From Casta to Californio: Social Identity and Archaeology of Culture Contact PDF

BARBARA L. VOSS From Casta to Californio: Social Identity and the Archaeology of Culture Contact ABSTRACT In culture contact archaeology, studies of social identities generally focus on the colonized–colonizer dichotomy as the fundamental axis of identification. This emphasis can, however,...

BARBARA L. VOSS From Casta to Californio: Social Identity and the Archaeology of Culture Contact ABSTRACT In culture contact archaeology, studies of social identities generally focus on the colonized–colonizer dichotomy as the fundamental axis of identification. This emphasis can, however, mask social diversity within colonial or indigenous populations, and it also fails to account for the ways that the division between colonizer and colonized is constructed through the practices of colonization. Through the archaeology of material culture, foodways, and architecture, I examine changing ethnic, racial, and gendered identities among colonists at El Presidio de San Francisco, a Spanish-colonial military settlement. Archaeological data suggest that military settlers were engaged in a double material strategy to consolidate a shared colonial identity, one that minimized differences among colonists and simultaneously heightened distinctions between colonists and local indigenous peoples. [Keywords: culture contact, identity, colonization, race, gender] A RCHAEOLOGISTS ARE DRAWN TO IDENTITY as a focus of our research because it is such a potent entry point into the social contours of the cultures we study. I use ology in the United States is defined specifically by its fo- cus on the dynamics and outcomes of interactions among indigenous and nonindigenous populations during the the term social identity to refer to the many ways that indi- colonization of North America by various European pow- viduals and groups of people are taxonomically categorized ers (Lightfoot 1995; Silliman 2005). Identities are a particu- through socially constructed relationships of difference. It larly salient topic for investigations of the ways that cultural is through such taxonomies, for example, that we come to change occurred during colonization. Colonial encounters understand that a “soccer mom,” in the present-day United produced conditions under which social identities had to States, is very different from a “NASCAR dad,” who both be reworked and refashioned in response to intercultural are altogether different from “queer youth.” Identities si- contact. The study of social identity reveals the changing multaneously provide ontological security (we know who fault lines of colonial and indigenous societies during an we are) and are flashpoints in social conflict (“Don’t call era of rapid cultural change. me that!”). Identity can refer to the ways that people name Culture contact studies of identities generally focus on themselves, to the ways that people are named by others in the colonized–colonizer dichotomy as a fundamental axis their own culture, and to the ways that they are named by of identification. Researchers have also tended to empha- outsiders. The politics of such namings point to relation- size the effects of European contact with indigenous popu- ships of authority and coercion in cultural discourse—the lations. However, the situation at most colonial settlements power to name oneself is, for example, quite different from was far more complicated. From the 15th century onward, the power to assign a name to others. European colonial powers moved and relocated colonized My research is located within what has most recently peoples from one part of the globe to the other in service of been termed culture contact studies—a field that is a reshap- their empires’ military and economic goals. Consequently, ing and extension of earlier acculturation and creoliza- in many parts of North America, the colonizing population tion research programs (e.g., Dawdy 2000; Foster 1960; often included large numbers of non-European peoples who Herskovits 1938; Redfield et al. 1936). Culture contact ar- themselves had been displaced through colonial projects. chaeology also intersects with research on transculturation Many archaeologists have noted, for example, that and ethnogenesis, and, more recently, with postcolonial Dutch and British colonies along the Atlantic coast in- approaches (e.g., Deagan 1996, 1998; Ewen 2000; Graham cluded both enslaved and free Africans (Cantwell and 1998; Jamieson 2005; Stoler 2001). Culture contact archae- Wall 2001; Deetz 1993; Edwards-Ingram 2001; Ferguson AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Vol. 107, Issue 3, pp. 461–474, ISSN 0002-7294, electronic ISSN 1548-1433.
C 2005 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved. Please direct all requests for permission to photocopy or reproduce article content through the University of California Press’s Rights and Permissions website, at http://www.ucpress.edu/journals/rights.htm. 462 American Anthropologist Vol. 107, No. 3 September 2005 1980, 1992; Franklin 2001; Paynter 2001; Rothschild 2003; Yentsch 1994), as did Spanish colonies in the North American Southeast (Bense 2003; Deagan 1996; Deagan and MacMahon 1995; Loren 1999; Smith 1995). Culture contact, in these contexts, was multidimensional and in- cluded substantial interaction among Native American and African populations (Forbes 1993). French and British fur trading posts in the northern reaches of North America were similarly occupied not only by European merchants and traders but also by Africans and by Native Americans from tribal groups outside the region (Hamilton 2000; Rubertone 2000; Scott 1991, 2001; White 1991). Spanish-colonial populations in Mexico, the U.S. Southwest, and coastal California likewise included descendents of Mesoamerican Indians and Africans (Jones 1979; Mason 1998; Mörner 1967; Rothschild 2003). Russian mercantile settlements in northwest California were populated largely by relocated Native Alaskans (Lightfoot 2005; Lightfoot et al. 1998). To complicate matters further, in most colonial settings, reproductive sexual intercourse between colonizing and in- FIGURE 1. Map of Spanish-Colonial New Spain, showing interior digenous populations resulted in offspring whose colonial provinces. Shaded area indicates approximate limit of actual colo- status was often ambiguous. Depending on the context, nial settlement. Adapted from Mason (1998:19). these mixed-heritage offspring were at times incorporated into existing European, African, or Native American identi- late 1700s and early 1800s, members of the colonial pop- ties; in other contexts, they were distinguished as new racial ulation were actively transforming racial, gendered, and groups, such as “mestizos,” “castas,” “métis,” and “creoles.” ethnic identification categories. The archaeological record It is critical, then, that researchers studying culture contact provides a means for examining the ways that material prac- at colonial settings not presume that the boundary between tices played a role in these changes. I pay particular atten- colonizer and colonized was self-evident or stable. tion to the temporal relationship