POL 126 Citizenship and the State Course Guide PDF

COURSE GUIDE POL 126 CITIZENSHIP AND THE STATE Course Team Ifeyinwa Ogbonna Nwaogu (Course Writer) - NOUN Dr. Abdulrasheed Adamu (Course Reviewer) – ATBU Dr. Tem Alabi (Course Editor) - NOUN NATIONAL OPEN UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA POL 126 COURSE GUIDE © 2020 by NOUN Press National Open University of Nigeria Headquarters University Village Plot 91, Cadastral Zone Nnamdi Azikiwe Expressway Jabi, Abuja Lagos Office 14/16 Ahmadu Bello Way Victoria Island, Lagos e-mail: [email protected] URL: www.nou.edu.ng All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, in any form or by any means, without permission in writing from the publisher. Printed 2015, 2020 ISBN: 978-058-951-1 ii POL 126 COURSE GUIDE CONTENTS PAGE Introduction………………………………………………… iv Course Aims and Objectives………………………………… iv Working Through this Course……………………………….. iv The Course Materials……………………………………….. v Study Unit………………………………………………….. v Textbooks and References………………………………….. vi Assessment…………………………………………………. vi Tutor-Marked Assignment(tma)……………………………. vii Final Examination and Grading……………………………. vii Course Marking Scheme…………………………………… vii Tutors and Tutorials ……………………………………….. viii Assessment ……………………………………………….. viii Tutor-Marked Assignments (TMAS) …………………………ix Final examination and grading ……………………………. ix How to get the Most from this Course ?……………………. x Summary………………………………………………….. xi iii POL 126 COURSE GUIDE INTRODUCTION POL 126-Citizenship and the State is a one semester course in the first year of B.sc (Hons.) degree in Political Science. It is a three-unit credit course designed to enable you understand the relationship between citizens and the function of the State. The course has been developed with the Nigeria context in view. The course educates students with the theories of state and the right of citizen, it also provides you with the limitations of public authority in relation to the rights of citizens. Therefore, a citizen is supposed to identify with the interests of the country to which he belongs even at the expense of their membership in families, specialised or provincial communities. The study units are structured into modules. Each module is structured into 5 units. This course guide gives you an overview of the course. It also provides you with information on the organisation and requirements of the coursive. COURSE AIMS AND OBJECTIVES The aims are to help you understand the nature of citizen and state relations especially as it relates to the obligations of the state to the citizens and the correlative duty of the citizens to the state. These broad aims will be achieved by: Introducing you to the concept of the state and citizenship acquainting you with the theories of state and citizenship, educating you with the rights of a citizen also providing you with the limitations of public authority in relation to the rights of citizens. POL 126 has overall objectives. In addition, each unit also has specific objectives. The unit objectives are at the beginning of each unit. I advise you read them before you start working through the unit. Here are the wider objectives for the course as a whole. On successful completion of the course, you should be able to:  understand what constitutes the state as well as be able to list the features of the state  state the theories of the state  analyse state-society relations  understand political obligation  know the basis of liberty/freedom and what constitutes citizenship  familiarise what types of rights exist and which regime guarantees it, also understand the basis for loyalty and patriotism. WORKING THROUGH THIS COURSE To complete this course, you are required to read the study units and other related materials. You will also need to undertake practical exercises for iv POL 126 COURSE GUIDE which you need a pen, a note – book, and other materials that will be listed in the guide. The exercises are to aid you in understanding the concepts being presented. At the end of each unit, you will be required to submit a written assignment for assessment purposes. At the end of the course, you will write a final examination. THE COURSE MATERIALS In this course, as in all other courses, the major components you will find are as follows:  Course Guide  Study Units  Assignments File  Relevant text books including the ones listed under the unit. STUDY UNIT There are 25 units in this course. They are listed below: Module 1 State in Political Analyses Unit 1 State in Political Analysis Unit 2 Origin of the State Unit 3 Theories of the State Unit 4 The Nigerian State Unit 5 Society and State Relations Module 2 Legitimacy and Political Obligation Unit 1 Principles of Political Obligation Unit 2 Principles of Natural Duty Unit 3 Moral Constraints of Political Obligation Unit 4 Public/ Basic Goods Unit 5 Civil Disobedience Module 3 Citizenship and Rights Unit 1 Liberty/Freedom Unit 2 Citizenship and Rights Unit 3 Contentious Issues of Citizenship Unit 4 Gender and Citizenship Unit 5 Rights of Citizenship v POL 126 COURSE GUIDE Module 4 Government Responsibilities Unit 1 Theories of Rights Unit 2 Practice of Rights and Responsibilities Unit 3 Regime Types and Guarantee of Rights Unit 4 Limitations on Rights and Public Authority Unit 5 Government Responsibilities Module 5 Obligations, Termination of Citizenship in Nigeria Unit 1 General obligation of citizens in Nigeria Unit 2 Duties and responsilities of Citizen to the State Unit 3 What are the entitlements of a Citizen? Unit 4 Termination of citizenship in Nigeria Unit 5 Combating Corruption in Nigeria As you can observe, the course begins with the basics and expands into a more elaborate, complex and detailed form. All you need to do is to follow the instructions as provided in each unit. In addition, some self- assessment exercises have been provided with which you can test your progress with the text and determine if your study is fulfilling the stated objectives. Tutor- marked assignments have also been provided to aid your study. All these will assist you to be able to fully grasp knowledge of international economic relations. TEXTBOOKS AND REFERENCES At the end of each unit, you will find a list of relevant reference materials which you may wish to consult as the need arises. However, I would encourage you to cultivate the habit of consulting as many relevant materials within the time available to you. In particular, be sure to consult whatever material you are advised to consult before attempting any exercise. For better performance, you may need to purchase two or more of the recommended texts; they are important for better understanding and mastery of the course content. Also, every week, you need quality time in an environment conducive for study. It is expected that you have basic knowledge of computer operation which will help you access more relevant materials online. You should also cultivate the habit of visiting reputable physical libraries accessible to you. ASSESSMENT An assessment file and a marking scheme will be made available to you. In the assessment file, you will find details of the works you must submit to your tutor for marking. There are two aspects of the assessment vi POL 126 COURSE GUIDE of this course; the tutor-marked and the written examination. The marks you obtain in these two areas will make up your final marks. The assignment must be submitted to your tutor for formal assessment in accordance with the deadline stated in the presentation schedule and the assignment file. The work you submit to your tutor for assessment will count for 30% of your total score. TUTOR-MARKED ASSIGNMENT(TMA) You will have to submit a specified number of the TMAs. Every unit in this course has a Tutor-Marked Assignment. You are required to attempt all the questions and you will be assessed on all of them but the best four performances (from the TMAs) will be used for your 30% grading. When you have completed each assignment, send it together with a Tutor- Marked Assignment form, to your tutor. Make sure each assignment reaches your tutor on or before the deadline for submissions. If for any reason, you cannot complete your work on time, contact your tutor for a discussion on the possibility of an extension. Extensions will not be granted after the due date unless in exceptional circumstances. Self-assessment exercises are also provided in each unit. The exercises should help you to evaluate your understanding of the material so far. These are not to be submitted. You will find all answers to these within the units they are intended for. FINAL EXAMINATION AND GRADING The final examination will be a test of three hours. All areas of the course will be examined. Find time to read the unit all over before your examination. The final examination will attract 70% of the total course grade. The examination will consist of questions which reflect the kinds of self-assessment exercise and tutor marked assignment you have previously encountered. And all aspects of the course will be assessed. You should take the time between completing the last unit and taking the examination to revise the entire course. COURSE MARKING SCHEME The following table lays out how the actual course mark allocation is broken down. Assessment Marks Assignments 1-3(the best three Four assignments, marked out of 10% of all the assignments submitted) totaling 30% Final Examination 70% of overall course score Total 100% of course score vii POL 126 COURSE GUIDE PRESENTATION SCHEDULE Unit Title of Works Week Assessment Activity (end of Unit) Module 1 State in Political Analysis Unit 1 State in Political Analysis Week 1 Assignment Unit Origin of the State Week 2 1 Assignment 2 3 Unit Theories of the State Week 3 1 Assignment Unit The Nigerian State Week 4 1 Assignment 4 Unit Society and State Relations Week 5 1 Assignment 5 Module 2 Legitimacy and Political Obligation 1 Unit 1 Principles of political Obligation Week 1 Assignment Unit 2 Principles of Natural Duty Week 2 1 Assignment Unit 3 The Moral Constraints of Political Week 3 1 Assignment Obligation 1 Unit 4 Public/ Basic Goods Week 4 Assignment Unit 5 Civil Disobedience Week 5 1 Assignment 1 Module 3 Citizenship and Rights Unit 1 Liberty/Freedom Week 1 Assignment Unit 2 Citizenship and Rights Week 2 1 Assignment Unit 3 Contentious issues of Citizenship Week 3 1 Assignment Unit 4 Gender and Citizenship Week 4 1 Assignment Unit 5 Rights of Citizenship Week 5 1 Assignment Module 4 Government Responsibilities 1 Unit 1 Theories of Rights Week 1Assignment Unit 2 Practice of Rights and Responsibilities Week 21 Assignment Unit 3 Regime type and guarantee right Week 31 Assignment. Unit 4 Limitations on Rights and Public Week 41 Assignment Unit 5 Authority Government Responsibilities Week 5 1 Assignment Module 5 Obligations, Termination of 1 Citizenship in Nigeria Unit 1 General obligation of citizens in Week 1 Assignment Unit 2 1 Nigeria and responsibilities of Citizen