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This document discusses the concept of justice, fairness, and trust in the workplace. A study of the concept of justice in workplace scenarios is presented in the excerpt.
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406 Chapter 10 Stress and Worker Well-Being Psychological Demands active jobs appear to participate actively in Low High a variety...
406 Chapter 10 Stress and Worker Well-Being Psychological Demands active jobs appear to participate actively in Low High a variety of leisure activities as well, despite their high work demands. This finding is High “Low-strain” job “Active” job another example of the benefits of devel- (architect, dentist) (physician, manager) oping or designing jobs that allow workers Control to have control over decisions, resources, or the skills that they can use. Low “Passive” job “High-strain” job Ganster, Fox, and Dwyer (2001) tested (janitor, night watchman) (mail worker, cashier) the demand–control model in a sample of 105 full-time nurses. They found that nurses with the lowest perceptions of personal con- FIGURE 10.3 Demand–Control Model trol and highest workload demands were ill Source: Adapted from Karasek, R. A. (1979). Job demands, job decision latitude, and mental more often and incurred the highest cumu- strain: Implications for job redesign. Administrative Science Quarterly, 24, 285–308. © 1979 by lative health care costs over the ensuing Johnson Graduate School of Management, Cornell University. Reprinted by permission of The Administrative Science Quarterly. five-year period. Thus, jobs that have high demands and low control are costly to both individuals and the organizations for which they work. A meta-analysis by Luchman and González-Morales (2013) found support for the demand–control model across 106 studies. In a study of 800 Swedish workers, Grönlund (2007) found that women in jobs with high demands and high control do not experience more work–family conflict than men. Thus, the key seems to be whether or not there are sufficient resources to address demands, not the absolute level of demands. The demand– control model was also tested in a sample in China (Xie, 1996). The results of this study were consistent with findings obtained in Western cultures, suggesting that this model may apply in non-Western cultures as well. Person–Environment Fit Model The person–environment (P–E) fit model (French, Caplan, & Harrison, 1982) hypothesizes that the fit between a person and the environment determines the amount of stress that person perceives. This is compatible with the open-systems view of the organization that we mentioned earlier in the chapter. The environment makes demands and the person responds. A good person–environment fit occurs when a person’s skills and abilities match the requirements of the job and work envi- ronment. For example, an introvert with a PhD in literature would be likely to have a good P–E fit with the job of university librarian, while an extraverted MBA might have a good P–E fit with the job of sales manager. The amount of stress a worker feels is influenced by perceptions of the demands made by the environment and by percep- tions of his or her capability to deal with those demands. Using this model, French and colleagues (1982) found that a poor fit between a person and the environment was frequently associated with increased strains. Alternatively, employees whose skills and abilities fit well with the work environment reported less stress and fewer strains (Edwards, 1996). Shaw and Gupta (2004) found that the harmful effects of misfit are particularly severe for poorly performing employees, who suffer greater depression and physical health problems than high-performing employees. Karasek (1979) did not formally emphasize perception in the demand–control model. In contrast, the P–E fit approach focuses explicitly on the perceptions of individuals concerning their skills and abilities relative to the demands of the work environment. In addition, unlike the demand–control model, the P–E fit approach Person–Environment Fit Model 407 considers external influences such as social support from family and work sources. For example, Edwards and Rothbard (1999) found that the well-being of employees varied according to their perceptions of work and family experiences. The results of this study indicate that interventions to manage stress should consider the fit between employees and both their work and family environments, which is consis- tent with the research we discussed above on work–family conflict. In particular, if fit is bad in both the family and the work environment, the cumulative stress is likely to lead to low job performance and high risk of health problems. Early research did not always specify what “environment” was referred to in the P–E fit model. More recently, research has more clearly differentiated between person–job fit and person–organization fit (Lauver & Kristof-Brown, 2001). Person– person–job (P–J) fit job (P–J) fit refers to the extent to which the skills, abilities, and interests of an Extent to which the skills, individual are compatible with the demands of the particular job. Alternatively, abilities, and interests person–organization (P–O) fit refers to whether the values of an employee are con- of an individual are sistent with the values held by most others in the organization. Researchers have compatible with the demands of the job. found that perceptions of poor person–organization fit were associated with greater levels of stress, job dissatisfaction, and intentions to quit one’s job (Lovelace & Rosen, person–organization 1996). Similarly, Saks and Ashforth (1997) found that favorable employee percep- (P–O) fit Extent to which tions of person–organization fit correlated positively with intentions to remain with the values of an employee the organization and actual turnover. In addition, favorable employee perceptions are consistent with the of person–job fit correlated positively with job satisfaction and organizational com- values held by most others mitment but negatively with stress. in the organization. Given that different types of fit have an influence on a variety of work outcomes, organizations should strive to ensure that employees fit well in their jobs and have the skills necessary to complete their job tasks. In fact, fit is often increased through recruitment and selection processes that help applicants and those doing the hiring assess the likelihood that candidates will fit well in the job and in the organization (Schneider, 1987). Oh and colleagues (2014) conducted a comprehensive meta-analysis of the relationships between person–environment fit and work outcomes across East Asia, Europe, and North America. They examined different kinds of fit, includ- ing person-job and person-organization fit, which they called rational fit. They also examined person–group and person–supervisor fit, which they called relational fit. They found that the effects of rational fit were relatively stronger in individualistic cultures, and that the effects of relational fit were stronger in collectivistic and high power distance cultures. They concluded that “What is common across cultures is that, regardless of which dimension of P–E fit is being considered, fit happens and high levels of fit lead to positive outcomes, confirming the universal relevance of fit phenomenon” (p. 99). The P–E fit model suggests mechanisms by which individuals can protect them- selves from the stress that accompanies a mismatch between the person and the environment. One of these protective mechanisms is social support. For example, employees who have seemingly impossible deadlines might seek informational and emotional support from coworkers. By reducing their experience of stress in this way, employees might be able to focus better and come closer to meeting their deadlines than if they were overwhelmed and suffering from strains. Overall, the P–E fit model allows us to examine work stress by looking at the interaction between the person and stressors in the work environment. This approach specifically acknowledges that stress can influence individuals differently depending on their preferences, values, and abilities (Edwards, 1996). 