between changes in ma- The emphasis in culture contact studies on the terial practices and related shifts in social identities. colonized–colonizer distinction has also masked the dif- ferences in social identities within each group. In certain contexts, race, gender, nationality, religion, class, status, or EL PRESIDIO DE SAN FRANCISCO: age may have been a more salient axis of social differenti- A PLURALISTIC SETTLEMENT ation than the colonizer–colonized dichotomy. This is not El Presidio de San Francisco was founded in 1776 and served because—as sometimes is supposed—axes of social differ- as Spain’s northernmost military outpost in the Americas ence crosscut each other; it would be an egregious error to until Mexico gained independence from Spain in 1821 (see argue, for example, that colonial and colonized men had Figures 1 and 2). It continued to be actively garrisoned un- something inherently in common by virtue of a shared der Mexican rule until 1846, when California became part of gender. Rather, the vernacular terms used in social identi- the United States. Presidios were military installations that fication are often overdetermined, produced through mul- were specifically established for the purpose of securing and tiple vectors of social differentiation. In Spanish-colonial defending Spain’s claim to territories that were occupied pri- California, for example, the term soldado (soldier) indicated marily by indigenous peoples. These garrisoned defensive occupation and simultaneously marked gender, age, nation- fortifications also served as the administrative centers, ju- ality, colonial status, rank, class, future economic prospects, dicial seats, marketplaces, and residential nuclei of isolated and physical ability in ways that cannot be disentangled frontier districts (Archer 1977; Moorhead 1975; Naylor and from each other. The challenge facing those of us who Polzer 1986; Weber 1992). study identities in culture contact settings is to maintain El Presidio de San Francisco’s colonial and indigenous a research focus on colonization and its cultural outcomes populations were far from homogeneous.1 Its founding while also embracing the complexities of social identifica- colonial population consisted of 197 people—about 30 tion in colonial contexts. families. The colonial population remained fairly consis- In this article, I address this issue through a study tent throughout the settlement’s occupation, fluctuating of changing social identity at one historic community: El from the mid-100s to the low 200s. El Presidio de San Presidio de San Francisco, a Spanish-colonial military out- Francisco was also home to significant numbers of Native post in California. I focus primarily on the relationships Californians. Some were civilian employees of the presidial between material practices and shifts in social identities company; others were spouses, concubines, servants, or of colonial residents of the community. Throughout the adopted children living in colonial households. But the  Voss The Archaeology of Culture Contact 463 colonial population consisted of approximately 25 percent adult men, 20 percent adult women, and 55 percent de- pendent children.Officers, rank-and-file soldiers, and their families were recruited from the present-day Mexican states of Sonora, Sinaloa, and Baja California, and to a lesser degree from Nayarit, Jalisco, Coahuila, Chihuahua, and Durango (Mason 1998:65). As subjects of the Spanish crown, all of Alta California’s colonists were Spanish by na- tionality, but almost no one, not even high-ranking military officers, could be said to be of European birth or heritage. The colonial men, women, and children who came to call El Presidio de San Francisco their home were culturally and racially diverse. In the Spanish-colonial Americas, social identities were categorized through the sis- tema de castas (also régimen or sociedad de castas). The sistema de castas was one of the many racialization projects under- taken as part of European conquest and colonization in the 15th–19th centuries (Bonilla-Silva 1996:471). As Charles Orser stresses, such projects “seek to define and compart- mentalize the human community on the basis of outward characteristics.... The process of racialization is never en- tirely harmless or disengaged from social ranking, because one implication of the process is the construction of social inequality” (2004:ix). The sistema de castas emerged in the early 1600s, fol- lowing the first century of Spanish colonization of the Americas (Cope 1994:24). It rested on the concept of limpieza de sangre, or purity of blood, in which people FIGURE 2. Map of San Francisco Bay region showing the locations from three geographic groupings—American, Iberian, and of El Presidio de San Francisco and of major Spanish, Mexican, and African—were considered to be “pure” races. Limpieza de Russian colonial settlements. sangre influenced the legal organization of Spain’s Amer- ican colonies, which were incorporated into two concur- greatest number were adult male laborers, both paid and rent republics, the República de españoles and the República coerced, who worked on agricultural and construction de indios. Enslaved Africans formed a third legal estate projects at the presidio for periods ranging from a few (Mörner 1967:45). These legal estates racialized the power weeks to several years. The indigenous population of El differences between colonizer and colonized and between Presidio de San Francisco included local Ohlone Indians as slave owner and enslaved. However, these neat divisions well as people from other central Californian tribes. were complicated by growing populations of “castas”—free Both surviving documents and archaeological evidence Africans and people of Spanish Indian and Indian African indicate that the division between colonial and indigenous descent. Legal codifications of casta identities were quite residents was indeed the major axis of social difference at elaborate, sometimes including up to 40 different classifi- the settlement, and that this differentiation was enacted cations (Cope 1994:24; Mörner 1967:58–59). These compli- through labor regimes, military campaigns, and juridical cated matrices fostered new distinctions between higher- proceedings. Although my research at the site of El Presidio and lower-ranked castas (Cope 1994:4; Loren 1999:47). de San Francisco investigates the experiences of both the Although there is no doubt that the sistema de castas was, indigenous and colonial populations that lived and worked as Magnus Mörner (1967:55) terms, a “pigmentocracy” in there, in this article I focus primarily on the social identities which lighter skin corresponded with higher rank, casta of colonial military settlers. identities also referenced parentage, class, mannerisms, and A close examination of the origins, race, gender, and material practices (Cope 1994; Jamieson 2005; Loren 1999, age of El Presidio de San Francisco’s colonial population 2001). In its recognition of mixed heritage, the sistema reveals that the distinction “colonial,” although a fun- de castas was substantively different from Anglo-American damental aspect of social