Week 2 Assignment Duties Unit 3 What to the2are Unit the entitlements State Duties of a citizen 1 Week`3 Assignment Unit 4 Termination of citizenship and responsilities of in Nigeria Week 4 1Assignment Unit 5 Combating corruption Citizen to the State in Nigeria 1 Week 5 Assignment Unit 3 What 1 TUTORS AND are theTUTORIALS entitlements of a Citizen? Information Unit 4 will be provided at the appropriate relating to the tutorials Termination of time. Your tutor will mark and comment on your assignments, keep a close watch citizenship in Nigeria on your progress and on any difficulties you might encounter Unit 5 and provide assistance to you during the course. You must take your Combating viii Corruption in Nigeria POL 126 COURSE GUIDE tutor-marked assignments to the study centre well before the due date (at least two working days are required). They will be marked by your tutor and returned to you as soon as possible. Do not hesitate to contact him if you do not understand any part of the study units or the assigned readings; you have difficulty with the exercises: you have a question or problem with the assignments, with your tutor’s comments on an assignment or with the grading of an assignment. You should try your best to attend the tutorials. This is the only chance to have face-to- face contact with your tutor and ask questions which are answered instantly. You can raise any problem encountered in the course of your study. To gain maximum benefit from course tutorials, prepare a question list before attending them. You will learn a lot from participating in discussion actively. ASSESSMENT There are two aspects to the assessment of this course. First is the Tutor- Marked Assignments; second is a written examination. In handling these assignments, you are expected to apply the information, knowledge and experience acquired during the course. The tutor-marked assignments are now being done online. Ensure that you register all your courses so that you can have easy access to the online assignments. Your score in the online assignments will account for 30 percent of your total coursework. At the end of the course, you will need to sit for a final examination. This examination will account for the other 70 percent of your total course mark. TUTOR-MARKED ASSIGNMENTS (TMAs) Usually, there are four online tutor-marked assignments in this course. Each assignment will be marked over ten percent. The best three (that is the highest three of the 10 marks) will be counted. This implies that the total mark for the best three assignments will constitute 30% of your total course work. You will be able to complete your online assignments successfully from the information and materials contained in your references, reading and study units. FINAL EXAMINATION AND GRADING The final examination for POL316: Political Evaluation will be of two hours duration and have a value of 70% of the total course grade. The examination will consist of multiple choice and fill-in-the-gaps questions which will reflect the practice exercises and tutor-marked assignments you have previously encountered. All areas of the course will be assessed. It is important that you use adequate time to revise the entire course. You may find it useful to review your tutor-marked assignments before the ix POL 126 COURSE GUIDE examination. The final examination covers information from all aspects of the course. HOW TO GET THE MOST FROM THIS COURSE 1. There are 24 units in this course. You are to spend one week in each unit. In distance learning, the study units replace the university lecture. This is one of the great advantages of distance learning; you can read and work through specially designed study materials at your own pace, and at a time and place that suites you best. Think of it as reading the lecture instead of listening to the lecturer. In the same way a lecturer might give you some reading to do. The study units tell you when to read and which are your text materials or recommended books. You are provided exercises to do at appropriate points, just as a lecturer might give you in a class exercise. 2. Each of the study units follows a common format. The first item is an introduction to the subject matter of the unit, and how a particular unit is integrated with other units and the course as a whole. Next to this is a set of learning objectives. These objectives let you know what you should be able to do, by the time you have completed the unit. These learning objectives are meant to guide your study. The moment a unit is finished, you must go back and check whether you have achieved the objectives. If this is made a habit, then you will significantly improve your chance of passing the course. 3. The main body of the unit guides you through the required reading from other sources. This will usually be either from your reference or from a reading section. 4. The following is a practical strategy for working through the course. If you run into any trouble, telephone your tutor or visit the study centre nearest to you. Remember that your tutor’s job is to help you. When you need assistance, do not hesitate to call and ask your tutor to provide it. 5. Read this course guide thoroughly. It is your first assignment. 6. Organise a study schedule – Design a ‘Course Overview’ to guide you through the course. Note the time you are expected to spend on each unit and how the assignments relate to the units. 7. Important information; e.g. details of your tutorials and the date of the first day of the semester is available at the study centre. 8. You need to gather all the information into one place, such as your diary or a wall calendar. Whatever method you choose to use, you should decide on and write in your own dates and schedule of work for each unit. 9. Once you have created your own study schedule, do everything to stay faithful to it. x POL 126 COURSE GUIDE 10. The major reason that students fail is that they get behind in their coursework. If you get into difficulties with your schedule, please let your tutor or course coordinator know before it is too late for help. 11. Turn to Unit 1, and read the introduction and the objectives for the unit. 12. Assemble the study materials. You will need your references for the unit you are studying at any point in time. 13. As you work through the unit, you will know what sources to consult for further information. 14. Visit your study centre whenever you need up-to-date information. 15. Well before the relevant online TMA due dates, visit your study centre for relevant information and updates. Keep in mind that you will learn a lot by doing the assignment carefully. They have been designed to help you meet the objectives of the course and, therefore, will help you pass the examination. 16. Review the objectives for each study unit to confirm that you have achieved them. If you feel unsure about any of the objectives, review the study materials or consult your tutor. When you are confident that you have achieved a unit’s objectives, you can start on the next unit. Proceed unit by unit through the course and try to space your study so that you can keep yourself on schedule. 17. After completing the last unit, review the course and prepare yourself for the final examination. Check that you have achieved the unit objectives (listed at the beginning of each unit) and the course objectives (listed in the course guide). SUMMARY This course, POL 126- Citizenship and the State introduces students to the concept of the state. The course is a broad term said to denote various relations amid an individual and a state. Nevertheless, this relation does not necessarily confer political rights however do imply other privileges, especially protection abroad. As earlier indicated, the course guide gives you an overview of what to expect in the course of this study. The course teaches you the basics about citizen and state relations in the Nigerian state. We wish you success with the course and hope that you will find it both interesting and useful. List of Acronyms AU - AFRICAN UNION CDC - CONSTITUTIONAL DRAFTING COMMITTEE CPI - CORRUPT PERCEPTION INDEX EFCC- EECONOMIC FINANCIAL CRIME COMMISSION FGM - FEMALE GENITAL MITULATION xi POL 126 COURSE GUIDE FIRS - FEDERAL INLAND REVENUE SERVICE GDP - GROSS DEMESTIC PRODUCT HDI - HUMAN DEVELOPMENT INDICATOR IE - INDIVIDUAL ETHICS ICPC - INDEPENDENT CORRUPT PRACTICES COMMISSION IMF - INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND MASSOB - MOVEMENT FOR THE SOVEREIGN STATE OF BIAFRA MEND - MOVEMENT FOR EMANCIPATION OF NIGER DELTA NDA - NIGERIAN DEFENCE ACADEMIC NEPU - NORTHERN ELEMENT PROGRESSIVE UNION NPC - NORTHERN PEOPLES CONGRESS TIE - TRANS INDIVIDUAL ETHICS TI - TRANSPERENCY INTERNATIONAL TMA - TUTOR MARKED ASSIGNMENT TIN - TAX PAYER IDENTIFICATION UBE - UNIVERSAL BASIC EDUCATION UN - UNITED NATIONS UNICEF - UNITED NATIONS INTERNATIONAL CHILDREN’S EMERGENCY FUND REFERENCES/FURTHER READING Almond, G.A., & Coleman, J.S. (1960). The Politics of the Developing Areas. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Almond, G.A., & Powell, G.B. (1966).Comparative Politics: A Developmental Approach. Boston, Little Brown. Austin, D. (2015). Politics in Ghana, 1946-1960. Oxford: OUP. Awa, E. (1961). The Voting Behaviour and Attitudes of Eastern Nigerians. Aba: Ofomata Press. Locke, J. (1965). Two Treatises on Government. New York: Mentor Books. Ltickharn, R. (1971). The Nigerian Military. Cambridge: OUP. Morgenthau, H. (1966). Politics among Naiioiis. New York. Netti, P. (1967).Political Mobilisation. London: Faber. xii MAIN COURSE CONTENTS PAGE Module 1 State in Political Analyses………………….. 1 Unit 1 State in Political Analysis…………………… 1 Unit 2 Origin of the State…………………………… 7 Unit 3 Theories of the State…………………………. 22 Unit 4 The Nigerian State…………………………… 24 Unit 5 Society and State Relations………………….. 36 Module 2 Legitimacy and Political Obligation……….. 42 Unit 1 Principles of Political Obligation…………….. 42 Unit 2 Principles of Natural Duty……………………. 47 Unit 3 Moral Constraints of Political Obligation…….. 52 Unit 4 Public/ Basic Goods…………………………… 57 Unit 5 Civil Disobedience…………………………….. 63 Module 3 Citizenship and Rights……………………….. 70 Unit 1 Liberty/Freedom……………………………….. 70 Unit 2 Citizenship and Rights…………………………. 75 Unit 3 Contentious Issues of Citizenship……………… 80 Unit 4 Gender and Citizenship………………………… 89 Unit 5 Rights of Citizenship…………………………… 95 Module 4 Government Responsibilities…………………. 100 Unit 1 Theories of Rights………………………………. 100 Unit 2 Practice of Rights and Responsibilities………….. 105 Unit 3 Regime Types and Guarantee of Rights…………. 111 Unit 4 Limitations on Rights and Public Authority……… 117 Unit 5 Government Responsibilities……………………… 127 Module 5 Obligations, Termination of Citizenship in Nigeria…………………………………………… 138 Unit 1 General Obligation of Citizens in Nigeria………... 138 Unit 2 Duties and Responsibilities of Citizen to the State 141 Unit 3 What are the Entitlements of a Citizen?.................. 