Cordillera Identity and History (1).pdf

Cordillera Identity and History or Identity and History in the Cordillera Stanley F. Anongos Jr. The objective of this chapter is to tell the story of identity formations in the Cordillera. It shows...

Cordillera Identity and History or Identity and History in the Cordillera Stanley F. Anongos Jr. The objective of this chapter is to tell the story of identity formations in the Cordillera. It shows that identity formations and its Indigenous Peoples label are largely the result of the region’s colonial experience. Origins and Migrations Keesing writes that original inhabitants in the Cordillera are a result of migrations for varied reasons and in different times before and after Spanish arrival. Ibaloy came from nearby Pangasinan. Kankanaey of Benguet and Mountain Province, Bontoks, and Tingguians came from Ilocos. Isneg came from coastal Cagayan. Southern Apayao and Kalinga came from the lower Chico River in the border of Kalinga and Cagayan. Mining activities explain the movement to Lepanto area and Itogon in pre-Spanish times. Others moved to the mountains of Cordillera as “runaways”, or to avoid Spanish rule, such as the case of Isneg in Apayao, some Tingguians in Abra, as well as Kalinga and Ifugao in the east. In the mountains, some practiced wet rice agriculture while others survived on dry farming. Rice terracing was a shared technology for most wet rice agriculturists. Others relied on mining. At the time of Spanish arrival, highlander territories extended to the lowlands of today’s Nueva Vizcaya, Cagayan, Isabela, Pangasinan, La Union, and Ilocos. Highlanders were scattered as numerous and autonomous villages, a condition the Spaniards described later as “tribus independientes”. Colonialism, Resistance, and Naming (1600s-1898) In William Scott’s work, the region was penetrated by Spaniards from both east and west. The colonial interests combined gold, proselytization campaigns, extension of conquered territories, and punitive expeditions. Such interests brought to the Cordillera Spanish soldiers, lowlander recruits and carriers, Spanish missionaries, miners and gold prospectors, and, much later, Spanish colonial administrators. Igorot responses were varied but most are expressions of refusal to be colonized. A common reaction to Spanish military expeditions was retreat into deeper parts of the mountain, which resulted to population dispersions and muddled ethnic distinctions. Such response also redefined Igorot territory as Igorots in the lowlands and close to the lowlands eventually abandoned these areas. As for Christian conversion, there were success cases where highlanders were relocated to the lowlands like those in the La Union-Ilocos areas and Nueva Vizcaya- Cagayan areas. Others saw the connection of Christian conversion to tribute collection and forced labor, as well as the whole inconvenience of colonization, thus rejecting offers of conversion. By the time the Spaniards were driven out in the late 1890s most highlanders remained pagans. There was no systematic identification of ethnic groupings during the Spanish rule but scattered classifications during this period were consolidated in the works of Ferdinand Blumentritt who listed 36 “tribes” of Northern Luzon, around 13 of which are found within the Cordillera. These include Igorrotes, Busaos, Panuipuy, Mayoyaos, Ifugaos, Gaddanes, Itetepanes, Guinaanes, Calingas, Tinguianes, Apayaos, Ilamut, and Ileabanes. The Jesuit mission of Manila also came up with a list of 26 tribes in Northern Luzon, with around 10 from the Central Cordillera. In general, though, Spaniards adopted geographic identifications they apparently learned from lowlanders, such as Ygolottes (gold traders-Benguet, Kayan, Ifugao), Tingguianes (Abra, Ifugao) and Mandaya (Apayao). Ygolotte, which was later respelled as Igorrotes, was consistently applied to Benguet people, particularly the Ibaloy, but was also used on other and all people of the Cordillera region. The term literally means “people from the mountain” from an old Malay language. Tingguians, from an old Malay word tinggi means “high” or “elevated,” also persisted as a group label for Itneg speaking people of Abra. Mandaya literally means “those up above” and was applied to some Apayao groups. Others were just labeled as infieles (pagans) and salvajes (savages) owing to the refusal of mountaineers to adopt Christianity. Igorot resistance also prompted Spaniards to attribute repugnant characteristics on them like “bandits, and murderers who killed for purposes of revenge, robbery, intimidation or extortion and mutilated the bodies of their