408 Chapter 10 Stress and Worker Well-Being Moderator Individual Differences in Resistance (self-esteem) to Stress Stressor Strains As you have probably observed when you have been part of a group in a stressful situation, not everyone responds to stress in the same way. I-O psychologists have studied several individual characteristics as potential FIGURE 10.4 Example of a Moderator of moderators of stressor–strain relationships. A moderator is a variable that the Stressor–Strain Relationship affects the direction or strength of the association between two other var- iables. For example, if stressors lead to strains for individuals with low self-esteem but not for those with high self-esteem, then self-esteem would be a mod- erator of the stressor–strain relationship (see Figure 10.4). If moderators reduce strains for only certain types of individuals, they are said to have an indirect effect on the reduction of strains. Individual difference characteristics that have received the most attention as moderators of the stressor–strain relationship are locus of control, hardiness, self-esteem, and the Type A behavior pattern. locus of control Locus of control (LOC), as we saw in Chapters 8 and 9, is a construct that refers (LOC) Construct that to whether individuals believe that what happens to them is under their control or refers to the belief of indi- beyond it (Rotter, 1966). Individuals with an internal locus of control believe that viduals that what happens outcomes are a result of their own personal effort and ability, whereas persons with to them is under their an external locus of control believe that outcomes are determined largely by other control (internal LOC) people, luck, or fate. Many elite professional athletes are confident—sometimes or beyond their control overconfident—that success lies completely in their hands (i.e., they are “internals”). (external LOC). In team sports, they like to be thought of as the “go-to” person. Several studies have indicated that internals experience lower strains than do externals exposed to the same stressors. Researchers have proposed that this is because internals believe they can control a stressful situation to achieve their goals. Overall, evidence indi- cates that having an internal LOC moderates the relationship between stressors and strains (Horner, 1996; Kahn & Byosiere, 1992). hardiness A set of per- Hardiness is a set of personality characteristics that provide resistance to stress sonality characteristics (Kobasa, 1979; Maddi, 2012). Specifically, individuals described as having a “hardy that provide resistance to personality” possess three characteristics: stress; hardy individuals feel in control of their 1. They feel they are in control of their lives. lives, have a sense of 2. They feel a sense of commitment to their family and their work goals commitment to their and values. family and their work 3. They see unexpected change as a challenge rather than as an obstacle. goals and values, and see unexpected change as a Cohen and Edwards (1989) observed that hardy individuals actively adopt challenge. problem-focused and support-seeking strategies. Kobasa, Maddi, and Kahn (1982) found that hardy individuals had fewer physiological reactions to stressors, reported fewer illnesses, and had higher levels of general well-being than those who were not hardy. Among executives and lawyers who were under a great deal of stress, those with hardy personalities were found to have significantly fewer strains than those who were not characterized as hardy (Maddi & Kobasa, 1984). In a study of over 1,100 U.S. Army Special Forces candidates, Bartone, Roland, Picano, and Williams (2008) found that course graduates were significantly higher in hardiness than can- didates who did not pass the course. The researchers concluded that hardiness is an important characteristic associated with stress resistance and successful performance in demanding occupations such as military Special Forces. A key component of har- diness is transformational coping, which involves actively changing perceptions of a stressful event by viewing it as a challenge that can be overcome. For example, hardy Individual Differences in Resistance to Stress 409 students facing an important and stressful exam might cope by interpreting their exam as an opportunity to show their knowledge, thereby exerting control through preparation and good study habits (Quick et al., 1997). Self-esteem, or a positive sense of self-worth, is considered an important resource self-esteem A sense of for coping. Individuals with high self-esteem are more likely to adopt more effective positive self-worth that coping strategies in the face of stress than individuals with low self-esteem (Ganster & is considered to be an Schaubroeck, 1995). Thus, when faced with the same environmental stressors, indi- important resource viduals with low self-esteem will experience more strains compared to those with for coping. high self-esteem. Overall, research generally indicates that self-esteem is a moderator of the stress–strain relationship (Cooper et al., 2001). The Type A Behavior Pattern A potential moderator of the stress–strain relationship that has been intensively studied is the Type A behavior pattern (TABP), which was first identified in the late Type A behavior pattern 1950s by two cardiologists, Meyer Friedman and Ray Rosenman (1959). Fifteen years (TABP) Set of characteris- later, Friedman and Rosenman wrote Type A Behavior and Your Heart (1974), in which tics exhibited by individu- they described the Type A behavior pattern as a set of characteristics exhibited by als who are engaged in a “individuals who are engaged in a relatively chronic struggle to obtain an unlimited chronic struggle to obtain an unlimited number of number of poorly defined things from their environment in the shortest period of poorly defined things from time and, if necessary, against the opposing effects of other things or persons in this their environment in the same environment” (p. 67). shortest period of time; The Type A behavior pattern is also known as the coronary-prone personality subcomponents include because of its proposed links to coronary heart disease and heart attacks. Individ- hostility, achievement striv- uals who exhibit this behavior pattern (known as Type As) are characterized by ings, impatience/irritabil- ambitiousness, impatience, easily aroused hostility, and time urgency. A core char- ity, and time urgency. acteristic of TABP is an incessant struggle to achieve more and more in less and coronary-prone less time (Friedman & Rosenman, 1974). In