144 Unit 4 Termination of Citizenship in Nigeria…………… 147 Unit 5 Combating Corruption in Nigeria………………… 151 POL 126 MODULE 1 MODULE 1 THE NATURE OF THE STATE INTRODUCTION This module will examine the overall nature of the State perhaps one of the important concepts in Political science is the state. This is because a significant proportion of a country’s politics occurs at the level of the state. Besides, it is only by being the citizens of a given state that we can meaningful discuss and make claims to our rights and obligations. The module will also examine the nature of state in a political Analysis. The module will also discuss the origin as well as the theories of the state, this is important because it highlight some of the impact of these theorists more especially on the development of the state in Nigerian context. Finally, the module evaluates the mode of society and state relations. Unit 1 State in Political Analysis Unit 2 Origin of the State Unit 3 Theories of the State Unit 4 The Nigerian State Unit 5 Society and State Relations UNIT 1 STATE IN POLITICAL ANALYSIS CONTENTS 1.0 Introduction 2.0 Objectives 3.0 Main Content 3.1 What is a State? 3.2 Features of a State 4.0 Conclusion 5.0 Summary 6.0 Tutor-Marked Assignment 7.0 References/Further Reading 1.0 INTRODUCTION This unit - ‘State in Political Analysis’ will examine what constitutes a State as well as its nature and features in a political system. 1 POL 126 CITIZENSHIP AND THE STATE 2.0 OBJECTIVES By the end of this unit, you will be able to:  define a State  explain its distinctive features 3.0 MAIN CONTENT 3.1 What is a State? The question concerns the very nature or character of the state within the activity of the political system as a whole. However, before we dwell on the nature/character of the state, it is important to understand that a political system is different from a state. A political system consists of all the forces, processes, and institutions of a society which generate effective demand and support inputs and attendant political cooperation or conflict which are involved in the resolution of conflicts and the subsequent evolution of authoritative political decisions. In other words, a political system is - “any persistent pattern of human relationships that involves, to a significant extent, control, influence, power, or authority” (Dahl, 1976). A state on the hand is larger than a political system. It is an artificial creation that can be related to concretely through the institutions set up in its name to define it as well as make decisions as to the organisation and regulation of the public domain. The concept of the state as an abstract entity or organisational abstraction and presence can be understood in the sense that the physical features cannot be felt except when it operates through political institutions such as: the executive, the judiciary, the administration, the armed forces, prisons, governing parties and governmental institutions (public corporations and means of information) for achieving its purposes. The government of that system through different roles obviously played by persons who create, interpret, and enforce rules that are binding on citizens are carried out through the formal institutional structure and location of authoritative decision-making in the modern state. The political role of ‘government institutions’ is to receive inputs from their social environment and produces outputs to respond to the environment” (Putnam, 1993:8-9). It is therefore through institutional performance that societal demands are transformed into political action or devices for achieving purposes. It is clear that government evidently is an essential organ through which the state achieves its moral duty and obligation to administer and render service to the citizens of the state. 2 POL 126 MODULE 1 lastly, based on the above, given that the state is for man, and not man for the state or better still the state is still greater than an individual or any of it constituent units i.e parts or groups who dwell within it, it must be given a more dynamic role in the pressing duty of providing for the minimum standard of the living for its citizens, and for their happiness through social justice. SELF-ASSESSMENT EXERCISE What do you understand by a State? 3.2 Features of a State Here, let us look at the following: 1) Effective Governmental Authority One of the defining characteristics of the state is that it takes place within a context of the ultimate authority to which all are subordinate. Authority is a legal concept which means that government has the legal right of making decisions which people are required to obey; and the right to use coercion to enforce its laws. This feature is very important because governmental policies are not likely to be effective if the rules are not obeyed. Also, if the stamp of authority behind law is lacking, in line with government’s authority to enforce, then no effective authority will be produced. 2) Sovereignty This word derived from a Latin word ‘superamus’ which means supremacy. The absolute and perpetual power of the state in its domestic use means the power and authority of the state over all persons, things within its territory. In other words, sovereignty means that the state has a general power of lawmaking and of the enforcement of laws. Key features of Sovereignty are as follows: a) Absoluteness: Sovereignty is legal in nature in the sense that it is binding on all inhabitants that fall within the jurisdiction of sovereignty i.e. citizens and associations alike. There is no limitation to its legal powers. However, it is important to note the fact that when a state is a member of African Union (AU). b) Indivisibility: Sovereignty is the supreme, final, absolute, coercive power of the state over the people 3 POL 126 CITIZENSHIP AND THE STATE living within the same, hence it is indivisible i.e. cannot be shared or divided by a state with another state. c) Independent of foreign control: Once a state becomes independent, its sovereignty remains independent (free of external control). However, in contemporary times there has been economic interference with regard to structural adjustment-the generic term used to describe a package of economic and institutional measures which the IMF, World Bank and individual Western Aid donors have persuaded many developing countries to adopt since the 1980s in return for a new wave of policy- oriented loans. 3) Permanence: It is important to note this feature because government comes, government goes but the sovereignty of the state remains forever. In other words as long as the state exists, sovereignty continues without interruption. 4) Monopoly over the Legitimate Use of Force: In relation to the government possessing a monopoly over a legitimate use of force the third point is related to the second. In effect, a government is legitimate if the people to whom its orders or directs believe that the structure, procedures, acts, decisions, policies, officials, or leaders of government possess the quality of ‘rightness”, propriety, or moral goodness- the right, in short, to make binding rules. It shows that not every power being exercised is legitimate, to this end; such legitimacy can be attested to by decrees, enactments. Thus, leaders in a political system try to endow their actions with legitimacy be it feudalism, monarchy, oligarchy, hereditary aristocracy, plutocracy, representative government- democracy so as to acquire legitimacy. In essence, when a leader is clothed with legitimacy, it usually is referred to as authority with a special kind of legitimate influence. 5) Existence of Society-Wide Consensus: The fourth point explains why the first three exist. The state is founded on some sort of society-wide consensus. This consensus may be based, for instance, on a common nationality (even where there are a wide variety of ethnic and racial groups). In other words, the relationship between the influencer and influenced can be sustained through agreement i.e. the agreement of one to be subjected to that of another. Such agreement would also determine the restriction of power relations between the two groups. But whatever the basis of a consensus, there are some values throughout the system that make the functioning of a 4 POL 126 MODULE 1 centralised political authority possible. At times too, the diversity in social, economic, religious and ethnic terms makes subordination to a common political authority possible. 6) Population: The fifth point of difference has been implicit in much of what has been highlighted above. Thus, in a state, the actors are people. However, there can be no minimum or the optimum population necessary to constitute a state. The presupposition therefore is that an intrinsic relationship should exist between the state and the inhabitants of a given state who sustain it. SELF-ASSESSMENT EXERCISE List and explain the features of a state. 4.0 CONCLUSION The unit explained the ‘state’ largely as an abstract entity which operates through political institutions such as: the executive, the judiciary, the administration, the armed forces, governing parties and governmental institutions (public corporations and means of information) for achieving its purposes. 5.0 SUMMARY The unit examined the state and its salient features as an organisation that has the sole legitimate right to use power and exercise political authority over a given territory and its inhabitants. 6.0 TUTOR-MARKED ASSIGNMENT 1. Explain what a state is in political analysis. 2. Identify and explain the features of a state. 7.0 REFERENCES/FURTHER READING Appadorai, A. (1968.) The Substance of Politics. Oxford University Press. Adeigbo, A. (1991.) Readings in Social and Political Philosophy. Volume one. Claverianum Press. Ibadan. Dahl, R.A. (1976.) Modern Political Analysis. Englewood-Cliffs, N J; Prentice Hall. 5 POL 126 CITIZENSHIP AND THE STATE Eugene, J. Kolb. (1978.) A Framework for Political Analysis. Prentice- Hall, Inc. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey. Gianfranco, Poggi. (1978.) The Development of the Modern State. London. Hutchinson and Company Limited. Kunle, Amuwo & Wale, Are, Olaitan. (1994.) The Military Presidency and Poverty of State-building in Nigeria. A Focus on the Babangida Era. African Notes. Vol. X1X.Nos 1&2. Kunle, Amuwo, Adigun, Agbaje, Rotimi, Suberu, & Georges, Herault. (1998.) Federalism and Political Restructuring. Spectrum Books and IFRA. Ibadan. Matte, Halskov Hansen & Arild Englesen RUUD. (1996.) Weak? Strong? Civil? Embedded? New Perspectives on State-Society Relations in the Non-Western World. Centre for Development. University of Oslo. Midgal, J. (1994.). ‘The State in Society: An Approach to Struggles for Domination.’ In, Midgal, Kohli, & Shue. (Eds). State Power and Social Forces. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Obafemi, Awolowo.(1968.) The Peoples Republic, Ibadan. Oxford University Press. Putnam, R. (1993.)Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Shaheen, Mozzafar. (1987.) “A Research Strategy for Analyzing the Colonial State in Africa”. Research Paper for African Studies Centre. Boston University 6 POL 126 MODULE 1 UNIT 2 ORIGIN OF THE STATE CONTENTS 1.0 Introduction 2.0 Objectives 3.0 Main Content 3.1 The Theory of Divine Origin 3.2 The Force Explanation 3.3 The Marxism Approach 3.4 The Historical/Evolutionary Theory 4.0 Conclusion 5.0 Summary 6.0 Tutor- Marked Assignment 7.0 References/ Further Reading 1.0 INTRODUCTION Having looked at the nature of the state, this unit examines whether men have lived under some form of political system previously and if they have, what factors necessitated the original establishment of the state. Thus, the unit will examine the foundations of the state. 2.0 OBJECTIVES By the end of this unit, you will be able to:  state the origin of a state  state the various approaches of the origin of the state  link it to the foundation of any modern political system. 3.0 MAIN CONTENT 3.1 The Theory of Divine Origin This theory is also known as the theory of the divine right of kings. Its main propositions are: That the State was established by an ordinance of God. Its rulers/leaders are divinely appointed hence are not accountable to any authority but God. The justification for this proposition is in line with the specific injunction in the Bible (Rom13:1-2) that every soul or body is subject unto the higher powers ordained of God who is most supreme. And that whoever resists the power of the ordinance of God shall receive unto themselves damnation. Following from the above propositions, the essential feature scholars have argued that it is not only that God created the state in the sense that all human institutions may be believed to have had their origin in divine creation but that the will of God 7 POL 126 CITIZENSHIP AND THE STATE is supposed to be made known by revelation immediately to certain persons who are His earthly vice- regents and by them communicated to the people. It is glaring therefore that in this theory obedience to the state becomes a religion as well as a civil duty and disobedience is obviously a sacrilege. This position is evidenced in the claims of certain rulers, like James I of England, who governed absolutely without being accountable to their people. Furthermore, in spite of the obvious defect of the theory, one of its merits is that it that it may create in the mass of the people, a sense of the value of order and obedience to law, so necessary for the stability of the state – and in the rulers a moral accountability to God for the manner in which they exercise their power. 3.2 The Force Explanation This theory proposes that the state is the result of the subjugation of the weaker by the stronger. The reason for this perhaps may not be far from the fact that historically ‘there is no least difficulty in proving that all political communities of the modern type were obliged to their existence to successful warfare’. In effect, as a justification of this, in the eighteenth century. As cited by Hume in Appadorai, 1968: The basic argument is that consequent upon the increase of population and the consequent pressure on the means of subsistence invariably there would be also an improvement in the art of warfare. It is therefore in this light that he conceived that a state is founded when a leader, with his band of warriors, gets permanent control of a definite territory of a considerable size. This may occur in two ways: Firstly, when the leader, after firmly establishing his or her position as ruler of his/her own tribe, extends his/her authority over neighbouring tribes until he or she comes to rule over a large territory. This is what seems to have happened in Scandinavia, where, in the ninth century, ‘the innumerable tribes became gradually consolidated, as the result of hard fighting, into the three historic kingdoms of Norway, Denmark and Sweden’. Secondly, a state is founded by successful migrations and conquests. This was the history of the Normans, ‘who, in the ninth century, became the ruling power in Russia. Expectedly, the new type of community founded by consolidation or by migration and conquest in order words differed from the tribes because of their territorial character. The understanding here therefore is that all those who live within the territory of the ruler (and not only those who were related to him by blood) were bound to obey his/her commands. This theory like others has also been criticised not only on the claim that force is a factor in the formation of a state but rather as an element with various causes such as kinship, religion, force and political consciousness. 8 POL 126 MODULE 1 3.3 The Marxism Approach The class theory of origin of state has considerable impact in modern times. The principal proponent of this theory is Karl Marx, who likened the formation of political society (including the modern state), he argued that base on the nature of the economic of the society, the mode of production of a given society determines not only the type of classes that would emerge, but the patterns of social, political, religious, legal, ideology, and other relations in the society. Marx uses historical analysis to trace how different political societies had been formed, altered and changed as a result of changes in modes of production. In each historical epoch, the combination of forces of production determined power, authority and government. He mainly focuses more on recent historical epoch” the capitalist epoch”. The capitalist society is marked by three main classes: The “wage labourers, capitalist, and land owners-constitute the great classes of modern society based on a capitalist mode of production”. 3.4 The Historical/Evolutionary Approach The evolutionary approach is generally accepted because it did not consider the state neither as a divine institution nor as a deliberate human contrivance. Rather, it conceived the state coming into existence as the result of natural evolution. The proposition therefore of the state as a product of history was aptly captured succinctly by J.W. Burgess who explained that the evolutionary theory is premised on a gradual and continuous development of human society out of a grossly imperfect beginning through crude but improving forms of manifestation towards a perfect and universal organisation of mankind.’ The beginnings of government cannot be traced to a particular time or cause because of the result of various factors through ages such as the influences as kinship, religion, war and political consciousness. Key Influence of Historical/Evolutional approach 1. Kingship: In early society, the first and strongest bond and government was kingship. This bond expectedly, clearly defined family discipline which would scarcely be possible among races in which blood-relationship was subject to profound confusion and in which family organisation, therefore, had no clear basis of authority on which to rest. In every case, it would seem the origin of what we should deem worthy of the name of government must have awaited the development of some such definite family as that in which the father was known and known as ruler. However, whether or not the patriarchal family was the first form of the family, it must have been adequate as the first form of government. 9 POL 126 CITIZENSHIP AND THE STATE 2. Common worship: This undoubtedly is another element in the welding together of families and tribes. This worship evolved from primitive animism to ancestor-worship. When ancestor- worship became the prevailing form of religion, religion was inseparably linked with kinship for, at the family or communal altar; the worshipper did homage to the great dead of his/her family or group and craved protection and guidance. In some tribes, also we find that the medicine-man or magician, who naturally held a predominant position, acquired or was elevated to the position of kingship. The primitive man had implicit faith in the existence of spirits, the spirits of the dead and the spirits of nature. The medicine-man or woman, professing ability to control them by means of his/her sorcery, naturally came to be regarded with mysterious awe and acquired unique influence. 4.0 CONCLUSION This unit explained the historical views of the state starting from the theory of the divine right of kings, how communities of the modern type owe their existence to successful warfare and arguments that although absolute supreme power of the eldest male parent does not extend to life and death even if the unit of primitive society was the family, in which descent was traced through males and in which the eldest male parent was absolutely supreme. The unit also highlighted that though the matriarchal theory holds that the primitive group had no common male head, and that kinship among them could be traced only through a woman. The theory generally accepted that though one considers the state neither as a divine institution nor as a deliberate human contrivance, however, it conceived the State coming into existence as the result of natural evolution. 5.0 SUMMARY It is clear that the unit addressed the historical coherence of the theory of divine origin, the theory of force, the patriarchal theory, the matriarchal theory and the historical/evolutionary theory. 6.0 TUTOR-MARKED ASSIGNMENT 1. Explain the historical origin of the state. 2. Explain the developments that led to the force explanation of the state. 10 POL 126 MODULE 1 7.0 REFERENCES/FURTHER READING Adeigbo, A. (1991.) Readings in Social and Political Philosophy. Volume one. Claverianum Press. Ibadan. Appadorai, A. (1968.). The Substance of Politics. Oxford University Press. Nwosu H. & Ray, O. (1986). Introduction to Politics. Enugu - Nigeria: Forth dimension publishing CO. LTD. 11 POL 126 CITIZENSHIP AND THE STATE UNIT 3 THEORIES OF THE STATE CONTENTS 1.0 Introduction 2.0 Objectives 3.0 Main Content 3.1 What is a Theory? 3.2 Theory of the State of Nature and Social Contract 3.3 The Liberal-Democratic Theory 3.4 The Marxist Theory 4.0 Conclusion 5.0 Summary 6.0 Tutor-Marked Assignment 7.0 References/Further Reading 1.0 INTRODUCTION Having looked at the history of the state it would be appropriate to examine the consolidation of the modern state through the various theories of the modern state such as the theory of the State of Nature and Social Contract, l i b e r a l -Democratic Theory and the Marxist Theory. The essence here is not just to indulge in blanket statements about the theory and nature of the state but to see which of them provides more insight into the analysis of Citizen and State relations in perspective within the Nigerian context. 2.0 OBJECTIVES By the end of this unit, you will be able to:  define a theory  state the various theories of the state and apply it to any political system  explain which one best explains the Nigerian situation. 