Understanding Inka Culture and Empire PDF

Inka overview 1 I. Shimada Understanding the Inka Culture and Empire: An Overview Izumi Shimada Our knowledge and understanding of the Inkas and their empire, Tawantinsuyu ("the unity of the four parts [regions...

Inka overview 1 I. Shimada Understanding the Inka Culture and Empire: An Overview Izumi Shimada Our knowledge and understanding of the Inkas and their empire, Tawantinsuyu ("the unity of the four parts [regions]" in their native Quechua), have expanded significantly since its scientific investigation began in the 19th century. Today, as seen in the composition of the authors who contributed to this catalogue, Inka studies are truly cosmopolitan, multidisciplinary, and dynamic. We can count scholars from at least 20 countries throughout the world representing such diverse fields as archaeology, architectural history, art history, civil engineering, ethnography, genetics (DNA analysis), geography, history, hydrology, linguistic, and urban studies. Scholars are actively engaged in archival, field, and/or laboratory research in Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, and Peru (the modern Andean nations that were integrated into Tawantinsuyu), as well as in Spain to support two scholarly journals dedicated to Inka studies. Advances we have seen in recent decades are quite impressive particularly when one considers the fact that we are dealing with a culture that had no writing system. In reality, Inka studies began shortly after the Spanish conquest (ca. 1532-35 CE) with the arrival of inquisitive and observant individuals with an interest in learning and recording customs, institutions, beliefs, and other aspects of the Inka and, more broadly, native Andean culture. Their detailed, written, narrative reports (many were written for the Spanish Crown) are known as chronicles and their authors, chroniclers. One highly respected and widely cited 16th century Spanish chronicler, Pedro Cieza de León (ca. 1520-1554 CE), arrived in Peru (the main part of Tawantinsuyu) shortly after the Spanish conquest of the Inka Empire when many aspects Inka overview 2 I. Shimada of the empire were still visible, operating, and/or remembered by former imperial functionaries and subjects. He walked on the famed Qhapac Ñan, imperial road system that covered the entire empire, and made many, keen, independent observations and inquiries about Andean geography, lifestyle, animals, and plants. Another valued chronicle was written by a Spanish translator, Juan de Diez de Betanzos (1519-1576 CE). His writing is particularly valuable as he was married to a daughter of the (presumedly) eleventh Inka king, Huayna Capac (ca. 1493-1525/27), and had a good command of the Quechua language so that he had exclusive access to and a deep understanding of royal customs and visions. While Cieza gives us insights into how the Empire operated at local and provincial levels, Betanzos illuminates how Inka leaders in the capital envisioned how the Empire should function. These two complementary perspectives help us gain a wholistic vision of the Empire. There are many other chronicles that vary in reliability (e.g., eyewitness versus second-hand accounts), when and where written (e.g., soon or long after the Spanish conquest), topics covered, and so on. While we must guard against inherent Christian European biases in their writings, at the same time, their chronicles are a vital source of information about the Inkas and their empire. Regrettably, the numerical and non-numerical information that was extensively recorded by the Empire using the native Andean device called khipu (Fig. 1) that consists of a set of strings with knots tied in a patterned manner (see chapter by M. Medrano) has only partially been deciphered. At the same time, in recent decades, we have seen much archaeological fieldwork at Inka sites, particularly in and around Cusco and in the “Sacred Valley of the Inkas,” along the Urubamba River just east of Cusco where the density of Inka sites is high. Archaeological studies effectively validate and complement information in the above historical documents. Inka overview 3 I. Shimada Multidisciplinary investigations at the famed site of Machu Picchu (Fig. 2; see chapter by F. Astete), for example, have elucidated the fundamental importance of managing water from seasonal rains to assure not only the daily needs of residents, but also the stability of architecture built on steep and rocky slopes and the fertility of the extensive agricultural terraces. Detailed skeletal analyses of human burials at the site have shown that many of the residents of the site most likely originated from the north coast of Peru, probably those who were transplanted by the Inka Empire to serve specific roles (see chapter by T. D'Altroy). What follow are brief syntheses of our understanding of key aspects and issues surrounding the Inka Empire that should help you gain the most out of the remainder of the catalogue including twelve chapters written by notable Inka specialists. Origins and Dynastic History of the Inka Empire Searching for the origin of any ancient people