fact, descriptions of Type As who are personality Alternative overly obsessed with saving time are common. For example, Type A men have been name given to Type A known to use two electric shavers simultaneously (one for each side of the face) in behavior pattern (TABP) order to shave as quickly as possible (Bluedorn, 2002). Generally, Type As seem to because of its links to thrive on “life in the fast lane” because they focus on quickly doing things that result coronary heart disease in occupational and material success. In contrast, Type Bs are often described as and heart attacks. relaxed, patient, and easygoing. Sapolsky (1998) described how Friedman and Rosenman missed an opportunity to identify some of the typical characteristics of Type As in the early 1950s. In the waiting room outside Friedman and Rosenman’s cardiology office, the lining of the chairs was worn down so much that the upholstery needed to be replaced frequently. The upholsterer noticed this first and asked, “What is wrong with your patients? People don’t wear chairs out this way!” Only years later did Friedman and Rosenman begin their formal work on the Type A behavior pattern and thus realize that their heart patients had a consistent pattern of behavior, including nervous energy and fidgeting, that was related to heart disease. Although the Type A behavior pattern was initially studied because of its asso- ciation with health problems, it also appears to be associated with positive out- comes such as high work performance and career success. An important question is whether there is evidence that these positive outcomes come at the cost of higher strains and subsequent health problems. Specifically, researchers were interested in whether Type As respond to stressful situations with greater physiological arousal and thus suffer greater strains than Type Bs. Accordingly, many studies attempted to link the TABP to increased physiological arousal and to the development of 410 Chapter 10 Stress and Worker Well-Being coronary heart disease. However, these efforts were slowed by the use of impre- cise, global TABP measures that attempted to assess several different TABP sub- components (Edwards, Baglioni, & Cooper, 1990). This led researchers to focus on identifying specific subcomponents of the TABP that were most predictive of hostility Type A behavior coronary heart disease. Subsequent studies indicated that hostility is the primary pattern subcomponent TABP subcomponent associated with increased secretion of stress hormones as well associated with increased as increased risk of coronary heart disease and other long-term, harmful health out- secretion of stress hor- comes (Krantz & McCeney, 2002). Thus, Type As who exhibit hostility pay a price mones and increased risk for their accomplishments in terms of increasing their likelihood of suffering from of coronary heart disease a variety of long-term health problems. and other long-term, harmful health outcomes. Achievement Striving and Impatience/Irritability Although researchers had identified hostility as the TABP subcomponent that is related to long-term health outcomes, investigators continued to examine other TABP subcomponents in their attempts to predict work and short-term health outcomes in Type As. Two TABP sub- components that have received attention are achievement striving and impatience/ achievement striving irritability (Spence, Helmreich, & Pred, 1987). Achievement striving (AS) is the ten- (AS) Subcomponent dency to be active and to work hard in achieving one’s goals, whereas impatience/ of the Type A behavior irritability (II) reflects the intolerance and frustration that result from being pattern that involves the slowed down. tendency to be active and The AS dimension, which overlaps with the Big Five dimension of conscientious- to work hard in achieving ness, is positively correlated with academic performance, sales performance, and one’s goals. job satisfaction (Bluen, Barling, & Burns, 1990). The II dimension is associated impatience/irritability with health problems such as insomnia, headaches, poor digestion, and respira- (II) Subcomponent of the tory difficulties (Barling & Boswell, 1995). These studies indicate that AS and II are Type A behavior pattern independent from each other and that these TABP subcomponents can be used to that reflects intolerance differentially predict performance and health outcomes. and frustration resulting from being slowed down. Time Urgency An additional TABP subcomponent that appears to be related to time urgency Subcompo- important work and health problems is time urgency, which refers to the feeling of nent of the Type A behav- being pressured by inadequate time (See Box 10.1). Time-urgent individuals check ior pattern that refers to their watches repeatedly, even when they are not under the pressure of deadlines, the feeling of being pres- and they are concerned with saving relatively small amounts of time (often measured sured by inadequate time. in minutes or seconds). Time-urgent individuals always seem to know what time it is, even when they are not wearing a watch, and they often try to do too many things in the available time. Research suggests that time urgency has multiple dimensions, including time awareness, eating behavior, nervous energy, list making, scheduling, speech patterns, and deadline control. These time-urgency dimensions are relatively independent, which means that individuals can be high on some dimensions but rel- atively lower on others (Conte, Landy, & Mathieu, 1995). For example, workers may eat very quickly during a brief lunch break, but they may not focus much on making lists or closely following schedules. Alternatively, some task-oriented individuals may work quickly and focus closely on schedules and deadlines, but they may not speak quickly or exhibit nervous energy. Research also indicates that certain time-urgency dimensions (e.g., list making, scheduling) are related to work outcomes, whereas other time-urgency dimensions (e.g., eating behavior, nervous energy, speech pat- terns) are related to health outcomes (Conte, Mathieu, & Landy, 1998). In a sample of employees working in a multinational company in Malaysia and Pakistan, Jamal (2007) found that global Type A, time pressure, and competitive- ness were significantly related to job satisfaction and health problems in both coun- tries. Given that Malaysians and Pakistanis differ greatly in culture from the U.S. and Individual Differences in Resistance to Stress 411 Box 10.1 | The Increasingly Time-Urgent Nature of Work and Life The importance of using time efficiently is obsessed with time. For example, Wright (1988) certainly not a new idea. In 1757, Benjamin identified critical experiences that were related Franklin wrote that “time is money.” In 1877, to the obsession with time in his Type A heart the English journalist W. R. Greg echoed the patients. These early experiences involved sentiment: “Beyond doubt, the most salient (1) a high need to achieve, (2) success and characteristic of life in this latter half of the therefore reinforcement for such efforts, and 19th century is its speed.” Arthur Schopenhauer, (3) exposure to timed activities that provided a 19th-century German philosopher, noted that a personal blueprint for achieving by the more “buying books would be a good thing if one efficient use of time and by being constantly could also buy the time to read them in.” His active. According