3.0 MAIN CONTENT 3.1 What is a Theory? A theory is a category with which we analyse, organize, and synthesized phenomena i n t o interconnected a n d i n t e r n a l l y c o h e r e n t w h o l e s. In effect, theory implies the business of establishing patterns of determination in discrete and diverse phenomena. Let us now relate this explanation of theory to citizen and state relation. It refers to the conceptual tools with which we identify patterns of discrimination in 12 POL 126 MODULE 1 social phenomena regarding from the citizens and their place in a state. By so doing, we are enabled to understand or find out what’s, how’s, and why’s of the causes and consequences of irregularities discernible in the citizen’s rights and obligations in the socio-political context of a state that require transformation for the better. 3.2 The Social Contract Theory of the origin of Political Authority The origin of this theory is premised on ‘an agreement entered into by men (and expectedly women) who originally had no governmental organisation which resulted into a state. However, to understand the essence of a contractual agreement (the idea of a social contract) which can be found in the political treatises both of the East and the West? Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) It is significant to know that Hobbes (1588-1679) was an English man who lived in the days of the Civil War (1642-51). This is important because it gives an insight in explaining the nature of his political thought which seems inclined towards absolutism. This inclination was natural at a time when the most important need of his country was a strong government to maintain law and order. This background shaped the government of his political inquiry (The Leviathan, 1651) by his analysis of human nature in the conception of man as being essentially selfish who is moved to action not by intellect or reason, but by appetites, desires and passions. The summation is that the state of nature is none other than a society where men lived without any common power set over them. This ‘condition’ in the state of nature’ is called Warre; and such a warre (war) as is of every man, against every man’- not war in the organised sense but a perpetual struggle of all against all, competition, diffidence and love of glory being the three main causes. It is pertinent to note that law and justice are absent, hence, the life of man could be summed up as ‘solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short’. Hobbes also recognised that even in the primitive natural state, there are in some sense laws of nature whose essence is self-preservation i.e. ‘the liberty each man hath to preserve his own life’. In detail, these laws are: to seek peace and to ensure that it is followed; to relinquish the right to all things which being retained hinders the peace of mankind; to‘perform their covenants made’. Therefore, the only way to peace is for men to give up so much of their natural rights as are inconsistent with living in peace. To therefore achieve this, a supreme coercive power is instituted, however, the contracting parties are not the community and the government, but subject with every man saying to every other that ‘I authorise and give up my right of governing myself to this man or this assembly of men (government) on this condition that thou give up thy 13 POL 126 CITIZENSHIP AND THE STATE right to him and authorise all his actions in like manner’. In line with the fulfilling of this right, a state is thus created. However, certain consequences follow from the creation of state in this manner, some of which are that: It is pertinent to note that despite the aforementioned, Hobbes theory of social contract ideas have been criticised severally on the following counts: 1. That it is unhistorical; given that primitive society rested on status, not on contract 2. That there is a disconnect between his view of human nature as essentially selfish in the state of nature and is transformed from being a savage to a saint the state of contract John Locke (1632-1704) The purpose of Locke (1632 – 1704) in his Two Treaties of Government (1690) was to justify the English Revolution of 1688 after James II had been deposed from the throne and William or Orange invited to occupy it. Locke’s argument can be summarised as follows: 1. That in the state of nature man was free and equal because each lives according to his own liking even though this freedom, however, is not licensed. 2. There was a natural law or the law of reason which commands that no one shall impair the life, the health, the freedom or the possessions of another. In order words, the law of nature of Locke stresses the freedom and preservation because there is no common superior to enforce the law of reason hence each individual is obliged to work out his own interpretation. The point to note is that while the state of nature is not a state of chaos as Hobbes may want us to believe, however, the insecurity of enjoyment of rights among men and women was very evident. Essentially, his contention is that the state or political society is instituted so as to remedy the inconveniences of the state of nature which can be summed as follows: i. The quest for an established known law that will be received and allowed by common consent to be the standard of judging right and wrong as well as the adoption of a common measure to decide all controversies. ii. The desire of a known judge that will not be biased with authority to determine all differences according to the established law. iii. The want of power to back and support the sentence when right and to give it due execution. 14 POL 126 MODULE 1 All these features bring to the fore that the state for Locke, is created through the medium of a contract in which each individual agrees with every other to give up to the community the natural right of enforcing the law of reason, in order that life, liberty and property may be preserved. It is therefore significant to note that for Locke, unlike Hobbes, power resides with the community and not with the government. It must also be stressed that the contract is not general but limited and specific so much so that the natural right of enforcing the law of reason (natural rights of life, liberty and property) reserved to the individual limit the just power of the community is given up. To this end, government is seen to be in the nature of a trust and in this way only such powers as were transferred at the time of the change from a state of nature is embraced. It becomes essential therefore that the legislative power constituted by the consent of the people should not be arbitrary but become the supreme power in the commonwealth. In order words, it must be exercised, as it is given, for the good of the subjects. To this effect, the Legislature must dispense justice through laws and authorised judges. This ensures that no man can be deprived of his/her property without his/her consent nor can taxes be levied without the consent of the people or their representatives. Also, the Legislature cannot transfer its powers to any other person or body and it must be a delegated power from the people who can remove or alter the Legislature, when they find that it acts contrary to the trust reposed in it. Following the aforementioned, it appears that there is no sovereign in Locke’s state in line with the Hobbesian analogy. The community is supreme even though its supreme power is latent, however, this power does not come into play so long as the government is acting according to the trust reposed in it; but when it acts contrary to that trust, the power of the community manifests itself in its right to replace that government by another. It is apparent from the above, that integral to Locke’s system is the fact that the government may be dissolved while society remains intact. In other words, Locke’s theory borders on constitutional or limited government which by implication means ‘a government resting on the consent of the governed’. In practice, it means that for a government to hold on to power it must be conditioned by the people hence the government expectedly should pay heed to their wishes. This conclusion by Locke was determined by distinguishing between the agreement to form a civil society and the agreement within that society to set up some particular government. In effect, if the acts of that government are contrary to the interests of the community as a whole Locke argues that there is a possibility of changing the government without destroying the continuity of civil society itself. 15 POL 126 CITIZENSHIP AND THE STATE In sum, though Locke’s method may be criticised as being unhistorical; his position that the cardinal idea that government is a trust with consent as the basis of government cannot be overlooked. Also, there is value in his concept of natural rights now generally discredited because of his conception of it as the rights of the individual anterior to organised society. A concept which is invaluable especially because of its incorporation of T.H. Green’s interpretation that the nature of man demands certain rights or some conditions of life which at a particular state of civilisation are necessary for the fulfillment of his personality. Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) The social contract theory of Rousseau (1712 – 78) developed in his Contrat Social (1762) is important on two grounds: First, it inspired the French Revolution of 1789 which was a revolt against the despotic French monarchy. Second, it is the springboard of the theory of popular sovereignty. According to Rousseau, man is essentially good and sympathetic and these qualities definitely ensured a period of idyllic happiness, men being free and equal in a state of nature. However, since human relationships cannot be conflicts, and cannot be overruled in any society evidently with introduction of private property and growth in population quarrels arose thereby and compelling men and women to give up their natural freedom in a contract so as to create a civil society. This contract supposedly is a form of association which protects the person and property of each associate according to the virtue of which everyone while remaining free as before’. The implication of the above propositions is that; 1. Every one surrenders completely all rights to the community which becomes sovereign unlike the Government as in Hobbes. 2. The sovereignty of the community is as absolute just as the Government in Hobbes is implying that from the outset there was no need to limit its sovereignty in the interest of the subjects. The reason for this is none other than that the sovereign body is always all that it ought to be having been formed by only the individuals who constitute it. The implied meaning is that it can have no contrary interest against the individuals who formed it based on the supposition that all private interests more or less will not be in existence. Most importantly, bearing in mind that the will of the individual may conflict with the general will of the community which constitutes the sovereign because the social pact necessarily involves a tacit agreement that anyone refusing to conform to the general will shall be forced to do so by the whole body politic, i.e., ‘shall be forced to be free’. This is because the 16 POL 126 MODULE 1 universal conformity to the general will guarantees each individual freedom from dependence on any other person or persons. 