identity, was complicated by racializing practices involving hypodescent, in which peo- considerable diversity within the colonial population. The ple born to parents of different races are assigned to the Spanish military preferred to recruit married soldiers with race of the lower-status parent. To some degree, the fine families for frontier service. Consequently, El Presidio de gradations in the sistema de castas provided opportunities San Francisco’s colonial households were primarily com- for racial and social mobility. Historians have documented posed of married couples with children. On average, the literally hundreds of cases in which individuals shifted 464 American Anthropologist Vol. 107, No. 3 September 2005 FIGURE 3. Casta composition of El Presidio de San Francisco’s adult colonial population, by sex. casta during their lifetime, through court cases, marriages, colonial population and the extent to which colonists prac- patronage, migration, changes in personal appearance, and, ticed casta mobility (see Figure 3). In 1776, 40 percent of the in many cases, simply by declaration (Chance 1979; Cope adults living at El Presidio de San Francisco were listed as 1994; Forbes 1966; Jamieson 2005; Mason 1998; Moorhead español; by 1790, those identified as español had increased 1975). to 57 percent. Although the colonial population was stable, In the frontier regions of northwest New Spain, nearly individuals were increasingly described as español or mes- the entire colonial population was composed of castas, tizo over time at the expense of mulato and indio identities Christianized Indians, and free Africans. This was also (Forbes 1983:178–183; Langellier and Rosen 1996:191–193; true of the founding population of El Presidio de San Mason 1998:100–104). This underscores the fact that at El Francisco, not one of whom was born in Spain (peninsu- Presidio de San Francisco, as in other parts of the Spanish- lar) or of certain Spanish heritage (criollo). The residents of colonial frontier in North America, the sistema de castas was El Presidio de San Francisco instead consisted of four major not followed with rigidity, and that colonial records can- casta groupings. “Indio” referred to indigenous Mesoamer- not be used to accurately reconstruct the heritage or race icans. “Mulattos” and “mestizos” were people of mixed of any one individual. However, it is clear that as a group, ancestry who were viewed as primarily African or Indian, re- the colonial settlers of El Presidio de San Francisco were spectively, in their heritage. The fourth category, “español,” not “European” in any conventional sense of the word but, was a designation that granted a person of mixed ancestry instead, were descended from Mexican Indian, African, and, most of the legal privileges held by peninsulares and criol- to a lesser degree, European ancestors. los, affording opportunities for upward mobility for people Up to this point, I have been stressing the relation- with Indian and African heritage (Chance 1979:160; Mörner ship between casta identities and race. Castas also refer- 1967:45). At presidios, soldiers were often reassigned to the enced gender and sexual identities, especially masculine español casta to facilitate a promotion to higher military honor. Historians of colonial New Spain trace ideologies rank (Moorhead 1975:104). Additionally, many members of masculine honor from practices in Europe that were in- of frontier colonial military society shifted casta by asser- troduced to the Americas during the 15th and 16th cen- tion. It was not unusual for people to change their casta turies (Gutierrez 1993; Hurtado 1999; Stern 1995; Twinam between censuses or for children of the same parents to be 1999). In part, masculine honor was accrued through sexual registered as different castas at baptism (Forbes 1966:235). conquests outside the family and by preventing female rel- Census data from El Presidio de San Francisco’s first 25 atives from engaging in dishonorable sexual relationships years demonstrate both the pluralistic composition of the (Gutierrez 1993:705). The sistema de castas was used to  Voss The Archaeology of Culture Contact 465 delineate honorable and dishonorable sexual relationships: fact, atypical. Throughout the 15th century to the present, brothers and fathers of women who had sex with men European colonial powers have moved and relocated col- of a lower casta were especially dishonored because their onized peoples from one part of the globe to the other in grandchildren, nieces, and nephews would lower the family service of their empires’ military and economic goals. The pedigree. Under certain circumstances, secular law granted study of El Presidio de San Francisco, thus, provides a model male relatives the right to prohibit a woman’s marriage to for a more nuanced archaeology of social identity in colo- a man of inferior casta status (Castañeda 1993:729–730). nial contexts. The intersections between gendered and sexual ideologies and the sistema de castas meant that casta status affected MATERIAL PRACTICE AND SOCIAL IDENTITY men and women differently. It is perhaps not surprising that El Presidio de San Francisco’s colonial residents actively in the late 1700s, more colonial men than women in Alta transformed the terms and categories of social identities California changed their casta identity (Mason 1998:54). within a short period of time—a span of about 35 years Although in the late 1700s, members of El Presidio (1776–1810). Archaeological research affords a valuable op- de San Francisco’s population manipulated the sistema de portunity to examine how material practices participated castas, by the beginning of the 1800s, colonial residents in this moment of ethnogenesis. In this analysis, I draw on of the settlement (along with others throughout Alta two bodies of evidence from the site of El Presidio de San California) adopted a regional identity that supplanted Francisco. One is an archaeological assemblage of colonial casta designations. Governmental efforts to continue to material culture that was excavated from a midden deposit track colonists’ casta were futile. One priest in charge of dating to the earliest decades of the colonial settlement (ca. census records commented that “such enumeration was in 1780–1800). The other consists of documentary and archae- vain since the inhabitants of the district considered them- ological evidence of the settlement’s architectural history selves Spaniards” (Miranda 1988:271). The colonial resi- from its founding in 1776 through the transition to U.S. dents started to describe themselves as “gente de razón” rule in the late 1840s. The first provides a close examina- (lit., people of reason), “hijos” and “hijas del paı́s” (sons and tion of routine material practices at the settlement during daughters of the land), and, increasingly, “Californios” or the years leading up to the repudiation of the sistema de cas- “Californianos” (Californians)—the latter of which is gen- tas and the consolidation of a Californio social identity. The erally preferred today by descendents of Alta California’s second, an architectural body of evidence, affords a compar- colonial