to Wright, these critical quote suggests that people, when they buy a experiences result in people developing a book, may be attempting to create an island “shotgun-like” effort to achieve as much as of tranquility and control in a sea of stress. A possible in as little time as possible. Many more contemporary view of how many people individuals use this approach in their jobs think of time is given by comedian Stephen because they consider speed and efficiency Wright, who boasts, “I have a microwave to be signs of success. This approach is often fireplace. You can lie in front of it all night in only carried over to personal activities as well. eight minutes.” At the beginning of the 21st century, Questions life revolves increasingly around the clock, 1. In which jobs or occupations is the rapid particularly in Western cultures. In our culture, completion of work a particularly businesses cater to the time-conscious high priority? cravings of individuals. We have instant 2. Can you identify jobs in which there are no burgers, instant breakfasts, instant coffee, time pressures? Is identifying such jobs more instant photos, and instant replays, to name or less difficult than it was 10 years ago? Why a few (Gleick, 1999). Time-saving devices such as computers and smartphones are increasingly becoming indispensable parts of our work and personal lives. Most of us probably know people who would love a microwave fireplace— people who are so obsessed with saving time that they rush through leisure activities that are supposed to be enjoyed at a relaxed pace. The Reuters/Chor Sokunthea popularity of instant products and time-saving devices indicates that people today, like Ben Franklin, view their time as a scarce and valuable commodity. Researchers have attempted to The desire for instant communication has resulted in cell phone use in even determine how people became so the most remote locations on the planet. 412 Chapter 10 Stress and Worker Well-Being European samples in which the majority of Type A research has been conducted, these findings are promising in showing similar relationships across such different samples. On the other hand, these findings may simply point to the Westernization of Asian cultures. Future research will need to address the issue of the true “transport- ability” of findings across cultures as opposed to cultures becoming more Western. Overall, specific TABP subcomponents do a better job of predicting particular criteria than a global Type A measure that combines a variety of different subcom- ponents. Thus, researchers and practitioners concerned about health and perfor- mance will have more success using TABP subcomponents to predict health and performance outcomes. Module 10.2 Summary Two theories of stress that have received a great deal of attention are Karasek’s demand–control model and French’s person–environment fit model. Karasek’s demand–control model proposes two factors in job stress: job demands and job control (also known as decision latitude). High work demands coupled with low control results in high-strain jobs that result in a variety of health problems. French’s person–environment (P–E) fit model proposes that the fit between a person and the environment determines the amount of stress that a person perceives. Several individual difference characteristics that are potential moderators of stressor–strain relationships include locus of control, hardiness, self-esteem, and the Type A behavior pattern. Key Terms demand–control model person–organization self-esteem hostility job demands (P–O) fit Type A behavior achievement striving (AS) job control locus of control (LOC) pattern (TABP) impatience/irritability (II) person–job (P–J) fit hardiness coronary-prone personality time urgency M ODULE 10.3 Reducing and Managing Stress In 1990, stress was listed for the first time as one of the top 10 occupational health risks in the United States. As a result, concerns about stress at work became much more prominent in public and government discussions of health (Sauter, Murphy, & Hurrell, 1990). These concerns led to the development of the field of occupational occupational health health psychology, which involves the application of psychology to improving the psychology Area of psy- quality of work life and to protecting and promoting the safety, health, and well-being chology that involves the of workers. The Handbook of Occupational Health Psychology provides a comprehensive application of psychology source for a variety of occupational health psychology issues, including work–family to improving the quality of work life and to protecting balance, work design, and stress management interventions (Quick & Tetrick, 2010). and promoting the safety, See Box 10.2 for a variety of views on stress and health. health, and well-being Occupational health psychologists often divide their approaches to stress reduc- of workers. tion and management into three major categories: primary, secondary, and tertiary interventions (Quick et al., 1997). Table 10.3 provides a framework for stress man- agement interventions. We will discuss these three types of strategies as well as recent reviews of their effectiveness. Primary Prevention Strategies Primary prevention strategies are concerned with modifying or eliminating stressors in the work environment and therefore said to be stressor-directed (Cartwright & Cooper, 2005). Primary interventions are the most proactive approaches to stress Box 10.2 | Quotes on Stress and Health “The greatest mistake is trying to be more agree- “Adopting the right attitude can convert a neg- able than you can be.”—Walter Bagehot, British ative stress into a positive one.”—Dr. Hans Selye economist and writer (1826–1877) (1907–1982), known as the “father of stress” “If you are distressed by anything external, the “The best thinking is done in solitude. The worst pain is not due to the thing itself, but to your esti- is done in turmoil.”—Thomas Edison, U.S. inven- mate of it; and this you have the power to revoke tor (1847–1931) at any moment.”—Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, Roman emperor (a.d. 121–180) 413 414 Chapter 10 Stress and Worker Well-Being TABLE 10.3 A Framework for Stress Management Interventions Primary Prevention: Stressor-Directed Scope: Preventative—reduce the number and/or intensity of stressors. Target: Alter work environments, technologies, or organizational structures. Underlying assumption: Most effective approach to stress management is to remove stressors. Examples: Job redesign, cognitive restructuring. Secondary Interventions: Response-Directed Scope: Preventative/reactive—modify individuals’ responses to stressors. Target: Individual. Underlying assumption: May not be able to remove or reduce stressors, so best to focus on individuals’ reactions to these stressors. Examples: Relaxation training, biofeedback, stress management training, physical fitness, nutrition. Tertiary Interventions: Symptom-Directed Scope: Treatment—minimize the damaging consequences of stressors by helping individ- uals cope more effectively with these consequences. Target: Individual. Underlying assumption: Focus is on treatment of problems once they have occurred. Examples: Employee assistance programs, medical care. Source: Adapted from Cooper, C. L., Dewe, P. J., & O’Driscoll, M. P. (2001). Organizational stress: A review and critique of theory, research, and applications. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. © 2001. Reproduced with permission of Sage Publications Inc. Books. management (Cooper et al., 2001). Many primary prevention strategies give workers increased control over their job and work environment, which directly lowers stressors and increases employee satisfaction and well-being. Primary prevention approaches include redesigning the task or work environ- ment, encouraging participative management, developing clearer role descriptions, and changing negative thoughts through cognitive restructuring. Another primary primary prevention prevention strategy involves providing flexible work schedules, which can be seen in strategy Stress prevention recent trends toward flextime, shorter workweeks, and job sharing. In Module 10.1, strategy concerned with we discussed different coping styles or strategies. Primary prevention approaches are modifying or eliminat- aligned with problem-focused coping strategies, which are directed at managing or ing stressors in the work altering the source of stress (Lazarus, 2000). We next discuss examples of primary environment. prevention approaches commonly used in organizations. Work and Job Design Work and jobs can be designed or redesigned to reduce such stressors as noise, inter- ruptions, time pressure, role ambiguity, and the number of hours worked (Holman & Axtell, 2016; Parker, 2014). In addition, jobs can be redesigned to increase autonomy on the job and worker participation in decision making. Decades ago, restaurant owners decided to reduce the stress on short-order cooks by requiring waitpersons to clip their orders to a small, circular, revolving order stand. The cooks could then spin the stand around, see what orders were pending, and decide which ones to pull off first. This principle was extended to auto manufacturing by Saab and Volvo. Automo- bile bodies circled work teams on an oval track, and the teams decided when to pull Secondary Prevention Strategies 415 a body off the track into a workstation for assembly and paint operations. Another example of redesigning work is the common queuing process that is found at many banks, ticket counters, and other service centers. Customers stand in one line and are not permitted to approach a service window until their number is flashed or an available agent is identified by an electronic screen. This process increases the customer service agent’s control over how quickly customers are served and thereby reduces the agent’s stress. Such changes can help workers feel that their work is more meaningful and that they have control over work outcomes. This in turn leads to higher motivation and satisfaction as well as lower stress at work (Hackman & Oldham, 1980). Cognitive Restructuring Several of the approaches that we have discussed, including the person–environment fit model and the Type A behavior pattern, highlight the role of perceptions in the stress process. Cognitive restructuring interventions focus on changing perceptions cognitive restructuring and thought processes that lead to stress. These approaches reduce stress by chang- Type of stress intervention ing an individual’s perception of the work environment or his or her capacities to that focuses on changing meet the demands of the environment. Cognitive restructuring approaches encour- perceptions and thought age individuals to change negative thoughts to more positive ones (Quick et al., processes that lead to stress; reduces stress by 1997). For example, a worker who thinks “I can’t handle this heavy workload” might changing the individual’s be encouraged to think instead: “This workload is a challenge that I can handle if I perception of, or capacity break it down into manageable parts” or “I won’t be considered a complete failure if to meet the demands of, I don’t push very hard to finish this task today.” the work environment. Secondary Prevention Strategies Secondary prevention strategies involve modifying responses to inevitable demands secondary prevention or stressors; thus, they are said to be response-directed. Because secondary prevention strategies Stress preven- addresses the experience of stress rather than the stress or stressors, its role is often one tion strategy that involves of damage control. Thus, this type of intervention is often described as the “Band-Aid” modifying responses to approach (Cooper & Cartwright, 2001). Secondary prevention approaches are aligned inevitable demands or stressors. with emotion-focused coping strategies, which seek to reduce the emotional response to the stressor and can involve avoiding, minimizing, and distancing oneself from the stressor (Lazarus, 2000). For example, emotion-focused coping might be used to reduce the stress experienced in a job that requires emotional labor. Secondary prevention strategies that require no special training (but might be formally encouraged through an employer-sponsored program) include lifestyle choices such as physical fitness, healthy eating, and weight control, along with reduc- tions in smoking and caffeine consumption. Skills training programs in such areas as negotiation and conflict resolution are another form of secondary intervention. In addition, secondary stress management methods include relaxation techniques, biofeedback, and providing or encouraging social support at work. Many approaches use combinations of the above methods. Secondary prevention can be proactive or reactive. For example, Cooper and col- leagues (2001) noted that training in conflict resolution skills can be used to reduce interpersonal conflict and its effects after it has occurred. Alternatively, such training can be used proactively to prevent interpersonal conflict from developing. Similarly, individuals can be proactive in exercising and maintaining a healthy diet, which can reduce or moderate future stress. 416 Chapter 10 Stress and Worker Well-Being Stress Management Training stress management Programs involving stress management training are very popular with both employers training A program useful and employees. Cooper and Cartwright (2001) noted that the continued demand for for helping employees stress management programs and the increasing stress levels reported in the litera- deal with workplace ture are indicative of the acceptance by organizations that stress is an inherent and stressors that are difficult enduring feature of the work environment. Programs in stress management training to remove or change. are useful for helping employees deal with those stressors that are difficult to remove or change. They often include a variety of secondary prevention techniques and may even include some primary techniques. For example, many stress management pro- grams are described as cognitive-behavioral skills training programs. Cognitive-Behavioral Skills Training A variety of techniques are designed to help workers modify the appraisal processes that determine how stressful they perceive a situation to be and to develop behavioral skills for managing stressors. The most stress inoculation Com- common type of cognitive-behavioral skills training is stress inoculation, which usu- mon type of stress ally consists of (1) an educational component (learning about how a person has management training that responded to past stressful experiences); (2) rehearsal (learning various coping usually combines primary skills such as problem solving, time management, relaxation, and cognitive coping); prevention and secondary and (3) application (practicing those skills under simulated conditions) (Murphy, prevention strategies. 