victims.” They were also charged with preventing “other Filipinos from becoming Christians, kidnapped baptized children to be raised as pagans and gave refuge to ex-convicts, lawbreakers and delinquents.” These descriptions were eventually attached to the infieles and Igorrote identities, so that during the Spanish period, to be Igorrote is not only to be from the mountains, but also as infieles, bandits, murderers, robbers, kidnappers, and wild. By the mid-1800s, the Spaniards set up their first political divisions in the form of Commandancia-Politico-Miltares, or military posts. Following successful campaigns of Guillermo Galvey, military posts were organized in Benguet (1854), Tiagan (1847), Lepanto (1852), Bontoc (1857), and Saltan (1859). Other Commandancia Politico-Militares like Amburayan, Kayapa, and Apayao were set up in 1891, while Kiangan was made one in 1892. The creation of the CPM did not entail complete colonization, however, as CPM’s influence is limited to tax collection within its immediate location. The widespread resistance and continuing independence of many highlanders after the establishment of CPMs prove the general state of freedom enjoyed by most highlanders. Spanish attempts and failure to colonize the highlanders of Central Cordillera resulted to the differentiation between the lowland population and the highlanders, the former being hispanized and the latter unhispanized. From https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Demographics_of_the_Philippines American paternalism, Administrative Grid, and Ethnic Classification (1898-1941) American pacification campaign combined military and civil approaches. Resistances were expressed in Lepanto-Bontoc, Ifugao, Kalinga and specially Apayao. These resistances were, however, moderate when compared to earlier responses to Spanish intrusion. In a way a certain level of pacification has already been achieved by earlier Spanish campaigns, which made it easier for Americans to occupy the Cordillera central. Isnag around present day Kabugao presented the Americans a consistent resistance for which they were attacked by numerous punitive military expeditions from 1907 to 1913. Guenned and Waga held Americans away until 1913, marking what is perhaps the last resistance against American occupation in the country. Trail and road building accompanied military expeditions. Where the military declared as pacified, schools and political organization followed. Baguio was particularly developed as it was identified ideal for a hill station or a territory where Americans spent time for rest and recreation. Key stations were placed in Baguio including a Sanitarium, military camp, teachers’ camp, market area, Mansion House, and cottages for cabinet officials as well as engineers. Benguet Road (Kennon Road) was constructed to access Baguio and the nearby Itogon mines. At the time that the Americans entered the Cordillera, a clear understanding of the region was wanting. A body named Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes (BNCT) was organized to produce researches about the region and the people. From these, and other ocular visits made by colonial administrators, the people of the region were perceived to be “less civilized” and culturally as well as racially distinct. Americans reinforced earlier highland identities and modified others. By this time, the Igorot identity was already mired with negative meanings being associated with backwardness, savagery and paganism. American ethnology did not attempt to contest this. Instead, the debate revolved around whether Igorot should apply to all or to selected people only. David Barrows, who was the head of the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes (BNCT), in charge of studying non- Christians, oversimplified the early many classifications of the Cordillera central into Igorots, Tingguians and Negritos. He, however, recognized linguistic differences among the Igorots, such that there are Dadayag, Gaddang, Kalinga, Banaos, Bunnayans, Silipan, Mayaoyao, Tingguians, Kankanay, and Nabiloi. Barrows’ categorization of all Cordillera groups as Igorots is a reflection of the extent the term has already been applied at the end of Spanish rule and the beginning of American colonization. Dean Worcester, who was Secretary of Interior and member of the Philippine Commission, doubted the Barrows classification, and asserted his own to include Negritos, Ilongots, Kalingas, Ifugaos, Bontoc Igorots, Lepanto-Bontoc Igorots, and Tinggians. Worcester’s classification, which is also simplified, prevailed over other categorizations. Thus, the final “tribal” groupings