or culture is quite challenging as it is the product of long, multi-variate processes, and available relevant information is sparse, imprecise, and/or unreliable. This is true of the Inkas, an ethnic minority group that established the largest empire of the aboriginal New World during the century prior to Spanish arrival in 1532 CE. The early history of the Inkas (ca. 1200-1400 CE) in the Cusco region in the southern highlands of Peru that was their heartland remains unclear and controversial. Archaeological, linguistic, and ancient DNA evidence coincide in pointing to the south shore area of Lake Titicaca in Bolivia as the likely homeland of the population that migrated northwestward toward the region where Cusco, the capital of the Inka Empire, was eventually established. Interestingly, according to one Inka origin myth, they considered the same area in the Titicaca basin as their ancestral homeland. Inka overview 4 I. Shimada Although traditionally the Inka dynasty is described as having had 11 or 12 kings before the Spanish conquest of the Empire, today, only the last four were considered to have been historical figures. Susan Ramírez (see her chapter), a historian, presents a forceful argument that Spanish chroniclers such as Juan Diez de Betanzos interpreted oral history presented by their Inka informants to fit their European preconceptions; that Inka dynastic succession proceeded in a linear manner going one generation to the next with each ruler having a distinct name. She argues, however, that Inka succession was much more complex with internal strife between or among competing claimants to the throne (see chapter by A. Covey) and did not follow the ] assumed one generation-to-the next generation format. The Inka succession did not emphasize primogeniture and instead opted for the most capable sons (of whom there were most likely dozens) of multiple wives (dozens and perhaps even hundreds), sowing potential feuds. More importantly, Ramírez considers that the presence of multiple Inka rulers with the same names does not indicate that Inka informants erred in their recollection; instead, the multiplicity of the same names reflected the Inka custom of different individuals inheriting or usurping honored titles or positions (not a personal name as we think of it today). Thus, she argues that the Inka dynastic history, in reality, consists of many more than 11 or 12 rulers as conventionally thought. Coincidentally, recent archaeological investigations seriously question Spanish chronicle- based visions of empire establishment. They attribute to an early Inka king, Pachacuti Inka Yupanqui (inferred reign spanning 1438 to 1471 CE), the single-handed defeat of regional rivals and invention of an array of new institutions that formed the basic infrastructure of the empire. Instead of military conflicts and Inka conquests of the regional neighbors, however, archaeological evidence points to a gradual formation of the Inka state and expansion over a span of ca. 1200 to 1400 CE, probably involving various measures such as alliance formation, Inka overview 5 I. Shimada sharing of loot, and economic intensification as well as adopting some institutions of advanced polities (such as the Chimú Empire on the north coast of Peru that was the strongest rival of the Tawantinsuyu). What can be said with confidence is that starting in the first half of the 15th century, the Inka began their major territorial expansion, presumably, first under Pachacuti, followed by his three known successors, to ultimately achieve their empire that spanned an impressive array of lowland and highland environments and a north-south distance of ca. 5,000 km along the Andean mountain range. The Cusco Capital and Its History To grasp the essence of the Inka culture and Empire, we need to first examine its capital, Cusco, situated at ca. 3,400m asl in a valley in the southern highlands of Peru (see chapter by R. Mar and his colleagues). As the name itself implies, Cusco (navel in Quechua) was not only the political capital, but was also the ceremonial, cosmological, geographical, and social center of their far-reaching empire. A prolonged drought that spanned from ca. 1250 to 1310 CE may have encouraged landscape modifications and agricultural intensification of the Cusco region and political centralization. Mar et al. consider reclaiming the swamps in what was to become the central area of the capital by draining and filling them with soil and streamlining the river flowing through the area to have been the transformative project that established a productive and secure agrarian basis for Cusco and allowed its urban planning and growth. In this manner, from the beginning of the 14th century, Cusco was on its way to becoming the regional urban center as attested to by the widespread distribution of the Killke pottery style (see the exhibited examples) that is widely considered to be the precursor to the Inka style. Undoubtedly, Cusco Inka overview 6 I. Shimada underwent various episodes of growth and reorganization in concert with the expansion of both Inka power, prestige, wealth, and Empire. By the