1996). Thus, in many cases, these approaches are a combination of primary (i.e., to reduce stressors by means of cognitive restructuring) and secondary (i.e., to man- age or cope with symptoms of stress through behavioral skills training) prevention strategies. Jones and colleagues (1988) developed an organization-wide stress management program that was used with employees of several hospitals. The program included video modules that enhanced the understanding of stress and provided information about how to develop and improve coping skills, health behaviors, and relaxation routines. In a longitudinal investigation that evaluated the impact of this stress man- agement program, these researchers found that one result was a significant drop in the average number of monthly medication errors by doctors and nurses. In an additional two-year longitudinal investigation, they found that 22 hospitals that implemented the same organization-wide stress management program had significantly fewer medical malpractice claims compared with a matched sample of 22 hospitals that did not participate. This study showed that well-conducted psychologi- cal research efforts can decrease malpractice claims through stress management interventions. Mindfulness Interventions Timothy A. Clary/AFP/Getty Images The study of mindfulness at work has grown greatly in recent years (Jamieson & Tuckey, 2017). Hyland et al. (2015) reviewed the literature and concluded that mindfulness is associated with increases in psychological well-being and performance. Given these and similar findings, workplace interventions to increase mindfulness have grown recently as well. The goal of mindfulness interventions is to help employees to focus their attention in the present while at work and to allow individuals Do “walkstations” reduce stress by allowing office to remain vigilant longer on various work tasks (Creswell, 2017; workers to stay physically fit while working long hours? Good et al., 2015). Mindfulness interventions are also meant Secondary Prevention Strategies 417 to reduce negative health outcomes from stress at work. For example, Querstret, Cropley, and Fife-Schaw (2017) found that participants who completed a mind- fulness intervention reported significantly lower levels of work-related fatigue and significantly higher levels of sleep quality when compared with waitlist control par- ticipants. They found that the effects of the intervention were maintained at both three- and six-month follow-up assessments. All of these studies and summaries of the mindfulness literature suggest strong continued interest in mindfulness among I-O psychology researchers and practitioners. Nevertheless, Van Dam and colleagues (2018) warned that mindfulness research and applications need to be critically evaluated given that mindfulness is so popular and being so widely recom- mended. We look forward to more rigorous research and debates about mindful- ness interventions at work. Relaxation and Biofeedback Techniques Relaxation techniques include progressive muscle relaxation and deep-breathing progressive muscle exercises. Progressive muscle relaxation involves starting at the top or bottom of relaxation Stress manage- one’s body, tightening one set of muscles at a time for five to seven seconds, and then ment technique to relax letting those muscles relax. Individuals can work through each major muscle group the muscles, thereby help- ing to progressively relax and thus progressively relax the entire body. These relaxation techniques are effec- the entire body. tive in reducing arousal and anxiety (Murphy, 1996). Biofeedback is a stress management technique that involves teaching individuals biofeedback Stress to control certain body functions, such as heart rate, blood pressure, and even skin management technique temperature, by responding to feedback about their body from an electronic instru- that teaches individuals ment (Quick et al., 1997). One simple and inexpensive biofeedback device is a skin- to control certain body sensitive “biodot” that monitors stress levels and physiological changes according functions, such as heart rate, blood pressure, and to color changes. The dot darkens after individuals discuss a stressful event and even skin temperature, lightens when they feel more relaxed (Ulmer & Schwartzburd, 1996). Thus, this by responding to feed- device shows individuals that stress—and relaxation, for that matter—leads to mea- back from an electronic surable changes in the body and that careful monitoring of the body can reduce instrument. anxiety and arousal. Social Support Social support is the comfort, assistance, or information an individual receives social support The through formal or informal contacts with individuals or groups. Social support has comfort, assistance, or been widely investigated as a way to reduce stress and strain at work. House (1981) information an individual identified four different kinds of social support: receives through formal or informal contacts with 1. Instrumental support. Direct help, often of a practical nature; for example, a individuals or groups. friend encourages a coworker to slow down by suggesting joint walks during the lunch hour. 2. Emotional support. Interest in, understanding of, caring for, and sympathy with a person’s difficulties; this type of support is often provided by a thera- pist or a family member. 3. Informational support. Information to help a person solve a problem; this type of support is often supplied by a health care professional. In addition, an increasing number of websites offer useful information. 4. Appraisal support. Feedback about a person’s functioning that enhances his or her self-esteem; this often comes from a close friend, a therapist, family members, or other members of a support group. 418 Chapter 10 Stress and Worker Well-Being Researchers have given considerable attention to the possibility that social support moderates or reduces health problems by protecting individuals from the buffer or moderator negative effects of work stressors. The buffer or moderator hypothesis proposes that hypothesis Hypothesis the negative effects of work stressors can be buffered or moderated by social support that social support moder- (Cohen & Wills, 1985). Evidence is mixed on the buffering hypothesis, which could ates or reduces health be due to the failure of researchers to emphasize the match between stressors and problems by protecting support. That is, buffering should work when there is a reasonable match between individuals from the the stressors and the available social support. A longitudinal study of 90 blue-collar negative effects of work metalworkers found evidence for the buffering hypothesis in reducing anxiety and stressors. other strains when social support was matched directly to a social stressor such as conflict with one’s supervisor (Frese, 1999). Social support at work may be particu- larly important as a moderator of the stress–strain relationship today because tra- ditional societal structures such as the extended family are less prevalent than they once were (Quick et al., 1997). For example, in 21st-century America, many adult children live hundreds of miles away from their parents or siblings. They may see family members infrequently, usually over holiday periods that carry their own