic. The early years were difficult, with budgetary limits and restricted options. However, the novelty of private content and music-focused programming appealed to listeners, particularly young people. Expansion and Consolidation In 2005, Phase II saw the auction of 338 additional FM licenses, increasing the private sector’s footprint. Existing players strengthened their positions, while newcomers such as Fever FM, Radio Dhol, and Big FM appeared. This period also saw the birth of regional stations dedicated to specific languages and cultures. Today, private FM radio has over 380 stations that reach millions around the country. The programming is broad, including everything from music and entertainment to news, chat shows, and regional programming. Each station has carved out a distinct niche, catering to various demographics and interests. Embracing Digital and Podcasts However, the radio landscape is changing. Recognizing the increased popularity of digital platforms, stations are continuously looking into new opportunities. Streaming services such as JioSaavn now provide specialized radio channels, and many stations have mobile applications. The development of podcasts has also opened up new possibilities. Stations invest in fresh podcast programming, leveraging existing talent and brand familiarity to attract digital listeners. Some successful radio- produced podcasts include Red FM’s “Bawari Umar” and Radio Mirchi’s “Hello, Boss”. Challenges and Opportunities The future of radio in India looks hopeful, but it has obstacles. Competition from music streaming services and shifting media consumption habits among youthful consumers necessitate ongoing innovation. Integrating digital platforms, embracing podcasts, and providing interactive material are critical tactics for remaining relevant. Privatising radio in India has been an incredible journey, converting the airwaves from a one-way conduit to a lively platform for varied perspectives and information. Radio’s ability to adapt to the digital world and capitalize on emerging technologies will be important to its continued success in engaging consumers and determining the future of audio entertainment in India. As the radio industry embraces new technologies and adapts to changing trends, its legacy will evolve, ensuring its continued presence in the hearts and ears of millions. FM FM is short for frequency modulation, which refers to the means of encoding the audio signal on the carrier frequency. FM broadcasting began on 23 July 1977 in Chennai, then Madras, and was expanded during the 1990s, nearly 50 years after FM broadcasting grew in the United States. India first experimented with private FM broadcasts in Goa and the large metropolitan areas of Delhi, Kolkata, Mumbai, and Chennai. COMMUNITY RADIO Community Radio Stations (CRSs) are low power Radio Stations, which are meant to be set-up and operated by local communities. In December 2002, the Government of India approved a policy for the grant of license, for setting up of Community Radio Stations, to well established educational institutions. PRASAR BHARATI & ITS ROLE Three-tier Broadcasting System Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala AIR has a three-tier system of broadcasting. These three levels of programmes are the National, Regional and Local each having distinct audiences. National programmes are broadcast from Delhi for relay by the Capital, Regional and Local Radio Stations. Some of these are the National Programme of Talks and Features in Hindi and English, the National Programmes of Drama and Music. The National Channel of All India Radio located in Delhi broadcasted programmes which were heard on Medium Wave and also on Short Wave. Started on 18th May 1988, this channel worked as a night service from 6.50 PM to 6.10 AM the next morning. Broadcasting in Hindi, Urdu and English, the programme composition of the channel had been designed to make it representative of the cultural mosaic and ethos of the country. It has been closed on January, 2019 The Regional Stations in different States form the middle tier of broadcasting. They originate programmes in the regional languages and dialects. Regional Channels are located in the major linguistic-cultural region of every state. 133 Regional Channels are spread over 28 states & 8 Union Territories including the North-Eastern Service at Shillong that projects the vibrant cultural heritage of the North-Eastern region of this country. The Regional Channels, broadcast largely on the Medium Wave frequency, follow a composite programme pattern comprising of music – classical, light, folk and film, News and Current Affairs, Radio plays, features, Farm and Home programmes, programmes on Health & Family Welfare and programmes for Woman, Children etc. Local Radio is relatively a newer concept of broadcasting in India. Local radio stations serve small communities, showcase local culture and broadcast area specific programmes for the benefit of the community. The transmission is in the FM mode. The programming is flexible and spontaneous and the stations function as the mouth piece of the local community. At present there are 92 Local Stations spread across the country. Growth & Development Broadcasting in India actually began about 13 years before AIR came into existence. In June 1923 the Radio Club of Bombay made the first ever broadcast in the country. This was followed by the setting up of the Calcutta Radio Club five months later. The Indian Broadcasting Company (IBC) came into being on July 23, 1927, only to face liquidation in less than three years. In April 1930, the Indian Broadcasting Service, under the Department of Industries and Labour, commenced its operations on an experimental basis. Lionel Fielden was appointed the first Controller of Broadcasting in August 1935. In the following month Akashvani Mysore, a private radio station was set up. On June 8, 1936, the Indian State Broadcasting Service became All India Radio. The Central News Organisation (CNO) came into existence in August, 1937. In the same year, AIR came under the Department of Communications and four years later came under the Department of Information and Broadcasting. When India attained independence, there were six radio stations in India, at Delhi, Bombay, Calcutta, Madras, Tiruchirapalli and Lucknow. There were three in Pakistan (Peshawar, Lahore and Dacca). AIR then had a coverage of just 2.5 % of the area and 11% of the population. The following year, CNO