beginning of the 16th century CE, Cusco consisted of a sacred ceremonial core area that was delimited by the canalized (straightened and lined) Saphy and Tullumayo rivers and had the stylized shape of a puma (see Fig. 7 of chapter by R. Mar et al.). The core area is where the Inkas' vision of their world and what they held as most sacred were showcased and venerated, including the exquisitely constructed palaces of the Inka royal families (Fig. 3), the principal temple of the Inka state religion of the Sun (Qorikancha or Coricancha Figs. 4, 5), the sacred ceremonial plaza (called Awkaypata or Haucaypata and Commented [RAC1]: Or Awkaypata? represents the belly of the aforementioned stylized puma; see Fig. 9 of chapter by R. Mar et al.), the preserved mummies of deceased rulers, dual social organization, and an intertwined system of ritual, astronomical and agricultural calendars, and political hierarchy. The four main branches of the Qhapac Ñan, the Inka road system, leading to the four regions of Tawantinsuyu also originated at the main sacred plaza, Awkaypata. A critical part of the sacred core area was the enormous structure of Saqsaywaman (Sacsaywaman; see Fig. 11 of chapter by R. Mar et al.) situated atop a hill that overlooked the rest of the core area. Often misidentified as a fortress because of the gigantic stone walls that delimited it, it was instead the House of the Sun and the House of Reigning Inka Ruler (see chapter by R. Mar et al.) as well as the head of the stylized puma mentioned above. The sacred core was surrounded by a dozen dispersed neighborhoods inhabited by consanguineous Inka nobility, Inka by privilege (those who received the honorific title of Inka because of their proven loyalty and/or other meritorious service), and provincial non-Inka lords (either obliged to live there permanently or on a short-term or permanent hostages). Also found in this neighborhood were the imperial storehouses to supply the city residents and their own Inka overview 7 I. Shimada ritual activities as well as agricultural fields reserved for special ceremonies (such as the initiation of the new agrarian cycle performed by the Inka ruler). Farther out from the center were settlements of non-Inkas who provided necessary services to the Inkas and, beyond those, agricultural communities. Inka Rulers and Religion (Deities) Inka rulership and religion are highly complex subjects that cannot be understood without aid of historical documents left by diverse Spanish writers (see chapters by F. Acuto, A. Covey, T.B. Cummins, T. D'Altroy, and S. Kosiba). The writings of Juan de Betanzos are particularly valuable for the former topic for the reasons described earlier. In this section, drawing upon such historical information, supplemented by archaeological findings, we examine the diverse and critical roles and significance that the Inka ruler had in the organization and working of the capital and the broader Empire. In addition, we examine his intimate relationship with the worship of the Sun, Inti, the Inka's principal deity, as well as with his deified ancestors' mummies. The Inka ruler known as Sapa Inka was conceived as a son of the Inti, the unquestioned, unrivaled supreme ruler of the land, who became a god after death for continued veneration and involvement in the affairs of the earthly world. He was the axis mundi of the world and vital to its renewals and regularity, which in turn afforded stability and social welfare to the Empire and its people. He embodied the continuity between the past, present, and future of the world. Although the sun was worshipped by various pre-Inka peoples (most notably by the Tiwanaku culture), the Inka completely incorporated it with the rulership. Thus, gold was the symbol of both the Inka and the sun. The Qorikancha Temple dedicated to the sun worship was the heart of Inka overview 8 I. Shimada Cusco. The Inka ruler was assisted by the sun and his mummified ancestors (Fig. 6) in maintaining, creating, and reordering the world (building cities, roads, agricultural terraces and modifying the landscape). In turn, he ritually accompanied the sun's daily journey into the dark Pacific, reemerging each morning reborn, bringing life-supporting water from the dark subterranean world. Sacrifices of many forms and kinds offered daily were necessary in support of this regeneration. These beliefs and practices reflected the basic agrarian character of the Inka Empire. The Inka religion, then, can be seen fundamentally as the fusion of the veneration of the sun and the Inka king in his multiple forms (including his mummified corpse) for the continuing security and welfare of the world. Significance and worship of the Qoya (Coya; Fig. 7), Inka's principal wife, as a daughter of the Moon, cannot be underestimated. Just as the Inka ruler was the leader of all men in the empire, the Qoya held the equivalent role for all women and actively participated in all important public ceremonies along with her husband the ruler. It is more than likely that she exercised her power in order to advance the selection of her son as the successor to the deceased ruler. Although