in the region included Lepanto-Benguet Igorots, Bontoc Igorots, Ifugaos, Kalingas, and Tingguians. For Worcester, Igorot applies only to Benguet and Lepanto people, but because he could not come up with an appropriate name for the Bontoc people, the term was also applied on them. Under US rule, Igorots were also assigned other tags such as “Non-Christians”,“Tribes”, “headhunters”, “savages”, and “wild”, a continuation of Spanish labeling. The creation of the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes (BNCT) was itself revealing of American categorizations. American officials explained that the use of the term Non-Christian is not purely along religion but more cultural and historical, to refer to those who cling to their indigenous culture and refuse to submit to Spanish-American ways. The assignation of “tribal” was also something tentative and a misuse as there really were no tribal boundaries, nor did Igorots fought tribal wars or claim descent from common tribal ancestor. American officials acknowledge that Igorot groups do not qualify as tribes. Tribe was simply used for want of better word to indicate distinct cultural and linguistic identities. Admin grid and identity making Administrative organization of the region also added to the layers of identity making. American political organization reflects earlier Spanish Commandancia-Politico-Militares. Benguet was the first province to be organized under the new colonizers, having been established in 1900. Lepanto and Bontoc were merged to make up another province in 1902. Kalinga-Apayao became a single province in 1907. Finally, in 1908, a single province was created, and was called Mountain Province. The new province had several sub-provinces including Benguet, Amburayan, Alilem, Lepanto, Bontoc, Ifugao, and Kalinga-Apayao. Not surprisingly, the composition followed Worcester’s own tribal organization in 1906. Nevertheless, because the “tribal” divisions are not really accurate, some ethnolinguistic groups found themselves across separate provinces. This is the case of Kankanaey, which are spread in the provinces of Benguet, Lepanto, and Bontoc. The Kalanguya are also found in Benguet, Ifugao, and Nueva Vizcaya. By a stroke of administrative organization, labels such as Igorot, non-Christians, tribes, wild, and headhunters were politically bounded and reinforced. Mountain Province was, therefore, the home of non-Christian tribes who were perceived as less civilized. It is for this reason that Abra was excluded from the province because it was deemed “civilized” compared to the groups that made up the Mountain Province. In 1920, Alilem, Amburayan, and Lepanto were dissolved and boundaries between Mountain Province and the lowland provinces were redefined. Consequently, Cervantes, Tagudin and others parts of Lepanto and Alilem were added to Ilocos Sur. Much later, Langagan and Allacapan were transferred to Cagayan. These changes came four years after the implementation of the Jones Law in 1916. The Jones Law allowed for the filipinization of numerous government positions. As a result, the upper house (Philippine Commission) gave way to an all-Filipino senate. Non- Christian provinces were given special representation in both senate and the lower house, and Mountain Province was represented at different times by Juan Carino and Henry Kamora of Benguet sub-provinve, Rafael Bulayungan and Joaquin Codamon of Ifugao sub-province, Clemente Irving, Hilary Clapp, Rodolfo Hidalgo, and Felix Diaz of Bontoc sub-province. The Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes (BNCT) was also revived as an administrative office in charge of all non-Christians and was placed under the control of Philippine legislature. For the first time, Mountain Province was, therefore, under the direct supervision of Filipinos through the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes (BNCT). Joaquin Luna became its first Filipino governor. Discomfort with Igorot The unfavorable connotations attached to the Igorot label were translated into prejudices and discrimination when Igorots encountered outsiders. Some lowlanders, particularly, have looked down with contempt upon Igorots, and discriminated against educated natives. Customs, usages, and traditions associated with Igorotness have also been despised, even by lowlander officials and employees of Mountain Province. The term Igorot, which was reportedly used by lowlanders to frighten or reprove their children, has by this time become an opprobrium. By the 1930s, there is a growing aversion from the Igorot themselves to the term that an alternative label, “mountaineer”, has