population. This transition—from a pluralistic con- ative perspective that permits an examination of continu- stellation of colonial racial monikers to a unified regional ity and change in the material practices of space and place identity—is no less than ethnogenesis, the creation of a new throughout the settlement’s occupation. ethnicity forged through the experiences of colonization and culture contact. Like the sistema de castas, Californio identities also ref- NEGOTIATING DIVERSITY: HOUSEHOLD MATERIAL erenced gender and sexuality—and, increasingly, land own- PRACTICES, 1780S–1800S ership and political power. Douglas Monroy (1990, 1998) The Building 13 midden, or trash accumulation, was dis- has argued that the emergence of the Californio identity covered during excavations at the site in 1999. It consists in the early 1800s marked the transformation of gendered of a wide, shallow pit filled with colonial household refuse relationships among colonial men, in which some land- dating to circa 1780–1800.2 The midden was sealed by a owning military men became “seigniors”—“big men” who thick layer of clay during a period of architectural expan- ruled over their family, landless colonial men, and Indian sion and adobe buildings were built on top of it. Protected laborers. Californio identities, thus, used differential mas- by this clay floor, the deposit remained undisturbed until culinity to mark social distance between high-status men its discovery. This tightly dated, well-preserved archaeolog- and their inferiors; gender became a metaphor for differ- ical context affords an important window into the daily ences that had been earlier marked by casta. practices and material strategies of the first generation of This close examination of the geographic origins, cas- colonial families that settled at El Presidio de San Francisco. tas, and gender and family structure of the founding pop- The methods used to excavate and analyze the Build- ulation of El Presidio de San Francisco challenges the con- ing 13 midden are discussed at length elsewhere (Ramsay ventional ways that the “colonial” has been conceptualized and Voss 2002; Voss 2002:349–422, 2003; Voss et al. 2000); in culture contact studies. At El Presidio de San Francisco, briefly, the excavation sampled four cubic meters of the the colonizers were themselves the very product of colo- deposit, recovering over 37,500 archaeological specimens. nization. They were the descendents of Mesoamerican Indi- Here, I discuss some of the findings of these analyses, with ans and Africans who had been displaced from their home- particular attention to the connection between the ma- lands by colonization and were subsequently mobilized as a terial practices evinced in the archaeological record and colonizing force on behalf of the Spanish crown. Although the transformations of social identities that were occur- culture contact studies have overwhelmingly emphasized ring during the early decades of this settlement. Many ar- research on European contact with indigenous populations, chaeologists have used “consumer choice” methodologies the situation at El Presidio de San Francisco was not, in in their investigations of social identity at historic sites 466 American Anthropologist Vol. 107, No. 3 September 2005 (Spencer-Wood 1987). However, El Presidio de San Francisco four L [1.1–4.2 quarts] in volume) suggests that food was received most of its supplies through annual government- being cooked and consumed in individual households, but issue shipments, severely constraining the settlers’ choices each household appears to have been preparing and serv- in the material objects they used. Further, at present we lack ing meals in very similar ways using similar ingredients. sufficient textual evidence to understand how these goods Zooarchaeological evidence indicates that the meat compo- were distributed. Without more extensive documentation nent of the diet consisted almost entirely of beef (Valente of the settlement’s internal economic structure, a mean- 2002); preserved plant remains consist overwhelmingly ingful consideration of consumer choice is not feasible. of cultivated grains and legumes, especially wheat, corn, Instead, I turn to those components of the archaeologi- buckwheat, and peas and beans (Popper 2002). This pat- cal assemblage that provide evidence of local production tern is consistent throughout the areas of the midden that or transformation of material objects. were sampled. The colonial residents of El Presidio de San As might be expected from a deposit of household Francisco appear to have prepared and consumed foods in refuse, much of the assemblage provides evidence of colo- ways that minimized, rather than highlighted, casta differ- nial foodways and dietary practices. Animal bones and ences among colonists. botanical remains were the most frequent types of mate- The effacement of cultural difference within the colo- rial recovered from the Building 13 midden deposit. Addi- nial population extends to other material practices evi- tionally, 7,467 ceramic sherds represent 251 minimum ves- denced in the midden. Sixty-three minimum vessels (25 per- sels that were used to store, prepare, and serve food (Voss cent) recovered from the Building 13 midden were low-fired 2002:657–733). One of the most striking aspects of the food- earthenwares that had been produced locally; they include related ceramic assemblage is the relative scarcity of comales both hand-formed and wheel-thrown vessels that show a (ceramic griddles; four minimum vessels) and the promi- range of technical proficiency (see Figure 4). What is most nence of hollowware cooking pots (73 minimum vessels), striking about these locally produced vessels is their com- many of the latter of which were locally produced. Coma- plete lack of decoration. They are uniformly plain. They les are used for cooking tortillas as well as for heating other evince none of the marks, cording, incisions, pigment, or types of dry food, and their low frequency in the archae- other decorative elements commonly seen in locally pro- ological assemblage is at variance with historical accounts duced vessels at colonial sites. This plainness of appearance that emphasize the role of tortillas in the Spanish-colonial in locally produced pottery is also echoed in the personal diet (Langellier and Rosen 1996:18). The prominence of hol- artifacts recovered from the midden. There are few durable lowware cooking pots in the Building 13 midden indicates items related to clothing, and these, too, are also plain in that, instead, the diet at El Presidio de San Francisco con- appearance; they include 24 glass beads, all monochrome sisted almost entirely of liquid-based foods such as stews, drawn beads that appear black or dark gray under re- gruels, and porridges. The vessel forms of tableware ceram- flected light, and five buttons and button fragments, all ics also support this interpretation: the 88 minimum table- of which are plain, round, flat-faced copper-alloy buttons ware vessels consist almost entirely of bowls, cups, soup (Voss 2002:494). It is possible that the colonial settlers elab- plates, and chocoteros, which are vaselike drinking vessels orated their personal appearance using fabric, leather, or with a spherical base, a constricted opening, and a tall, other organic materials that would not have survived ar- straight-walled neck. chaeologically, but the available evidence does seem to in- The predominance of liquid-based foods at El Presidio dicate that colonial setters were not adorning themselves de San Francisco may have had some cultural significance. in ways that would have drawn attention to individual dif- In her research on preconquest Mexican food practices, ference. In sum, all available evidence from the Building Elizabeth Brumfiel (1991:240) has noted that liquid-based 13 midden suggests that during the early decades of colo- pot foods “traditionally carried positive symbolic connota- nization, the military settlers of El Presidio de San Francisco tions” among indigenous peoples in Mexico. Archaeolog- pursued material strategies that minimized the appearance ical studies of African diaspora communities in 18th- and of cultural difference within the colonial population. 