the Inka actively promulgated Sun worship as the Inka state religion, in reality, the worship of non- and pre-Inka regional deities, sacred and powerful entities with intrinsic animating force (objects, places - see the introductory essay on Andean civilization and chapter by S. Kosiba) known as huacas (wakas), and ancestors (including preserved ancestral mummies) clearly continued among provincial non-Inka populations. Perhaps the most widely known and worshipped among the non- and pre-Inka deities was the tellurian deity of Pachamama (deity of the Mother Earth), not a surprise given that the Inka Empire and its population was fundamentally agro-pastoral in nature. Even more pervasive and persistent (before, during, and Inka overview 9 I. Shimada after the Inka) was the worship of huacas as it reflects the deep-rooted Andean worldview. Some huacas such as Pachacamac just south of the city of Lima on the central coast of Peru (Fig. 8) and Catequil on the north highlands of Peru enjoyed a pan-Andean fame and pilgrims from near and far traveled to worship and consults the associated oracles. Inka Agriculture As we have seen above, the Inkas were agriculturalists and their lifestyles as well as beliefs and rituals clearly reflect this orientation. Agriculture was a sacred activity and the Inka and his royal family symbolically initiated each new agricultural season by tilling and sowing fields reserved for themselves and the Sun (Fig. 9). Their agricultural practices were built upon centuries of prior advances at least since ca. 5,000 BCE and integrated both farming and complementary animal husbandry. Inkas intensified cultivation of key ceremonial crops, particularly maize and coca. Being highland inhabitants, their staple crops were those adapted to high elevations up to ca. 4,000m above sea level, such as potatoes (over 500 varieties) and other similar root crops, and grains such as quinoa that is rich in protein and minerals. Their diet was enriched by other crops such as varieties of ají peppers and beans, and animal meat, particularly those of domesticated llamas and guinea pigs. Llama and alpaca herding was also intensified to increase production of their wool fibers for textiles. Llamas were also valuable for cargo transportation and providing dung that served both as a renewable fuel and a fertilizer for agricultural fields. In essence, Inka agriculture was built on this complementary agro- pastoralism. To the above list of key crops, we must add maize (corn; Fig. 10), the single most important ceremonial crop of the Empire. Reflecting its cultural importance, many maize varieties were Inka overview 10 I. Shimada developed for varied growing conditions, including areas over 3,500 m in elevation. It is probable that the Inkas adopted many varieties of key crops from conquered populations. Maize was not commonly eaten as we do today but was instead ground to prepare a mildly intoxicating drink called aqha (pronounced as akuha) or more commonly chicha. The drink was essential for performing any ritual activities as an offering to divinities and other sacred entities. In social or political meetings that Inkas convened, participants toasted each other to establish or reinforce their reciprocal relationship (see chapter by T. B. Cummins). Wooden and ceramic vessels known as keros and urpu (commonly known as aryballo; see illustrated examples in this catalogue) were used on these occasions and purposes. The key to the large-scale cultivation of maize and coca that the Inkas demanded was state-sponsored expansion and improvement of agricultural terraces and associated water management. The importance of this effort is seen in the large number of farmers the Inkas transplanted (other functions that transplanted populations served are discussed later) to various areas of the Empire for their cultivation and the establishment of what can be called agricultural experimental stations (Fig. 11). These sites replicated many growing conditions (e.g., soil temperature and humidity, and exposure to sunlight) found in the Empire determining the best timing for sowing different crops for different areas. Information collected at these stations in turn is believed to have been encoded in khipus and disseminated throughout the empire. Inka Art and Crafts Similar to what was described in previous sections, Inka art and crafts were built upon and refined thousands of years of preceding developments. Their creations were the synergetic products of their own sense of beauty, the essence of raw materials, whether stone or metal or Inka overview 11 I. Shimada fiber, and the skills and talents of the best Inka and non-Inka artisans in the Empire whom they relocated to Cusco and regional administrative centers to serve royal and imperial needs and desires (see chapters by T. B. Cummins and E. Phipps). Thus, colonies of potters, metalworkers, weavers, shell workers and other artisans sprang up throughout much of the Empire. In contrast to the craft products of many other well-known pre-Hispanic Andean styles, those of the Inka style have a distinctly orderly, geometric, and standardized character. Whether