was split up into two divisions, the News Services Division (NSD) and the External Services Division (ESD). In 1956 the name AKASHVANI was adopted for the National Broadcaster. The Vividh Bharati Service was launched in 1957 with popular film music as its main component. The phenomenal growth achieved by All India Radio has made it one of the largest media organisations in the world. With a network of 591 radio stations, AIR today is accessible to 98 % Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala population of the country and nearly 90% of the total area. A broadcasting giant, AIR today broadcasts in 23 languages and 146 dialects catering to a vast spectrum of socio-economically and culturally diverse populace. Programmes of the External Services Division are broadcast in 11 Indian and 16 foreign languages reaching out to more than 100 countries. These external broadcasts aim to keep the overseas listeners informed about developments in the country and provide a rich fare of entertainment as well. The News Services Division, of All India Radio broadcasts 647 bulletins daily for a total duration of nearly 56 hours in about 90 Languages/Dialects in Home, Regional, External and DTH Services. 314 news headlines on hourly basis are also being mounted on FM mode from 43 AIR Stations. 46 Regional News Units originate 469 daily news bulletins in 75 languages. In addition to the daily news bulletins, the News Services Division also mounts number of news-based programmes on topical subjects from Delhi and its Regional News Units. AIR operates at present 18 FM stereo channels, called AIR FM Rainbow, targeting the urban audience in a refreshing style of presentation. Four more FM channels called, AIR FM Gold, broadcast composite news and entertainment programmes from Delhi, Kolkata, Chennai and Mumbai. With the FM wave sweeping the country, AIR is augmenting its Medium Wave transmission with additional FM transmitters at Regional stations. In keeping with the Government decision for transition to the digital mode of transmission, AIR is switching from analog to digital in a phased manner. The technology adopted is the Digital Radio Mondiale or DRM. With the target of complete digitization by 2017, the listeners can look forward to highly enhanced transmission quality in the near future. PRIVATIZATION OF TV The growth of the television industry in India The phenomenal growth of the television industry began with the LPG (Liberalisation, Privatisation, Globalisation) policy in 1991. Post the economic reforms, foreign players like CNN, BBC, etc., entered the broadcasting market, along with new domestic players like Sun TV and Asianet. By 1995, 70 million homes in India had televisions. The number of audience had reached 400 million, viewing 100 different channels. By 2015, 167 million houses had televisions, of which 84 million were DTH subscribers. The number of houses using digital TV from analog had also grown by 32%. In 2018, India had 850 TV channels and 180 million households with televisions. India’s growth in the television industry can be seen in different phases based on the change in its broadcasting mode. The first shift was to use digital TVs from analog. The government actively participated in mandating digital services, which gave birth to set-top boxes. Then came satellite televisions, another broadcasting mode. Here, the channels were broadcasted through DTH (Direct-to-Home) Dish. Airtel, Sun Direct, Tata, Videocon, etc., were some of the first few players to provide the dish service to customers. The next in line was the IPTV (Internet Protocol Television). This is where channels were broadcasted through the internet. IPTV is now ruling the market with its OTT (Over-the-top) service. Indian television industry today Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala The media and entertainment industry, of which television is a significant part, is expected to reach $100 billion by 2030. A recent study by EY on the media and entertainment industry has some interesting revelations about the television industry: India’s media and entertainment industry has crossed ₹2.3 trillion, of which television contributed the highest at ₹696 billion (30%). While television has remained the highest contributor over the years, digital media is expected to take over next year. 2013, too, saw a decline in television’s contribution, while all other segments grew from the previous year. The primary reason for the decline in TV’s market share in India is the dip in advertising revenue. While subscription revenue has increased by 2% in 2023, advertising revenue has fallen by 6.5%. Advertising volume, too, has decreased by 2.6% due to the gaining popularity of other advertising mediums. The overall time spent on TV has increased by 2%, however, there is a decrease of 1% in affluent audiences spending time watching TV. The lower-class audiences have compensated for this, with an increase of 4% in their TV time. By 2026, the revenue from the television industry is expected to reach ₹765 billion with a CAGR of 3.2%. The total number of TV screens is expected to go up from 182 million in 2023 to 202 million in 2026. Though there is a slight dip in the TV segment, recent trends, such as the growing popularity of OTT, 4K resolution and LED screens, the use of AI in content creation, connecting other devices through smart technology, etc., are expected to contribute to the growth of this medium. The most used OTT applications in India include Netflix, Hotstar, Jio Cinema, MX Player, Sony Liv, Zee 5, Amazon Prime Video, Disney Hotstar, etc. Following are the top 5 shares of the broadcasting industry listed on NSE and BSE, ranked according to their market capitalisation: Compiled by: Dr. Nidhi Thanawala IMPACT OF PRIVITISATION: Privatisation has impacted the growth of television industry both in terms of numbers of channels as well as the variety of programmes.It has also led to the popularity of entertainment channels over news channels. There was a worldwide trend during the 1980s towards the commercialisation of television. Herman and Mc Chesney (2001) argue that during this decade the policies of deregulation and privatisation were applied to national broadcasting and telecommunication systems that were traditionally regulated and often publicly owned and operated. This had a detrimental impact on public service programs which were replaced with more and more entertainment programming. The television industry