19th-century North America have also noted that stewed If early colonists at El Presidio de San Francisco and simmered foods were positively associated with African strove to minimize cultural differences among themselves, identity (Ferguson 1980, 1991, 1992; Franklin 2001). The the archaeological evidence from the Building 13 mid- high value placed on stewed and simmered foods in both den also shows that they were simultaneously avoiding indigenous Mexican and African diaspora food traditions material practices that were associated with local Native might have provided a culinary common ground that sup- Californians. Ceramic and metal vessels, both imported and ported the development of shared colonial foodways in the locally produced, replicate the dominant vessel forms in use multiethnic settlement—an 18th-century “fusion cuisine,” throughout central New Spain. Wild foods (game, fish, and if you will. plants) played only a minimal role in the colonial diet. No- What is, in fact, striking is that the racial diversity of tably, the wild foods most closely associated with Native the colonial population is not reflected in the assemblage Californians in colonial documents—deer, shellfish, wild from the Building 13 midden. The size of cooking vessels grass seeds, and acorns—are almost entirely absent from (12–32 cm [4.7–12.6 in] rim diameter; between one and the midden assemblage. Likewise, the only groundstone  Voss The Archaeology of Culture Contact 467 FIGURE 4. Examples of locally produced unglazed earthenware recovered from the Building 13 midden deposit. artifact recovered from the assemblage is a fragment of a and laid a material foundation for the emergence of a shared vesicular basalt mano (handstone) typical of those mass Californio identity in the early 1800s. produced in Mexico for use in grinding grain. I was frankly surprised to find no evidence that the colonial population was trading with local Native Californian villages for food- COLONIAL ARCHITECTURE: FROM HOUSEHOLD TO stuffs and groundstone tools. Given the material shortages COMMUNITY STRATEGIES documented in the historical record during the settlement’s Many researchers studying colonization in the New World early history, this finding could even be interpreted as a will- have identified architectural practices as an important ex- ful reluctance on the part of the colonists to incorporate Na- pression of cultural identity at pluralistic frontier settle- tive Californian traditional practices into their way of life. ments (Deagan 1983; Lightfoot et al. 1998; Loren 1999), It appears, then, that colonial households at El and the evidence shows that this was also the case at El Presidio de San Francisco pursued, deliberately or not, a Presidio de San Francisco. As at most presidios, the nu- dual material strategy in relationship to social identities. cleus of colonial life at El Presidio de San Francisco was First, colonists minimized the racial and cultural distinc- its main quadrangle, which was composed of a constella- tions among themselves through shared practices related tion of structures aligned along the edges of a rectangular to material culture, dress, and foodways. Second, they plaza. These structures housed the vast majority of the colo- avoided foodstuffs or material culture used by local Native nial population and also contained the settlement’s military Californians. Given that most of the colonists were headquarters, chapel, storerooms, workshops, guardhouse, themselves descended at least in part from colonized prison, and workshops. Mesoamerican Indians, it seems possible that colonial mili- The architecture of El Presidio de San Francisco has been tary settlers were materializing through these practices what a central focus of both historical studies and archaeolog- could not be accomplished through biological phenotype ical fieldwork. To date, no fewer than 16 field investiga- alone: a physical distinction between colonizers and colo- tions have been conducted there since the archaeological nized. These practices were resources during individual ma- remains of the quadrangle were first discovered in 1993 nipulations of the sistema de castas in the 1780s and 1790s (Voss 2002:209–217). Although there are many questions 468 American Anthropologist Vol. 107, No. 3 September 2005 still unanswered, at this point the archaeological, pictorial, and documentary evidence provides sufficient data to begin to chart some of the dominant trends in El Presidio de San Francisco’s architectural history. The first thing that became apparent through archae- ological research is that there was not one quadrangle, but many quadrangles (at least three), each supplanting the other. The first quadrangle, constructed when the settle- ment was founded in 1776, was never completed; it was largely destroyed by storms and fire by 1780 (Langellier and Rosen 1996:31–42). No archaeological evidence of this earliest quadrangle has yet been discovered. The second quadrangle appears to have been built incrementally dur- ing 1780–1800; its layout is best known through a plan map drawn by Acting Commander Hermenegildo Sal (see Figure 5). Archaeological investigations have identified por- tions of its northern wing and the chapel area on the south wing (Simpson-Smith and Edwards 2000; URS Greiner Woodward Clyde 1999). The condition of this second quad- rangle appears to have deteriorated during the early 1800s. Both documentary and archaeological evidence indicate that in 1815, most of the second quadrangle was razed and a new third quadrangle was constructed in its place (Blind et al. 2004; Ramsay and Voss 2002; Voss and Benté 1996; Voss et al. 2000). With each iteration, the quadrangle was markedly al- tered, but there were also continuities. Notably, the general configuration of the quadrangle—a single row of structures lining the edges of a rectangular central plaza—appears to have been consistent throughout El Presidio de San Francisco’s history. This form was proscribed by military regulations (Brinkerhoff and Faulk 1965). El Presidio de San Francisco deviated from these military