you liked the style or not and regardless of where you lived, it would have been readily recognizable as pertaining to the dominant Inka. This stylistic character likely reflected their interest in having a distinct visual symbolism that readily communicated Inka power, worldview, prestige, and generosity across numerous geographical, linguistic, and cultural differences within their Empire. The orderliness or regularity intrinsic in the style seems to reflect the Inka vision of bringing order and unification to a chaotic Andean world suffering from constant hostilities among numerous ethnic groups and polities. F. Acuto (see his chapter) considers that such a vision played a fundamental role in driving successive Inka rulers to expand their empire. Undoubtedly, having a well-defined and homogeneous style also facilitated working with artisans of diverse linguistic and cultural backgrounds. The Inka Empire practiced the state- directed relocation of skilled artisans such as potters to assure that their style was effectively disseminated and taught throughout the empire (see chapter by T. D'Altroy). The "aesthetic locus" of the Inka Empire was weaving. This terms refers to the form of artistic creation of a given society that was subjected to the highest standards of quality control and made of the highest quality materials usually for the ruling elite. Taking advantage of some of the world's finest fibers derived from alpacas and vicuñas, their smaller wild cousins, royal weavers produced tightly woven cumbi cloth (Fig. 12) decorated with striking and elegant Inka overview 12 I. Shimada geometric designs for royal and other elites, both living and deceased, as well as for offerings (see examples exhibited; also see chapter by E. Phipps). Reflecting the metals’ symbolic association with the Sun and the Moon, gold- and silver- smithing also held a prominent position in Inka art and crafts. Gold sheets and objects covered walls of Qorikancha, the Sun Temple at the sacred core of Cusco, to reflect and intensify the brilliance of the Sun. Metalsmiths created life-size and miniature gold and silver sculptures of animals, plants, and humans as well as ritual vessels of diverse sizes that were kept inside Qorikancha. Displayed at this exhibit are a few miniature gold and silver figurines that survived to this day, as most were melted by the Spanish conquerors of the Empire and taken back to Spain as ingots. Inka Architecture The Inkas built numerous and diverse structures for themselves and their Empire including royal palaces, temples, regional administrative centers, vast storage complexes, roads, bridge, and road-side stations (see chapters by S. Nair and Mar et al.). Elegant and, at the same time, distinct and impressive stone architecture of ashlar and polygonal masonry without the use of mortar (Figs, 13, 14) is justifiably one of the most widely recognized and appreciated Inka achievements. Such elegant constructions, particularly those of ashlar masonry, were usually reserved for building of high prestige such as royal palaces and temples in Cusco, royal estates in the so-called Sacred Valley of the Inka along the Urubamba River, and regional administrative centers. As explained by Nair (see her chapter), ashlar masonry posed the technical challenge of producing right-angle corners using simple stone tools (see examples of such tools from Machu Picchu in the exhibit), requiring a good deal of technical expertise and patience. It should be Inka overview 13 I. Shimada kept in mind that Inka stone masonry, however impressive it may be, was not unique in that it was preceded by a long, distinguished tradition of pre-Inka stone masonry going at least back to the first millennium BCE. It seems that Inkas were inspired by the excellent quality of Tiwanaku stone masonry (ca. 600-1100 CE; Fig. 15) still visible at the capital site of Tiwanaku on the south shore of the Lake Titicaca in northwestern Bolivia. The vast majority of the Inka structures that served diverse imperial purposes (e.g., storage buildings), however, were built of unmodified fieldstones set in clay mortar. An important category of Inka architecture that Nair (see her chapter) discusses is "ephemeral" structures used for army encampments composed of numerous tents that could be packed and carried by llamas. Another category of the Inka architecture that cannot be ignored is adobe brick (sun-dried earthen blocks) constructions. While adobes can be easily and rapidly prepared using a clay-rich soil [plus some binder(s)] and bare hands, they are susceptible to damage from water/rain. On the arid coast, adobe constructions (that can be traced back thousands of years) can last a long time, while in the highlands they need to be protected from seasonal rains by a thatch or other type of roof. Inka adobe constructions in the highlands are not well studied (in part due to their poor preservation) and it remains unclear why adobes were used instead of abundant stones. As noted above, tightly fitted masonry without mortar was used by pre-Inka cultures but never to the extent, in the manner, and for the purpose the