become more acceptable. An Igorot organization of professionals that called itself BIBKA, which stands for Benguet, Ifugao, Bontoc, Kalinga-Apayao, preferred the term “native” over “Igorot”. Despite this, the Commonwealth government abolished the BNCT in 1936, removing the last vestige of government special protection of the non-Christians. Post-war Identity struggle and the 1966 Division (1950s-1970) The 2nd World War and the Japanese rule in between are generally viewed as difficult years brought about by the destruction and deaths of the war and the brief but tense Japanese rule. It is, however, during this period that the first Igorot was appointed as Governor of Mountain Province. It had been the desire at the beginning of the Commonwealth government in 1936 that it was time for an Igorot governor. But instead of a highlander, President Quezon chose another lowlander. It was only during the Japanese rule that Dr. Hilary Pitapit Clapp, who was from Bontoc, was designated, only to disappear and presumed killed by guerilla members after. The 2nd World War also brought an end to American colonial rule in the country, and the issue about the “non-Christians” was now placed in the hands of a new republic. By this time a new term, “Cultural Minorities”, was introduced as an official state label of what used to be Non- Christians. The framework adopted was to transition these groups to become part of the mainstream Filipino population. A new office, called Commission for National Integration (CNI), was created for this, and it became known for its scholarship program. Within the integration framework, too, highlanders were struggling with discriminations. This is because they now have to compete with other people on an equal footing without special treatment the way they were treated under American rule. Schooled Igorots tried their luck in employment, which placed them against outsiders and in the course of such felt discriminated. Apparently, such different treatment of Igorots stemmed, not from intellectual inferiority, but from their being Igorots and all the negative connotations attached to it. Negative connotations continue to haunt the term Igorot. While students and educated Igorots in Baguio proudly defended Igorotism, there is also a kind of response where they proposed alternative collective label. Like the pre-war, term like “mountaineer”, “native”, and “highlander” were proposed. Such negative association even prompted Congressman Louis Hora in 1958 to file a bill in congress prohibiting the use of Igorot in printed materials. The bill supported the use of “highlander” instead of “Igorot”. 1966 Division Mountain Province was sub-divided into 4 new provinces in 1966, fifty-eight years since 1908. This division created Benguet, Ifugao, Kalinga-Apayao, and a new Mountain Province, which covered the Bontoc territory. It was decided that a division would bring administration closer to the people. The proposal was not, however, new as Benguet leaders have been pushing for this action early on. They felt that Benguet holds the economic burden for the whole province because it hosts key and productive industries like the mines. Under PD No. 1 of 1972 Ifugao and Kalinga-Apayao were placed under Region II while Benguet and Mountain Province under Region I. This and the earlier subdivision threatened a regional identity developed earlier. Under these separations, what kept regional affiliations among the Cordillerans was a historical similarity and a common label of being cultural minorities. The contentious Igorot label remained acceptable to others but the political divisions killed the spread of such acceptance. Opposition to Dam and Logging and Revival of Igorot Consciousness (1970s-1983) Chico River runs through Mountain Province and Kalinga. In 1973, the National Power Corporation (NPC) began its survey of a planned dam along this river. The plan was to build four dams from Sabangan in Mountain Province to Tabuk in Kalinga. The project, which did not care to secure any consent from the affected areas, was opposed by communities directly affected by the dam construction. Locals dismantled camps of the exploration group and petitioned government agencies and Malacanang to discontinue the dam. In response, the government used a new office called Presidential Assistant on National Minorities (PANAMIN) in an attempt to stop the opposition. PANAMIN took over the functions of the CNI as overseer of the national minorities. During the Chico controversy PANAMIN distributed goods and money to affected areas and facilitated meetings with government authorities. It also offered