3. It is also interesting to note that after the contract, the individual remains as free as he/she was before for no specific reason other than the fact that the act of each given him/herself up to all, it actually amounts to given up to no one because the same right that is given up by him/herself is evidently acquired over every associate, with greater power to preserve what is left. 4. Law is an expression of the general will and can be made only in an assembly of the whole people sovereignty can never be alienated or isolated, represented or divided. In effect, the sovereign, who is a collective being, can be represented only by himself. 5. The Government is never the same as the sovereign because of their distinguished functions of the executive and the legislative functions as well as the fact that the exercise of government is the exercise according to the law of the executive power. Moreover, the act by which a Government is established is twofold: The passing of a law by the sovereign to the effect that there shall be a Government and the appointment of governors who will act in execution of this law. Based on the above, it appears that some elements of Rousseau’s social contract are f u s i o n of Hobbes and Locke. The influence of Hobbes in his theory is evident in the conception of the State as the result of a contract entered into by men who originally lived in a state of nature where there was only one contract in which individuals surrendered all their rights though the Government was not a party. However, an interesting aspect of this contract is that after making the contract the individuals may have only such rights as are allowed to them by law; the implication of this is an absolute sovereignty. The absolute sovereignty of the Government according to Hobbes did not sit well with Rousseau hence he posited that the Government was dependent upon the people in other words, agreeing with the essentials of the conclusion of Locke. It is worthy to note the conclusion of two elements in his theory where he differed from Hobbes. The elements are: (1) That the theory makes the individual surrender his rights not to the ruler but to the community; (2) A clear cut difference exists between the State and the Government. It is also important to take into consideration that although both elements are more or less like Locke’s views Rousseau differs from Locke in more ways than one as the arguments above proves. 17 POL 126 CITIZENSHIP AND THE STATE In sum, the importance of Rousseau in political thought is evidenced in the following positions: 1. That the complete surrender of rights on the part of the natural man makes sovereignty absolute while for Locke there is no absolute sovereignty because the surrender is partial. 2. The popular sovereignty in Rousseau is in continual exercise while for Locke the supremacy of the people is not in the fore front and is only manifested when the Government acts contrary to its trust. 3. There is only one contract, the social pact thereby expunging the idea of a governmental compact from the contract theory. 4. The absolute nature of the State. 5. His theory served as the basis for democracy and the justification of revolutions against arbitrary rule. This doctrine is premised on two or three simple principles: i. That men are by nature free and equal, ii. That the rights of government must be based on some compact freely entered into by these equal and independent individuals, iii. That the nature of the compact is such that the individual becomes part of the sovereign people, which has the inalienable right of determining its own constitution and legislation as entrenched in the Declaration of the Rights of Man (1789), the charter of the French Revolution 6. His theory demonstrated entirely that will, not force, is the basis of the State. The implication of this is that government depends on the consent of the governed. 7. His idea that the sovereign community was logically the only lawmaker subsequently had the indirect effect of stimulating direct legislation by the people through the referendum and the initiative. Another important issue to note is that despite the importance of Rousseau in political thought, a particular inadequacy cannot be overlooked in political analysis. The obvious inadequacy is none other than his analysis did not envisage the fact that the unrestricted power of the general will might result in absolutism typical of the older kingdoms and oligarchies. In order words, to argue that the general will is always the disinterested will of the community for the common good, and therefore always right appears not to be plausible because there is no guarantee that the will of the community will always turn out to be for the common good. This is further compounded by the realisation by Rousseau that there is a thin line between the general will so defined and the will of all (which is the sum total of particularist and sectional interests) More so, to Rousseau the 18 POL 126 MODULE 1 sovereign are the people themselves gathered in solemn general assembly, without private interest, as a whole incapable of injustice to any members. Merits of the Social Contract Theory The theory has some merits such as: 1. It serves as a reminder to Government of the human purposes which the State can serve so as to justify its existence. As Kant, the German philosopher, said: This is because ‘The legislator is under the obligation to order his/her laws as if they were the outcome of a social contract.’ 2. In line with Locke and Rousseau’s idea that civil society rests not on the consent of the ruler but of the ruled the theory instituted what subsequently became an important factor in the development of modern democracy. Defects of the Social Contract Theory Despite its merits the theory has some defects: 1) It is untenable: From the historical point of view various scholars argue that the contract theory of the origin of political authority is untenable not because there were no historical records when the compacts must have been made but because historical evidence through which inference about the primitive conditions may be imagined were impossible to lay hands on. 2) The theory pre-supposes individuals as agents of contracts. However, this runs contrary to the Maine research revelations which showed that the progress of societies has been from status to contract. According to Maine, this conclusion was reached because contract essentially is understood as not the beginning but the end of society. 3.3 Liberal-Democratic Theorists These theorists venerate individual interest and personal freedom to such an extent that they see the role of the state purely in terms of the protection of individual rights and liberties. For them, political society(the state) is a ‘human contrivance for the protection of the individuals property in his person and goods and (therefore) for the maintenance of orderly relations of exchange between individuals who are regarded as proprietors themselves”(Macpherson,1962).The state, according to the liberal- democratic view, is a neutral, though coercive, force whose function is , as John Locke would put it, the preservation of the people’s lives, liberty and property, irrespective of the social class to which they may belong. Some of the proponent of the theory who contributed immensely to the 19 POL 126 CITIZENSHIP AND THE STATE development of the liberal democratic theory are as follows: John Trenchard United Kingdom (1662-1723), Charles de Montesquieu lived in France between 1689-1755 as well as Thomas Gordon who originated from United Kingdom It is important to highlight the similarities and differences in Organic and the Liberal-Democratic theories. Similarities The Hegelian Organic Theory of the State and the Liberal-Democratic Theorists agree on the following: 1. Both deny the class, composition nature and historical character of the state. 2. Both assume that the state is a neutral political power. 3. Both agree that the state is an inevitable socio-political institution. Difference The only difference in their positions is this: while the liberal theorists agree with Hegel that the state is necessary in human society, for them, it is a “necessary nuisance” whose power over the individual should be as minimal as possible. 3.4 The Marxist Theory of the State This theory does not agree with the above positions. To Karl Marx, the state is, essentially, a coercive apparatus which is usually in the service of the ruling class in a class-divided society, and it is a “product and manifestation” of irreconcilable class antagonisms in society. In the Communist Manifesto, Karl Marx and Frederick Engels wrote that “the executive of the modern state is built on a committee for managing the common affair of the whole bourgeoisie”. This contention aptly captures the class basis of the state and as an instrument of dominating other classes even though within classical Marxism, there is the conception of the state as independent, though rooted in the economic basis of society. In the Eighteenth Brummaire of Louis Bonaparte, K. Marx aptly explains this independent nature of the state using the revolutionary events in France evidenced in the industrial action of the bourgeoisie revolution which led to the overthrow of financial oligarchy. With the crushing of the democratic forces by the industrial bourgeoisie and the events leading to the rise of Louis Bonaparte (Bonaparte represents a class, and the most numerous class of French society at that) as Marx notes, under the second Bonaparte, ‘the state seemed to have made itself completely independent”. In other words, there emerged the independent character of the state. However, although the state was independent of the factions of bourgeoisie class, “yet” the independent nature of the state at the political level is deeply rooted in the balance of class forces 20 POL 126 MODULE 1 and the struggles emanating from the principal contradictions within the state. Basic Elements of Marxist Theory 1. The state as a political power is not inevitable since eventually it (the state) would cease to exist. This important position is rooted in the fact that the state did not exist in the earlier periods of development of the society when the mode of production was very rudimentary and undifferentiated, no division in the social conditions, except between the two sexes, no division of society into categories of rulers and ruled, therefore there were no antagonistic classes. Instead, “social relations were regulated by the force of habit, custom and tradition embodying common life and work. 2 Institution of the social division of labour and the subsequent division of society into two classes: masters and slaves, exploiters and exploited.This came to be because of the development of the means of production e.g. in agriculture, domestic craft etc., so that human labour can produce more than necessary for its maintenance. This development resulted in an increased amount of work by every household community or family which subsequently resulted in the need for more power, which was obtained through war, the captives of which were made slaves. 