regulations in other ways, most notably through a lack of defensive architec- ture. Although the regulations prescribed the construction of two bastions at opposite corners of the quadrangle, there is no evidence that these were ever constructed. Further, the quadrangle was rarely, if ever, protected by a continu- ous defensive wall.3 It is clear from the available data that El Presidio de San Francisco’s residents were selective in their compliance with military regulations. The architectural history of the settlement can be viewed as a product of lo- FIGURE 5. The 1792 Sal plan. See Langellier and Rosen (1996:55) for a translation of the plan’s text. California Archives 6, Provincial cal decisions made within the context of colonial military State Papers, Tomo 11:234. Printed courtesy of the Bancroft Library, expectations. University of California, Berkeley. In other aspects, the quadrangle changed significantly over time, especially regarding the building materials used, earth, jacal (wattle and daub), palisade, stone, and zacate the organization of architectural production, the size of the (thatch). By the 1790s, adobe began to be used more often quadrangle’s footprint, and the degree to which the quad- than other materials. The 1815 expansion of the quadran- rangle was enclosed. I discuss each of these in turn, and gle marked a complete rejection of other construction tech- then consider them together as integrated aspects of a fun- niques: The entire third quadrangle appears to have been damental shift in the community’s architectural practices. constructed of adobe. This shift toward adobe construc- All available evidence suggests that initially, the build- tion cannot be interpreted as an adaptive response to San ings that together composed the main presidial quadrangle Francisco’s natural environment. Importing mud-brick ar- were constructed with a wide variety of building materi- chitecture styles and techniques to the foggy California als and techniques, all of them endemic to the northwest coast can only be viewed as colonial folly; as Hermengildo Mexican provinces from which the presidial settlers had Sal wrote in 1792, “The adobe is bad in itself because of the been recruited. These techniques included adobe, rammed dampness it crumbles” (1792b).  Voss The Archaeology of Culture Contact 469 As adobe shifted from being one of many building ma- terials to becoming the only one used, so too did the so- cial relations and scale of architectural production change. Administrative buildings and the chapel had always been the responsibility of the military command, but initially the settlers themselves were responsible for building their own residences (Langellier and Rosen 1996:33). They con- structed their homes not only of diverse materials but also in differing dimensions—the 1792 Sal plan, for example, shows residences of various sizes and different numbers of rooms (see Figure 5). Beginning in the 1790s, some—but not all—housing construction and repairs began to be di- rected by military officers who supervised Native and colo- nial workers (Langellier and Rosen 1996:73, 89, 95, 107– 108). The transition to centralized military production of household architecture was completed in the build of the third, 1815 quadrangle. The residential wings of the quad- rangle were constructed all-of-a-piece by first erecting two long parallel walls along the plaza’s perimeter, and then subdividing the enclosed space with evenly spaced parti- tion walls. The resulting architectural products were uni- form rows of identically sized and shaped one-room apart- ments, each measuring approximately six by twelve varas (Ramsay and Voss 2002).4 Thus, the change from house- hold to military production of residential architecture not only shifted authority over architectural decisions from the household group to the settlement’s officers but also pro- duced a built environment in which most presidial residents FIGURE 6. Relative locations of the 1792 quadrangle and 1815 lived in identical, interchangeable quarters. quadrangle. The location of the Sal Plan (see Figure 5) is pro- With each reconstruction of the quadrangle, its foot- jected by keying the plan to the chapel, sacristy, and outer wall print increased, ultimately covering an area nearly four foundations revealed in the 1996–99 Cabrillo College excavations times as large as the first quadrangle constructed in 1776. (Simpson-Smith and Edwards 2000) and to the findings of the 1996 The first quadrangle measured 92 by 92 varas; the second, URS groundtruthing excavations on the north side (URS Greiner Woodward Clyde 1999). 116 by 120 varas; and the third, 172 by 192 varas. Archaeol- ogists usually explain increases in site size as a reflection of an increase in population or a change of site function, but for brief periods (1777–79, 1792–ca. 1800, 1815–23). The neither of these was a factor at El Presidio de San Francisco. first quadrangle was bordered by a palisade wall, described In my opinion, it is noteworthy that the increases in the as “slight fences of sticks” (Bancroft 1963:333). The second footprint of the quadrangle largely resulted in an expan- quadrangle did not have a separate enclosing wall, and for sion of the plaza (see Figure 6). The expansion of the plaza most of its history was completely open on the east side may have been purely functional, providing more space for (see Figures 5 and 6). However, along the north, west, and training drills or craft production. But it is also worth con- south sides of the quadrangle, small wall segments joined sidering the role of plazas in facilitating social interactions the external walls of individual structures to fill gaps in in community life. Increases in plaza space (both in number the exterior facades (Sal 1792a; Sal 1792b; Simpson-Smith of plazas and their size) are often interpreted as shifts in the and Edwards 2000). The third quadrangle eliminated gaps social organization of community ritual or an increase in between structures because each wing was constructed all- the importance of social visibility (Kidder 2004; Perry and of-a-piece. This last build also closed the east side of the Joyce 2001). quadrangle, presenting a uniform, unbroken exterior on all The final trend in architectural production at El four sides of the quadrangle (see Figure 7). Presidio de San Francisco relates to the degree to which the When taken together, these four architectural trends main quadrangle was fully enclosed. Military regulations signal a fundamental shift in the architectural practices of specified that each presidial quadrangle should be enclosed El Presidio de San Francisco’s colonial community. Archi- within an adobe brick defensive wall. It was certainly the tectural production, formerly a household matter, became intent of the presidio’s military officers that the quadran- regimented and centralized. The resulting built environ- gle be enclosed. However, documentary and archaeological ment was increasingly homogeneous—in materials used, sources provide no evidence of a separate defensive wall, in architectural style, and even in the size and shape of and in practice the quadrangle was probably only enclosed