similar scholarship grants to selected students as the CNI did earlier. When the strategy failed, soldiers were brought in to secure the operation. In nearby Abra, a logging concession was granted by the government to a corporation covering 200 hectares of Benguet pines. Cellophil Resources Corporation began its operation also without consultation with affected areas. The logging invited Tingguian opposition, which was countered with militarization of the logging areas. Non-government organizations, churches and the media joined the opposition against the two projects. The New Peoples’ Army (NPA), which was just starting its operation in the region, sided with the affected communities, attracting hundreds of recruits as a consequence. Among those recruited in Abra were Catholic priests like Conrado Balweg, Bruno Ortega, Cirilo Ortega, and Nilo Valerio. Traditional pact system like the Vochong was utilized by affected communities to forge united resistance to the dam project and later to the logging activities. Part of the strategies employed by opposition to the dams was to attract attention from the public and the media. For this it was decided that it was easier to do so by utilizing the “Igorot” as such term would easily bring to mind the stereotype of a loincloth-wearing man with unkempt hair playing gongs. The term also was meant to project the warrior spirit of old headhunting practices against a government enemy (Finin, 243). The use also revived historic and successful Igorot resistance to Spanish colonialism. Speeches, communications, and conferences made use of “Igorot” and “Kaigorotan” was also coined as an inclusive name for the entire Igorot population. In a way, the opposition to these projects brought affected communities closer, bringing Tingguians closer to people of Mountain Province and Kalinga. In this context, “Igorot” was somehow redefined as an identity to a resistance. The projects eventually discontinued but not after it occasioned disunity and violence in Abra, Mountain Province, and Kalinga. In 1980, a known opposition leader from Kalinga, Macliing Dulag, was gunned down in his own home in Bugnay. Instead of silencing the oppositions, the assassination of Dulag widened support, including international groups, for the stoppage of the project. The CRC operation finally halted in 1984 and the Dam project ended a few years after. Cordillera, EO 220, Regional Autonomy, and the Inclusion of Abra (1983-1987) An important lesson derived from the two projects and the experience of resistance to the projects is the realization of how national minorities were treated. The territories of minorities were viewed only as a resource base for the benefit of the majority. Add to that the absence of serious consultation and consent. These and a shared history of Spanish colonial resistance as well as having a distinct culture combined to convince highlanders to seek for an autonomy. It was not surprising that activists of the period began the drive for an autonomous Cordillera. This was reinforced by the Cordillera Peoples’ Liberation Army (CPLA), led by Father Balweg, and a breakaway group of the NPA. Because of the absence of a single administrative unit that would unify the entire region, another geographical term was adopted to group people of the old Mountain Province and Abra. As a geographic jargon, Cordillera refers to parallel mountains, and for northern Luzon Cordillera includes Sierra Madre, Malaya range, and Cordillera Central. It is from Cordillera central that “Cordillera” and “Cordilleran” were derived as a new label for the region and its people. The term competed with Igorots as an identity in the 1980s and the 1990s, and a number of key players for the autonomy named their groups with “Cordillera” in it, such as Cordillera Broad Coalition (CBC), Cordillera Peoples Alliance (CPA), Cordillera Peoples Liberation Army (CPLA), Cordillera Peoples Democratic Front (CPDF), and Cordillera Bodong Administration (CBAd). The decision to name the region “Cordillera” and the title of the advocacy of “Cordillera Autonomy”, as well as naming related offices with Cordillera like Cordillera Executive Board (CEB) and Cordillera Regional Assembly (CRA) were all derived from this. While Igorot and Cordilleran are both geographical words, the latter appealed better to many because of its unadulterated meaning and history. It is also favored over its ethnic neutrality, making it more inclusive to all residents of the Cordillera central regardless of their ethnicity. The aspiration for a regional autonomy was successfully lobbied with the Constitutional Commission and was