3. The need for the establishment of a public power to control the antagonistic relations/struggle between “classes with conflicting economic interests’ such as the class of exploiters and the class of exploited. However, the state in playing this role expectedly is not neutral as it becomes the instrument of the oppression of one class in this case the non-owners of the means of production by another class, i.e. the class of owners of the means of production (economically dominant class). This brings to 3. The need for the establishment of a public power to control the antagonistic relations/struggle between “classes with conflicting economic interests’ such as the class of exploiters and the class of exploited. However, the state in playing this role expectedly is not neutral as it becomes the instrument of the oppression of one class in this case the non-owners of the means of production by another class, i.e. the class of owners of the means of production (economically dominant class). This brings to bear the fact that the state contrary to Hegelian position does not reconcile the antagonistic classes in society. Instead, it maintains existing socio-political relations in any class-divided society, so as to preserve the hegemony of one class over another. 21 POL 126 CITIZENSHIP AND THE STATE 4. The character of the state and the type of “order” it maintains in any given society will be determined by the nature of its socio- economic formation. This is because of the mode of production prevalent in a society and its attendant social relations. 5. The state seeks to regulate relations between members of the ruling class so that they can maintain their cohesion as well as protecting the interests of the ruling class beyond its borders, by protecting its territory against external incursion and, at times, extending the frontiers of this territory at the expense of weak countries. It also regulates, through legal means, the whole system of social relations- ethnic, family, etc.; finally, it also attempts of deal with some economic and cultural problems as they arise. 6. The Free State or the welfare states are illusory as it is only logical that the organisation of ruling class for the maintenance of its own interest cannot be free. For in protecting the interests of the economically and politically dominant class in society, it ends up suppressing the interest of the oppressed class. 4.0 CONCLUSION This unit examined the social contract theory as ‘an agreement entered into by men who originally had no governmental organisation which resulted into a State from different perspectives. It also analyzed the Classical theory of the state which gave a clear insight into the class basis of the state, the contradiction between classes and its attendant struggles and the balance of the class forces. Since the other theories are far from being rigorous enough to analyse crisis and political transformations in developing societies the classical Marxist theory of the state may be apt. This is because it is not only more rigorous in its analysis of the state but also provides a materialist foundation to the factional struggle and lack of unity within the Nigerian ruling class. This is in relation to the fact that at various points in the post-independence history of Nigeria there has been an exercise of hegemony by the ruling classes over the state to further enhance their chances of private accumulation to the detriment of not only other factions of the ruling class but also the proletariat. The utility of Marxist theory is that it is more effective or useful, for example, in reminding us of the material underpinnings of social and political processes, in analyzing inequality and the ways in which systems of exploitation and hegemony reproduces themselves amid changing circumstances. 22 POL 126 MODULE 1 5.0 SUMMARY The unit examined what a theory is, the theory of the State through the salient arguments by Locke, Hobbes and Rousseau. It also highlighted the merits and demerits of the social contract theory. 6.0 TUTOR-MARKED ASSIGNMENT 1. Based on the issues raised in the text, what is the importance of the social contract theory? 2. Are there any similarities or differences between the theories? 3. What are the basic features of the Marxist theory and how is it different from other theories? 7.0 REFERENCES/FURTHER READING Adeigbo, A. (1991). Readings in Social and Political Philosophy. Volume one. Claverianum Press. Ibadan. Appadorai. A. (1968). The Substance of Politics. Oxford University Press. David, Hume. (1969). A Treatise of Human Nature. Middlesex. Penguine Publishers. Hamza, Alavi. (1979). ‘The State in Post- colonial Societies: Pakistan and Bangladesh’ In: the Goulbourne, Politics and State in the Third World.(ed.). Macmillan Press. John, Locke. (1689.). Treatise of Government. Karl, Marx, & E. Engels. (1977). Manifesto of the Communist Party. Moscow Progress Publishers. Karl, Marx.(1977). The Eighteenth Brummaire of Louis Bonaparte. Moscow Progress Publishers. Thomas, Hobbes. (1946). Leviathan. Oxford University Press. 23 POL 126 CITIZENSHIP AND THE STATE UNIT 4 THE NIGERIAN STATE CONTENTS 1.0 Introduction 2.0 Objectives 3.0 Main Content 3.1 Historical Context- Pre-Colonial Period 3.2 Colonialism – The Creation of the Nigerian State 3.3 Independence/ Post-Independence 3.4 Re-Orientating the Nigerian Society 4.0 Conclusion 5.0 Summary 6.0 Tutor-Marked Assignment 7.0 References/Further Reading 1.0 INTRODUCTION In the last unit, we tried to conceptualise what the state is as well as bring to bear what constitutes its major concepts and features in general. However, that analysis would not explain the peculiarities of the Nigerian state in relation to the citizens. As a result, this unit will try to account for the peculiarities of the Nigerian state by reviewing the pre- colonial, colonial and post-colonial periods in order to understand the character of the Nigerian state to date as well as how to re-orient the Nigerian society. 2.0 OBJECTIVES By the end of this unit, you will be able to:  explain the historical context of the Nigerian state the main features of each era  evaluate the Nigerian state in relation to citizen –state relations. 3.0 MAIN CONTENT 3.1 Historical Context Pre-Colonial Period: Exploring the Primordial Communities Originally, the pre-colonial societies (now known as Nigeria) were made up of diverse polities inhabited by a variety of ethnic groups with diverse cultures and linguistic traditions at different levels of state formation and development. Within these indigenous communities, traditional leadership institutions served the dual purpose of both cultural and political leadership of their communities. Apart f r o m focusing on the ideals of common good of all, the indigenous social orders 24 POL 126 MODULE 1 schemes sustained a consensual order that prides itself in public accountability because the communities checked leadership excesses on public trust and expectations so as to ensure harmony of relationships between the ruler and the ruled. It is important to note too that the autonomous political units with imprecise boundaries were subject to alteration depending on the leaders. This is because some societies had ‘organised’ political entities while many political entities had not evolved any above their lineage. This is because the heterogeneous nature of the societies/groups as well as the complexity of developing collective identities will not make it easy to achieve uniformity of political and social organisations. Let us now do a review of the three types of socio-political groupings in Nigeria so as to understand how the indigenous societies through their different age-old institutional forms, norms and values ensured reciprocity in relations between the ruler and the ruled around basic principles. The first, socio-political groupings comprised of centralised states exemplified in the institution of Caliphate in the Bornu and Sakkwato areas that shared indigenous African values and Islamic political system. Here, the ruler ruled in association with a traditional council of state that formulates and implements policies within the framework of sharia(the law which Allah has revealed to guide human affairs).This feat was achieved because the legitimacy and credibility of the leadership was based on ruling in accordance with the Sharia law(the law which God has revealed for man’s direction of human affairs). The implication of this explanation is that the law becomes supreme and not the ruler or people. The second socio-political grouping is comprised of the centralised states of Western/mid-western states of Yoruba and Edo lands. This group premised on indigenous African values ensured that the ruler (a constitutional monarch) did not act without the consent of the state council which had a way of relieving the monarch of power and authority if any acted in the contrary so as to uphold laws of governance. The third indigenous socio-political group in pre-colonial Nigeria comprised of people of diffused governmental authority where the elders make decisions based on consensus that are unanimously agreed upon which expectedly will be binding on all. This was the situation among the Igbo, Ijaw, Isoko, Tiv, Ukwani and Urhobo societies. Among the Igbo though, the terms ‘acephalous and stateless’ are often applied to them to depict a set of highly decentralised, segmentary lineage- oriented cultural groups (Ardener, 1959, 113-113; Onunwa,1990:422-444) dominant around the eastern region of Nigeria. Thus, although there is no agreement of the origin of the Igbos as a preliterate stock (Afigbo, 1980:73) their segmentary lineage forms as a main scheme of social control does not amount to problems in leadership. 