residences. By 1815, each household, regardless of origin 470 American Anthropologist Vol. 107, No. 3 September 2005 FIGURE 7. Detail from 1816 painting of El Presidio de San Francisco by Louis Choris. BANC PIC 1963.002.1314-FR. Printed courtesy of the Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley. or ethnicity or heritage, lived in identical apartments, in- El Presidio de San Francisco’s households emphasized their distinct from each other in appearance. The enclosure of commonalities and downplayed ethnic distinctions among the main quadrangle, and the standardization of its exter- themselves. These practices provided a material foundation nal façades, meant that the presidial compound presented for the repudiation of the sistema de castas and for the a unified face to both foreign visitors and Native Califor- formation of Californio identities that emphasized shared nians. The shift from household-based to military-directed colonial status over individual casta ranking. construction also materially consolidated the growing im- Architectural practices, on the other hand, lagged be- portance of differential masculinities in Californio social hind these changes in social identities. It was not un- life, as these centralized construction projects created situa- til the mid-1810s that the residents of El Presidio de San tions in which higher-ranking military colonists supervised Francisco consolidated their shared Californio identity and controlled the labor of lower-ranking colonial soldiers through a complete transformation of their built environ- and Native Californian male laborers. ment. The social relations of this new centralized architec- Finally, the prominent role of adobe in the shift away tural production shifted architectural decisions from the from household-based architectural production is particu- household to the military command. Architectural produc- larly significant. Most of the building styles initially used tion at El Presidio de San Francisco increasingly became by the colonists had close correlates among local Native a venue through which the social differences among men Californian architectural practices. Adobe alone was dis- were enacted. The resulting quadrangle presented a homo- tinctly colonial, and the wholesale adoption of adobe as the geneous facade that reinforced the new uniformity of the preferred building material at El Presidio de San Francisco colonial population and materially exaggerated the distinc- may have been one way that the colonial population dis- tion between colonial and indigenous populations. tinguished themselves from local indigenous populations. EL PRESIDIO DE SAN FRANCISCO IN MATERIALITY AND DISCOURSE, INDIVIDUAL COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE AND COMMUNITY In their recent monographs, Nan Rothschild (2003) and The archaeological and documentary record of El Presidio Kent Lightfoot (2005) have demonstrated that compara- de San Francisco demonstrates a gradual shift from indi- tive analyses of colonial contexts can produce new insights: vidual strategies to community-based negotiations of colo- “Such a comparison,” Rothschild notes, “is enlightening as nial social identity. The temporal pacing of changes in ma- it brings out aspects of each situation that may be otherwise terial practices provides an interesting perspective on this overlooked and shows the tremendous variation that may phenomenon. The available evidence indicates that from exist in what appear as similar situations” (2003:1–2). The its founding until the 1810s, the external appearance of research presented here on colonial identities and material El Presidio de San Francisco reflected the diversity of its practices at El Presidio de San Francisco takes on additional colonial population. But in the routine practices of ceramic significance when compared to the findings of archaeolog- production, dress, and food preparation and consumption, ical research at other colonial sites in North America.  Voss The Archaeology of Culture Contact 471 The dual strategy used by El Presidio de San Francisco’s ples with ease (1999:286–288). The Russian settlement of colonists to consolidate their colonial identity stands in Colony Ross also evinced considerable differences in the sharp contrast to practices of colonial populations else- material practices of colonial settlers; there, Russians, cre- where. For example, Deagan’s investigations of households oles, and Native Alaskans maintained ethnically distinct in Spanish-colonial St. Augustine found that colonial material practices in architecture, foodways, and material households combined Spanish and indigenous material culture (Lightfoot 2005; Lightfoot et al. 1998). practices in ways that were structured by gender and race. Is the case of El Presidio de San Francisco anomalous in “Spanish” material culture persisted in what Deagan identi- the study of culture contact and colonial identities? I sug- fies as socially visible men’s activities, such as architecture, gest that it is not; rather, the contrast between the strate- tableware ceramics, and clothing, whereas what she clas- gies employed by the colonial residents of El Presidio de San sifies as domestic women’s activities, such as food prepara- Francisco and those at other colonial settlements serves to tion, show considerable indigenous cultural influence. This highlight that there were many different practices and pro- pattern of male–public–European and female–domestic– cesses at work in how people defined social identities in indigenous material practices at colonial settlements has colonial situations. In particular, the study of El Presidio de been broadly generalized as the “Augustine Pattern” and San Francisco may suggest that the ethnic and racial com- is argued by some to have been a pervasive colonial position of the colonial population itself may be a key el- strategy throughout the circum-Caribbean region (Deagan ement in shaping the dynamics and outcomes of culture 1983, 1996, 2003; Ewen 2000; McEwan 1991a, 1991b). contact. Researchers in settings as diverse as Spanish-colonial New Mexico (Rothschild 2003), Russian California (Lightfoot et al. 1998; Martinez 1998), and British Fort Michilimackinac CLOSING THOUGHTS (Scott 2001) have similarly found that all but the most Archaeological research on colonization is a critical ongo- elite colonial households incorporated indigenous material ing project that traces the genealogies of present-day racial, culture, foodstuffs, food preparation methods, and other ethnic, gendered, and sexual politics and practices. It is a attributes into the daily routines of colonial life. project that counters the “historical amnesia” (after Lorde Perhaps one of the few colonial communities that 1984:117) that is reflected in every instance when racial resembles El Presidio de San Francisco in its complete avoid- categories, gender roles, and sexual norms are portrayed as ance of indigenous material practices are the Dutch settle- neutral, natural, or self-evident. This examination of the ments in the Hudson River valley in present-day New York. social identities of military settlers at El Presidio de San