stress and strain. Employers can help build effective social support systems at work. For example, formal mentoring programs, reward and recognition systems, and newcomer social- ization programs can make work environments more supportive. Allen, McManus, and Russell (1999) found evidence for the important role that more experienced peers can play in mentoring newcomers and in enhancing socialization. In turn, they found a negative correlation between socialization and work stress, indicating that formal peer relationships can be critical in reducing stress and subsequent strains. Finally, the supportive relationships formed in team building have been shown to improve performance and reduce stress (Klein, Diaz-Granados, et al., 2009). Tertiary Prevention Strategies tertiary prevention Tertiary prevention strategies are symptom-directed, that is, focused on healing the strategies Stress preven- negative effects of stressors. Tertiary interventions include employee assistance pro- tion strategy focused grams and the use of medical care, individual psychotherapy, and career counseling on healing the negative (Quick et al., 1997). effects of stressors. Employee assistance programs (EAPs), originally developed by organizations to Employee assistance address alcohol and drug problems, were subsequently broadened to include stress programs (EAPs) Coun- management interventions. In most organizations, EAPs involve some form of coun- seling provided by an seling to deal with work stress, alcohol or drug difficulties, and problems outside organization to deal with the job (e.g., family problems, behavioral and emotional difficulties). Employee workplace stress, alcohol assistance programs can be provided by the human resources department within or drug difficulties, and an organization, or they can be provided by external consultants or vendors. If an problems stemming from organization is to have a successful EAP, its management must express support for outside the job. the program, make the program accessible to employees, and educate and train employees on its use (Milne, Blum, & Roman, 1994). Organizations must ensure that confidentiality is maintained and that use of an EAP does not harm job security or advancement. These suggestions are particularly important because unhealthy work climates and distrust of EAPs often prevent employees from seeking help for alcohol or drug abuse problems. For example, police officers often avoid in-house EAPs because they are uncertain of the confidentiality assurances and fear that they will be stigmatized by commanding officers and colleagues. Even to be seen talking with an EAP coordinator is “dangerous.” Integrating positive messages about the Summary of Stress Intervention Strategies 419 EAP into different types of training programs may be effective in improving the use of EAPs by skeptical employees (Bennett & Lehman, 2001). Although EAPs are not often systematically evaluated by the organizations using them, the few evaluations that have been done indicate that EAPs are successful. Cooper and Sadri (1991) found improvements in the mental health and self-esteem of employees participating in EAPs. In addition, Cooper and Cartwright (1994) found that EAPs can be very cost effective for organizations in terms of reducing absences, accidents, and health care costs. Nevertheless, even though focusing on the treatment of strains may be an effective short-term strategy, the approach is essentially reactive and recuperative rather than proactive and preventative (Cooper et al., 2001). Because EAPs focus on dealing with the long-term outcomes of stress, they should certainly not be the only approach that organizations utilize in the stress prevention and management process. Summary of Stress Intervention Strategies Several studies have evaluated a variety of stress management interventions. Murphy (1996) conducted a comprehensive review of the effects of worksite stress manage- ment interventions on a variety of health and work outcomes (e.g., blood pressure, anxiety, headaches, and job satisfaction). The stress management programs included in this review were progressive muscle relaxation, meditation, biofeedback, cognitive-behavioral skills, and combinations of these techniques. Meditation pro- duced the most consistent results across outcome measures, but it was infrequently used in organizations. Relaxation and cognitive-behavioral techniques were found to be quite successful. Overall, the study indicated that using a combination of tech- niques (e.g., muscle relaxation and cognitive-behavioral skills) was more effective across outcome measures than using any single technique. Two meta-analyses found general support for the benefits of interventions for work-related stress (Richardson & Rothstein, 2008; van der Klink, Blonk, Schene, & van Dijk, 2001). They both found that cognitive-behavioral approaches worked best in reducing stress, but relaxation techniques were also successful, though less effective than cognitive-behavioral approaches. Richardson and Rothstein (2008) concluded that “cognitive-behavioral interventions encourage individuals to take charge of their negative thoughts, feel- ings, and resulting behaviors... and thus promote the development of proactive responses to stress” (p. 88). More generally, cognitive-behavioral approaches to work and nonwork seem to be most effective if the behavior can be well described, whereas relaxation techniques do not address specific events or stimuli, so they might be more suited to broader experiences of stress that may be less tied to a specific cause. Over- all, these studies show reason for optimism about stress management interventions, particularly when a combination of techniques is used. In addition, successful stress management interventions must accurately identify the stressors causing strains and then actively determine ways to reduce those stressors (Briner & Reynolds, 1999). Employees should also participate in the process of identifying stressors and imple- menting the various interventions designed to reduce stress and strains. Primary and secondary stress prevention strategies are generally preferred because they take a more active approach to removing and reducing stressors (Quick et al., 1997). Tertiary interventions can play a useful role in stress management, but their effectiveness is limited because they fail to address the sources of stress itself. Thus, identifying and recognizing stressors and taking steps to remove or reduce them through job redesign, flexible work schedules, or other primary prevention 420 Chapter 10 Stress and Worker Well-Being strategies should receive the greatest attention in organizations. Indeed, the limited research that has examined primary-level interventions has shown that they yield consistently positive and beneficial long-term effects (Cooper & Cartwright, 2001). Similarly, the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH) urges occupational health psychology professionals to give special attention to the primary prevention of organizational risk factors for stress, illness, and injury at work. Finally, with the field of psychology focusing increasingly on positive psychology, Quick et al. (2013) noted that positive psychology and positive organizational behavior provide new approaches that can be used for stress management. Accordingly, researchers are investigating gratitude, flow, and mindfulness as stress management