Inkas did. Such architecture with diagnostic trapezoidal doors, windows and niches (Fig. 16) and built with countless hours of manual labor employing the simplest stone hammers and bronze tools was the symbol of their identity and power throughout the vast Empire. It has been suggested that the iconic Inka trapezoidal openings embodied the Andean and Inka basic concept of yanantin (see chapter by S. Inka overview 14 I. Shimada Kosiba) - two contrasting but complementary opposites that together constitute a whole - much like the Chinese concept of yin and yang (阴阳). One can cut a trapezoid vertically to create two equal-sized, mirror opposites. But, when cut horizontally, the lower half is larger than the upper half, perhaps mirroring/thought to reflect the dual organization fundamental to Inka society designated as hanan (upper) and hurin (lower). Fine Inka masonry architecture was massively overbuilt for purely structural purposes. It exuded the sense of power and permanence. The incredibly tight fitting and smooth, curving exterior of Coricancha (Fig. 17), the Sun Temple at the heart of Cusco, together with its gold strap (long gone) would have brilliantly shone in the sun visually and effectively impressing us with its significance. Stones used in this and other key buildings were often brought from distant quarries and selected not just for their hardness, color or dense texture, but also for their connection with important historical events or symbolic significance. The coexistence of orderly walls built of highly standardized rectangular blocks with those featuring mesmerizing mosaics of irregular, multi-angled blocks alludes to the similar juxtaposition of the Inkas and the multitude of subsumed non-Inka ethnic groups within the Empire. The architecture was also a form of theatrical performance displaying the Inka concepts of harmony with landscape and worldly order, particularly how the natural and cultural worlds coexisted and coalesced. For example, the major sites of Cusco and Huánuco Pampa (regional center in the central highlands of Peru) were configured to form the royal symbols of puma (or jaguar) and eagle, respectively. Inka architecture is truly a contextual art - its physical, social and cosmological settings were just as important as the architecture itself and functions they were intended to serve (e.g., both private and public rituals). Inka architecture and landscaping embraced the philosophy of a harmonious coexistence with the nature and its sacred forces. Inka overview 15 I. Shimada Machu Picchu is a prime example. Its architecture physically and visually fused with its topography (e.g., outcrops) and surrounding landscape that included various sacred peaks and key astronomical alignments. Outcrops were shaped to be an integral part of both architectural and broader sacred spaces. At the same time, architecture was adapted to fit the natural topography. In fact, Inkas efficiently took advantage of the landscape and its natural conditions; some 500 storehouses built on the hill slopes above Huánuco Pampa were not only well-drained and dry, but also cold enough throughout the year to prevent potatoes and other stored food from germinating or spoiling so that when the Spanish conquerors came here in 1533, they were able eat the stored food. Inka People and Their Daily Lives To provide a glimpse of simple daily life of commoners in the Inka Empire, this exhibit displays some of their diverse tools and other personal possessions. Comparatively speaking, we do not know much about the "common people" of Inka ethnicity as both historical documents and archaeological investigations have tended to focus on the lives of Inka elites. What can be said with some confidence is based on the lives of Inka and non-Inka ethnic people who served the Inka elites and/or Empire in the fertile Urubamba Valley just east and north of Cusco (popularly known as the Sacred Valley of the Inkas). Prior to the establishment of the Inka Empire, commoners were essentially farmers who dedicated much of their time taking care of resources that pertained to their ayllus. These were pre-Inka communities of diverse size, each composed of descendants from the same real or imaginary ancestors (i.e., kinship based) who collectively possessed their own lands, pastures (included llama and alpaca herds), and water supply. As a member of the ayllu, an able-body Inka overview 16 I. Shimada adult man received a plot of land sufficient to support his family. The actual size of the plot was relative to the needs of each adult male member. The able-bodied owed their ayllu communal service, called faena, in which they provided their labor to take care of the land and needs of their communal leader (called kuraka) and temple. Exploiting this well-established system of the tripartite division of ayllu resources (i.e., leader, members and temple), the Inka usurped a portion of ayllu resources to support elite households, imperial needs (e.g., their army), and the Cult of the Sun. Meeting Inka demands fell on the shoulders of commoners in the form of rotational, periodic, obligatory labor service called