25 POL 126 CITIZENSHIP AND THE STATE Rather, they are deeply republican people with mapped out public schemes for administering their public affairs through native customs and traditions that abhor indiscipline. The understanding is that the political or culturally-rooted leadership that can manage power and authority is not lacking. In effect, what holds in the Igbo traditional concept of political power and authority (often diffuse in character), is structured and determined by the concept of Umunna (within this context the leaders emerge through the family institution which most times are patrilineal) while the memberships of associations are also based on title systems. From the brief review, the apparent common strand among the three socio-political groupings is that all the three had theocratic tendencies (based on morality) which not only ensured justice and peace but accountability and administrative efficiency (lacking in the modern Nigerian State). This was achieved through the checks on the exercise of power reinforced by social structures as council chiefs, age- grade associations, warrior bands and religious institutions evident in the dexterity with which rule of law was applied in judging situations. It is therefore clear that the pre-colonial system of administration was not autocratic and absolutist in nature. However, despite the feature of morality of the indigenous societies they had their weaknesses because there was one form of vice or another as we have today. Theocracy Religion has been an important force for facilitating radical political and social change, providing' the motivation, ideology and justification for rebellion or revolt against established governments. Religiously inspired revolutionary movements have occurred throughout history in a bid to founding theocratic states in which God or some conceived deity would direct the affairs of the society through human agents. Often led by a messianic figure, many of such revolutionary movements have produced significant political and social innovations that have been beneficial or detrimental to the well-being of the society it was out to improve. The phenomenon of religio-political insurgence often began as a dream of re- enacting a past or creating a future "Golden Age" that would usher in an era of justice and bliss on earth. Undergirding such millenarian expectation was a general dissatisfaction with the existing political order believed to have been brought about as a result of human deviation from divine mandate. Imbued with the conviction that the contemporary travail which had reduced human dignity and value was after all redeemable through some divine intervention, an ideological spirit of heroism would be infused on believers that could sustain their struggle against the forces of evil and decay that have engulfed the society. In the attempt to bring the anticipated new order in line with the mover's conception of justice, a necessary myth that would instill fear and hatred for the old system must 26 POL 126 MODULE 1 be put in place to provide legitimacy for intervention. Sometimes the regime that must be toppled could be a foreign occupationist power. At other times, the wrath is directed against domestic elitist class that seemed to be 70; the Search for Theocracy in Nigeria playing the role of mercenary collaborators, with external forces of exploitation, which are inimical to the collective interest of the people. This inquiry is not so much a systematic study of either politics or religion per se, but a synopsis of the interplay between the two phenomena that generate socio-political upheavals in which religion is the causal variable. In the pursuit we shall attempt to discover the conditions under which religion could promote national disintegration than cohesion and identify the general concepts and attitudes that could easily precipitate revolutionary sentiments. Notice will also be taken of the decisive roles of charismatic figures in abating religio-political conflicts and the extent to which the central objectives of such theocratic millennialism have been accomplished here on earth (Ibrahim M, 1998). The Search for Theocracy in Primordial Nigeria. Historical antecedence for the drive for theocracy in Nigeria could be divided into four periods: the pre-colonial, colonial, independent civilian and military regimes. Nigerian societies that did not come directly under the influence of Islam and Christianity have maintained their peculiar African theocracy that is devoid of violence. Tribal communities in Africa are not concerned about proselytisation, because they operate under closed cultural contexts. Each practices its faith as handed down by its ancestors without the ambition to impose its ways on others. Even in situations where ethnic conflicts provoke wars that bring about annexation of an outer group; their religious systems are only assimilated into the commonwealth of faith for the peace and security of the chiefdom. The integration enhances the spirit of tolerance and harmony. When the state is threatened by external aggression, the various deities are all called upon to forestall the impending danger. The preference for a secularist state was based on two considerations, namely, the intolerance that had characterised the Islamic and Christian theocracies the world over, and secondly the religious pluralism of the Nigerian societies they had put together as Nigeria could hardly have accommodated orient religious system. Secularism in administration became therefore, the common denominator on which all religious interests could converge without any scuffle, while at the same time their rights to private religious conviction were guaranteed. Under the colonial government secularism worked perfectly since religion was kept out of government business. In this way the danger of parochial fanaticism was averted. Both the rulers and the ruled had the liberty to rise within the hierarchy of the nation's administration. What would later constitute a 27 POL 126 CITIZENSHIP AND THE STATE problem was the imbalance in the regional demarcation that placed an unduly large population at the disposal of a section of the country to manipulate national politics to the detriment of the others. The gross oversight of the colonial government on the secularity of the country or its sympathetic leaning on Islam was what gave the civilian administration of the first republic the franchise to fall back on religion as an integral part of Nigeria's politics soon after independence (Ibrahim M, 1998). 3.2 Colonialism: The Creation of the Nigerian State In historical terms, it is an established fact that Nigeria came into being in its present form in 1914 with the amalgamation by Sir Frederick Lugard of the two British protectorates of Northern and Southern Nigeria. This dramatically affected the demographic constitution of the citizenry. The union was so sudden and included such widely differing groups of people that not only the British who created it, but the inhabitants themselves often doubted its stability. This is evidenced in the exacerbating identity differences between the three major ethnic groups (Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba) and the minorities which now dominate a Nigeria’s social and political scene. It also culminated in the perception of northern Nigeria as being predominantly Muslim while the South would be portrayed as being predominantly Christian, further exacerbating the differences. What is worthy of note is that it appeared that demographic constituency of the new state was politically engineered in order to placate certain interests. Basically, colonialism or ‘colonial situation’ (Balandier, 1951, 1966) was a disruptive force evolution of the Nigerian state and of democracy variously. Balandier’s argument was that understanding the realities of the society under colonial rule cannot be divorced from the interplay of the relationships between the coloniser and the colonised so much so that it brought about ‘dislocation of state-society’ relations. It is this dislocation that has underpinned the character of the Nigerian state as it relates to ethnicity, minority issues as well as the politics of citizenship. The first concerns border on the formation of the new state as well as the definition of the citizenry occurred simultaneously. Second, the modernisation process was the dividing point between pre- colonial primordial structures, so much so that traditional institutions were not only marginalised but aided the transformation of the rural‘tribesman’ who was not conscious of their differences into the modern‘urban’ ‘ethnic man’ (cf, Mitchell, 1960; Wallestein,1960). Third, the colonial state was created basically to ensure law and order with no ‘welfarist’ pretensions which was sine qua non for furthering the ends of 28 POL 126 MODULE 1 colonialism which is contrary to colonial ideologies of ‘civilising mission’. In sum, the anti-colonial orientation fostered non-challant attitudes towards the state and its apparati, and the conviction that nothing was wrong with ‘stealing from it”. By and large, in sum, it was conceived as normal to for an individual to loot the state’s treasury to the benefit of his/her group. It also bequeathed commerce over industry and state over civil society and market forces. This provided the basis for state-led corruption that is a hallmark of governance in Nigeria. However, because the citizens disagreed with this manner of government, some sections of the state were encouraged not to pay taxes and, in others, to vandalise government properties. This practice not only exploited Nigeria’s diversity but to date is one of the crises of citizenship and identity in contemporary Nigeria. In fact, it is important to state that within this context, the colonial situation propelled the ‘ethnic associations to turn into political parties and interest groups, thereby becoming the major claimants to power’. Thus, political struggles became primarily an instrument for securing access to state resources for particular ethnic and social groups and thus becoming detached from the people and their social movements. Consequent upon the detachment, the ethnic group had to take up some of the welfare functions which the state failed to provide such as recruiting fellow ethnics to fill positions over which s/he had control, and to concentrate government projects in his or her ethnic homeland if s/he is in charge of the responsible government department. The summary of the impact of colonialism transcends being an episode as some African historians have argued (cf. Ade-Ajayi, 1968), to epochal dislocations. This is in no other sense that apart from the result of the continuities in the ‘dislocations’ which has underpinned the character of the Nigerian state as it relates to ethnicity, minority issues as well as the politics of citizenship it also nurtured an already fragmented elite class. Accordingly, colonialism created the ‘infrastructure’ for ethnicity through building alien and mostly artificial political structures that lumped diverse people together. This is in terms of: urbanization, improved transportation and communication facilities creating new abodes of acquaintances; through Western education, social amenities, new jobs, the monetisation and integration of the economy all of which nurtured unequal c

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