There, Rothschild has found that Dutch colonists adopted Francisco has demonstrated that taxonomic identity cat- little indigenous material culture beyond the deerskin notas egories in Spanish-colonial California were historically cre- bag (Rothschild 2003:192–194). Significantly, Rothschild at- ated through the practices of colonization. From foodways tributes the near absence of indigenous material culture in to ceramic production to architecture, the material habits Dutch colonial households to low rates of intermarriage and of daily life conditioned and transformed the ways that concubinage between Dutch men and Mohawk women; colonists perceived both their own identities and those of Dutch colonists also rarely employed indigenous women Native Californians. or men as domestic workers (Rothschild 2003:228–229). In archaeological investigations of culture contact, However, in that regard the Dutch colonial case cannot be many studies have implicitly focused on evidence of taken as parallel to El Presidio de San Francisco. In Spanish- cooperation and culture flow between colonizers and colo- colonial California, colonial–indigenous marriages and nized. There were without question some instances in colo- sexual liaisons were not infrequent, and native women’s nial North America where Native Americans coexisted with participation as domestic laborers in colonial households is immigrant populations on more or less equal footing (see, well documented. e.g., White’s 1991 study of the Great Lakes region in the The second way in which El Presidio de San Francisco 1700s). However, El Presidio de San Francisco was not such differs from other colonial settlements is in the striking ho- a place. The presidial colonists’ repudiation of the sistema mogeneity of colonial material practices at the settlement, a de castas—a colonial doctrine of racial inequality—can be homogeneity that expands from routine domestic practices understood as an act of resistance by relocated colonized to eventually include the architecture of the settlement as peoples who refused to be defined by their parentage or well. In contrast, Diana Loren’s research at El Presidio de Los the color of their skin. Yet the Californio ethnicity that Adaes (in the former province of Texas) found that colonial replaced the sistema de castas was created and sustained households there actively incorporated distinctive Spanish, through practices of cultural homogeneity, through hier- French, and Native American material culture, architecture, archical distinction from California’s Native peoples, and and foodways into their daily routines. The deliberate mix- through a heightened emphasis on masculinity as a marker ing of culturally distinctive practices, Loren argues, gave of social distinction. The case study of El Presidio de San individuals great flexibility in their social identities, al- Francisco is significant because it maps a process through lowing them to navigate social interactions with French, which the advance of one marginalized sector of society Spanish, African, Native American, and mixed-race peo- was achieved, both purposefully and inadvertently, through 472 American Anthropologist Vol. 107, No. 3 September 2005 the exercise of power over others. And, perhaps more tem of Northern New Spain, with a Translation of the Royal importantly, it demonstrates that colonial military power in Regulations of 1772. Phoenix: Arizona Historical Foundation. Brumfiel, Elizabeth M. Alta California was enacted not only through overt acts of 1991 Weaving and Cooking: Women’s Production in Aztec military aggression but also through the mundane routines Mexico. In Engendering Archaeology: Women and Prehistory. of daily life. Joan M. Gero and Margaret W. Conkey, eds. Pp. 224–254. Cambridge, MA: Basil Blackwell. Cantwell, Anne Marie, and Diana diZerega Wall 2001 Unearthing Gotham: The Archaeology of New York City. B ARBARA L. V OSS Department of Cultural and Social An- New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Castañeda, Antonia I. thropology, Stanford University, Stanford, CA 94305-2145 1993 Marriage: The Spanish Borderlands. In Encyclopedia of the North American Colonies, vol. 2. J. E. Cook, ed. Pp. 727–738. New York: Maxwell Macmillan. NOTES Chance, John K. 1979 On the Mexican Mestizo. Latin America Research Review Acknowledgments. My research at the site of El Presidio de San 14(3):153–168. Francisco over the last 12 years has been conducted through af- Choris, Louis filiation or partnership with the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers; 1816 Presidio de San Francisco. Painting, BANC PIC the National Park Service; the Presidio Trust; Woodward-Clyde 1963.002.1314-FR, Bancroft Library, University of California, Consultants (now URS); Cabrillo College; San Francisco State Berkeley. University; the University of California, Berkeley; and, since 2001, Cope, R. Douglas Stanford University. I am grateful for both the material support 1994 The Limits of Racial Domination: Plebeian Society in provided by these organizations and the research contributions of Colonial Mexico City, 1660–1720. Madison: University of the many archaeologists, students, and volunteers who have par- Wisconsin Press. ticipated in these studies. I thank Meg Conkey, Margaret Copeley, Cordova, Alberto de Charles Ewen, Kent Lightfoot, Charles E. Orser Jr., and an anony- 1796 Plan que manifiest el nuevo proyecto del Presidio de San mous AA reviewer for insightful comments on earlier versions of Francisco para alojar las tropas de su Guarnicion (Plan that this article. shows the new construction of the Presidio of San Francisco 1. The demographic data presented in this section were compiled in order to quarter the troops of its garrison). Archivo Gen- from multiple source documents and historic studies; these sources eral de la Nación, Mexico, Provincias Internas, Tomo 216:245. are discussed and cited in detail in Voss 2002:131–191. Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley. 2. The Building 13 midden contains no artifacts that resemble Dawdy, Shannon Lee traditional Native Californian material culture, suggesting that seg- 2000 Preface. Historical Archaeology 34(3):1–4. regation of colonial and indigenous populations at El Presidio de Deagan, Kathleen San Francisco may have extended to refuse disposal practices. 1983 The Mestizo Minority: Archaeological Patterns of Intermarriage. In Spanish St. Augustine: The Archaeology 3. Architectural designs for El Presidio de San Francisco’s main of a Colonial Creole Community. Kathleen Deagan, ed. Pp. quadrangle do show both bastions and defensive walls (Borica 99–124. New York: Academic Press. 1795; Cordova 1796; Moraga 1776), but “as-built” drawings by 1996 Colonial Transformation: Euro-American Cultural Genesis commanders of the settlement (Sal 1792a; Vischer 1878) and by in the Early Spanish-American Colonies. Journal of Anthropo- foreign visitors (Choris 1816) lack these features. Further, no ar- logical Research 52:135–160. chaeological evidence of these military attributes has been found 1998 Transculturation and Spanish American Ethnogenesis: The to date. 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