mi'ta that was clearly based on faena communal service. This was the principal "tribute payment" that commoners owed to the Empire and also encompassed serving in the imperial army, building and maintaining roads and other productive activities. Resultant products of mi'ta were stored in large storage complexes located throughout the Empire, including in Cusco. As the Empire grew in size and needs, usurped local resources appeared to have increased, burdening commoners even more, fostering a growing sense of resentment. At the same time, to lighten the burden of required labor service for the Empire - at least in its perception -, the Inkas provided clothing, tools, and food as well as a generous supply of aqha, a beer most commonly made of corn. This reciprocity was promoted as a sign of the Inka magnanimity toward their subjects. Although the relationship between the Inka ruler/Empire, on the one hand, and their subjects, on the other, was fundamentally exploitative in nature, the former clearly attempted to promote its public image with varying degrees of success. By the time the Spanish conquerors reached the Inka Empire, public dissatisfaction was both high and widespread. Inka overview 17 I. Shimada Inka Diplomacy and Political Strategies - Drinking and Toasting with the Inka Political subjugation, whether achieved by forceful (e.g., military conquests) or more peaceful (e.g., a threat of a military action or negotiation) means is the basic prerequisite to establishing the lasting loyalty or obedience of subjects, which, in turn, allows for a functioning Empire. The Inkas employed all of the aforementioned approaches (see chapters by F. Acuto and T. D'Altroy). They also utilized psychology in their administration of subjugated populations. For example, keenly aware of the importance patron deities (e.g., statues), ancestors' mummies, and other sacred items essential to the spiritual unity and wellbeing of subjugated populations, particularly those who were considered rebellious like the Chachapoyas (see chapters by I. Schjellerup and F. Acuto), the Inkas held their sacred items in Cusco as hostage for loyalty. In addition, some young daughters of the leaders of subjugated groups were chosen to become acllas ("Virgins of the Sun") who served the Temple of the Sun, while some young sons were selected to become long-term retainers of the Inka royalty. In reality, they were "hostages" to assure their fathers' obedience. Perhaps the most basic approach the Inka adopted was built upon the age-old, fundamental Andean concept known by all - the principle of reciprocity - an implicit "contract" that two parties agreed to honor. In theory, such a contract should carry with it responsibilities that are perceived to be equal. As soon as the Inka subjugated a population, the Inka bestowed its leader generous gifts (e.g., fine cloths, llamas, and/or other material possessions and privileges) that could not be reciprocated or refused. The act was accompanied by mutual toasting with aqha or chicha (maize beer) using a pair of identical ceremonial vessels known as keros (see examples in the exhibit; also see chapter by T. Cummins). Sharing of drink conveyed the notion of Inka's generosity as well as a binding reciprocity. This symbolic act carried the real-life obligation to Inka overview 18 I. Shimada reciprocate the Inka; that is, to obey him. All keros on display in the exhibit were made in identical pairs to convey the sense of equality and intimate bond. Generally speaking, paired keros (Fig. 18) symbolized the concept of duality that pervaded Inka society as discussed earlier. As with other dual distinctions such as male/female and right/left, Inka royal members pertaining to the hanan (upper) and hurin (lower) groups or moieties were seen to be complementary and each unable to exist without the other. Inka Administrative and Socio-Economic Systems - Mitmaq How did the Inka Empire provision their material needs? An empire could not function without a reliable system of acquiring and distributing provisions. We have already seen that the Inka exacted an obligatory labor tax, mit'a, from their subjects and allocated their labor for diverse productive ends. Another key imperial institution was the mitmaq, state-directed, long-term or permanent forced population transplantation. This, usually involving groups with skills and knowledge to accomplish a specific state needs, economic, military or other in nature. Relocated people were known as mitimaes. Like other key imperial institutions, the mitmaq was based on the pre-Inka practice of "vertical control" or establishing colonies of your own people in distant environmental/resource zones (usually at different elevations) to cultivate crops that could not be grown locally or acquire exotic natural resources. Generally, colonies had only economic functions and were small in size. Colonists were from a single ethnic political group and there on a short-term, rotational basis. The Inka Empire transformed the widespread pre-Inka vertical control practice in scale, function and participant composition to the point of being one of the key