included in Section 14 of Article X of the Philippine Constitution. At the same time, the Aquino government entered into a peace agreement (Sipat) with Conrado Balweg’s CPLA. Thereafter, Executive Order No. 220 was signed on July 15, 1987 establishing a transition regional set up called Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR). The region included the provinces of Benguet, Ifugao, Kalinga-Apayao, Mt. Province, the chartered city of Baguio, and Abra, which for the first time joined its mountain neighbors since the American ethnic and administrative classification in the early 1900s. Common opposition experience in the 1970s and early 1980s has reconnected Abra people and the rest of the Cordillera communities. In 1995 the last of the political divisions in the region happened with the separation of Kalinga and Apayao. IPRA and ethnicity The Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA) is considered a landmark law in favor of Indigenous Peoples. Passed in 1997, it promised protection and advancement of the rights and privileges of indigenous people, particularly to finally have a definitive ownership to their land. Before the IPRA, the state recognized ancestral land claims through the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) Administrative Order No. 2 (DAO 2) of 1992. This right was reinforced in 1997 by the passage of the IPRA, which granted a collective right to land through the Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title (CADT) and of individual rights through the Certificate of Ancestral Land Title (CALT). These opportunities encouraged registration and assertions of ethnic identities. In the 1990 national census, no mention was made of some ethnic groups like the I’wak and Ikalahan. Balangao was not even known outside of Natonin, Mountain Province. By 2000 they were included in the National Commission for Culture and the Arts (NCCA) list of ethnic groups. From a previous number of 12 “major” ethnolinguistic groups noted by NCIP, there are now 14 but with more groups asking to be recognized. A good example is how Kalanguya people have insisted that they are different from the Ikalahan, which was earlier recognized to subsume them. In succeeding meetings and consultation among Kalanguya and Ikalahan in the 1990s, they have decided to unify the label to become Kalanguya/Ikalahan. The Sadanga, Baliwon, Majukayang have also asserted themselves to make up unique ethnic groups instead of being lumped with Bontoks. Numerous groups in Abra, such as the Adasen, Maeng, Masadiit, Banao, Inlaud, and others, have also broken the Tingguian identity to proclaim their distinctions. IPRA also created an office that was to oversee the affairs of the IPs. Named National Commission for Indigenous People (NCIP), it replaced the old offices of ONCC and OSCC. While more and more groups emerge to assert their separate identity, people of the region are still generally identified as Igorot. It is the longest label that inhabitants of this region has been associated with. Its application has been contested but has also been reinvented. Cordilleran is occasionally used, particularly in the campaign for autonomy. At the same time, people are also labeled as Indigenous Peoples or Cultural Communities. In another level they are also identified by their provincial affiliation or municipal and barangay membership. References: Afable, Patricia O. “Notes for an Ethnohistory of the Southern Cordillera, Northern Luzon: A Focus on Kalanguya.” The Journal of History, vol. 50, nos. 1-4, January to December, 2004, pp. 152-174. Bagadion, Benjamin Jr. “The Rise and Fall of a Crony Corporation”. Philippine Sociological Review, Vol. 39, No. 1/4, (JanuaryDecember 1991), pp. 24-29. Finin, Gerard A. The Making of the Igorot: Contours of Cordillera Consciousness. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2005. Fry, Howard. A History of Mountain Province. Revised Edition. Quezon City: New Day Publisher, 2006. Harrison, Francis B. The Corner-stone of Philippine Independence: A Narrative of Seven Years. New York: The Century Company, 1922. NCIP. Pagkilala, Indigenous Cultural Communities. 2021 Peralta, Jesus T. Glimpses: Peoples of the Philippines. NCCA, 2000. Scott, William H. The Discovery of the Igorots: Spanish Contacts with the Pagans of Northern Luzon, Revised Edition. Quezon City: New Day Publisher, 1987. Worcester, Dean C. “The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon.” The Philippine Journal of Science, October 1906. Executive Order No. 220, s. 1987 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Legislative_districts_of_Mountain_Province