institutions for creating Inka overview 19 I. Shimada a nation-state. The mitmaq followed the age-old Andean preference of "moving people rather than products." The imperial mitmaq served multiple functions. It was employed to produce desired crops and products needed in different areas of the empire, for example, maize, coca, and ají (chilli) peppers, urpu (ceramic vessels of various size for storage and transport of liquids) and other Inka style ceramics, and textiles. Thus, for example, skilled potters from one group would be separated and sent to different areas of the empire and to form a colony integrating with other potters from different geographical and ethnic origins. Selection of Quechua-speaking mitimaes familiar with llama-alpaca husbandry, maize cultivation, and agricultural terrace construction - all valued by the Inka - to diverse areas of the empire disseminating the Inka vision of an orderly, productive lifestyle as well as the use of Quechua as the lingua franca of the empire. In addition, groups that had proven loyal to the Inkas were planted among the rebellious groups to serve as a "policing" or "peace-keeping force." The converse also occurred. The true magnitude of mitmaq is difficult to ascertain, but historical documents speak of thousands of inhabitants from a single valley being relocated and, generally, the scale was on the rise toward the end of the empire. Whatever the scale of mitmaq, it created a new social landscape - a true multi-ethnic mosaic that can be described as a process of "Inkanization." Although the transplantation involved whole families and was intended to be permanent in nature, many mitimaes returned to their homeland when the Spaniards conquered the Inka Empire. Inka Social System - Inka Road System Any far-reaching empire requires an efficient, extensive, and well-maintained road system for information, material, and human (primarily soldiers) transfer. The ancient Roman Empire road system is deservedly well known. However, the Spanish conquerors who traveled Inka overview 20 I. Shimada on the Inka road system marveled at it as being more extensive and efficient than that of the Romans. Indeed, one of the most remarkable Inka achievements was its imperial “Road of Power” or “Royal Road,” Qhapaq Ñan (Capac Ñan). The network covered ca. 40,000 km, reaching nearly all parts of the largest native empire to have emerged in the Americas, northward from the Colombia-Ecuador border, southward close to the Maule River south of the city of Santiago, Chile, eastward to the major site of Samaipata in eastern Bolivia, and westward to the Pacific (Figs. 19, 20). The Inka deserves a full credit for integrating and improving existing local and regional pre-Inka roads into a vast system, the likes of which were previously unseen in the New World. The new whole they created was much more than the sum of its pre-Inka parts. It became the nervous system of the Empire and underwrote its daily operation. Qhapaq Ñan consisted of two major parallel roads; the highland road that connected Cusco with the northern Inka capital city of Quito and the southern regions in Chile and Argentina, and the coastal road. These two trunk roads were interconnected by dozens of lateral roads. Runners (chaski) posted at regular intervals carried messages in relay to all parts of the Empire: the Inka state version of the express couriers (宅急便). It is estimated that running in relay they were able to cover some 250 km per day. Imperial inspectors traveled throughout the Qhapaq Ñan to assure that it was well maintained. Beside runners and inspectors, the road system included corrals for llamas, administrative centers, and storage facilities. The strategically placed regional administrative centers served as the staging points for the difficult and long-term task of implementing imperial policies and institutions and making imperial presence known to all subject populations throughout the Empire. It is believed that the road and associated state installations were conceived as a whole, suggesting Inkas' ability to plan on a grand scale and intention to unify the Empire, perhaps to Inka overview 21 I. Shimada create a "nation." There is no doubt that the system as a whole gave the Inkas a sense of an integrated whole - both conceptually and physically - linking the center (Cusco) and its hinterland. Recognizing the road’s impressive scale, engineering, variability as well as unified construction features - and its overall historical and cultural significance to six Andean countries (Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Chile, and Argentina), the UNESCO designated the Qhapaq Ñan a World Heritage Site in 2014 (see https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/1459). In this exhibit, we illustrate the remarkable Qhapaq Ñan by means of photographs, videos, and drawings. What follow are twelve chapters each focused on separate but related topics and issues surrounding the Inkas and their empire written by a group of prominent Inka specialists. Now that you have an overview of these topics and issues, I hope you will make most of them. Enjoy reading!