approaches, and we look forward to evidence-based research on these approaches. Module 10.3 Summary Occupational health psychologists often divide their approaches to stress prevention into three major categories: primary, secondary, and tertiary interventions. Primary prevention strategies aim to modify or eliminate stressors at work, and they are generally preferred over other interventions because they take an active approach. Primary prevention strategies include redesigning the work environment, modifying Type A thought patterns, and providing flexible work schedules. Secondary prevention strategies involve modifying responses to inevitable stressors. They include physical fitness, healthy eating, weight control, smok- ing and caffeine reduction, skills training programs, relaxation techniques, biofeedback, and social support at work. Tertiary prevention strategies focus on healing the negative effects of stressors. They include employee assistance programs (EAPs) and the use of medical care, individual psychotherapy, and career counseling. Key Terms occupational health secondary prevention progressive muscle tertiary prevention psychology strategies relaxation strategies primary prevention stress management biofeedback employee assistance pro- strategy training social support grams (EAPs) cognitive stress buffer or moderator restructuring inoculation hypothesis M ODULE 10.4 Violence at Work In the past, the workplace was seen as a protected environment, one in which workers could feel safe. That is no longer the case. Violence is becoming more common in the workplace and therefore more important than ever to I-O psychologists. Work- related violence falls into two different categories. The first deals with violent actions carried out by a nonemployee against an employee. Examples include armed rob- beries of convenience stores or gas stations in which a clerk is threatened, and often assaulted, by a robber. Similarly, workers in certain occupations, such as corrections and police officers, deal with violence as an essential function of their jobs. The second category of violence is perpetrated by employees and directed toward fellow employees. It is the second form of violence that we will consider. Several excellent reviews cover both types of violence (Kinney, 1995a,b; Vandenbos & Bulatao, 1996). There have been many hypotheses about why we have seen the workplace become more violent since the early 1990s (Elliott & Jarrett, 1994; Mack, Shannon, Quick, & Quick, 1998), including the following: The surge of layoffs, mergers, and acquisitions has radically increased stress at the workplace. As a result of the large number of Baby Boomers in the workforce, fewer jobs are available as people strive to move up in the organization. Increasingly multicultural workplaces make it more likely that prejudices and biases will enter into worker interactions. There is a greater tendency for workers to abuse drugs and alcohol, thus low- ering inhibitions that prevent violent behavior. In attempts to become leaner, organizations have eliminated layers of manage- ment, resulting in reduced opportunities for communication with employees about frustrating situations. Stress is often associated with violent actions by individuals. To the extent that work is stressful, then, it should not come as a total shock to see violent behavior at work. Although to date there has been little careful and systematic research on work- place violence, a great deal of descriptive, anecdotal, and theoretical work exists on the topic. Stress and Workplace Violence Understanding why certain individuals engage in workplace violence requires consideration of both their personal characteristics and stressful aspects of their 421 422 Chapter 10 Stress and Worker Well-Being work environment. Kinney (1995a,b) noted that stressful factors correlated with work- place violence include being passed over for an expected promotion, financial prob- Lichtmeister Photography Productions/iStockphoto lems, estranged or strained relationships with coworkers, and a perception of being targeted by management. Contrary to the common perception that low self-esteem correlates with workplace vio- lence, Baumeister, Smart, and Boden (1996) found that workplace violence is most com- monly a result of a high self-esteem that is dis- puted by some person or circumstance (e.g., negative feedback or derogatory remarks). Stressors such as interpersonal conflict can An on-the-job confrontation or stressful event is often a precursor of work- lead to workplace violence when they result place violence. in wounded pride or “ego threats” to those with high self-esteem. Thus, managers and supervisors should be particularly careful to avoid disrespect or verbal abuse dur- ing stressful times (e.g., downsizing, performance reviews) that might interact with subordinates’ high self-esteem and lead to workplace violence. Many perpetrators of workplace violence have just been passed over for a promotion, have received a neg- ative evaluation, or have been fired. In fact, the last words spoken to three employees of an insurance company in Florida by a disgruntled former coworker before he killed them were, “This is what you get for firing me” (Duncan, 1995). Feldman and Johnson (1994) analyzed data from 60 incidents of workplace vio- lence. They found that 68 percent of the perpetrators of violent acts had received some type of psychiatric diagnosis before the incident. About one-third were diag- nosed with depression, and about half were diagnosed with either a personality dis- order or substance abuse disorder. Overall, they concluded that most perpetrators of workplace violence had (1) personality disorders that made them respond poorly to stress, (2) conflicted relationships at work, or (3) inappropriate and angry reactions to perceived threats to their self-esteem. Stress is clearly considered to be one of the causes of workplace violence. To com- pound the problem, recent work also suggests that workplace violence is a cause of stress. In particular, individuals who are victims of or witnesses to workplace violence report lower organizational commitment as well as high job stress and subsequent strains (Mack et al., 1998; van Emmerick, Euwema, & Bakker, 2007). For all of the above reasons, it is advisable that every organization have policies and plans in place to reduce work stress and workplace violence. The “Typical” Violent Worker With the exception of the worker who is suffering from a serious mental disorder (e.g., one who hears voices telling him to kill his supervisor), most cases of work- place violence involve some feeling of being treated unfairly; the perpetrator has some real or imagined grievance against the organization or a person in the organi- zation. In addition, experts in workplace violence have assembled a laundry list of possible characteristics of a perpetrator. Any given perpetrator is not likely to have all of the characteristics listed below but will certainly have some of them (Douglas Theories of Workplace Violence 423 & Martinko, 2001; Paul & Townsend, 1998). Similarly, just because an individual has many, or even all, of these characteristics, it does not necessarily mean that he or she will engage in violence. Does not participate in organizational events Has few outside interests Has worked for the company for some time Has a history of violence Is a white male between 25 and 50 years of age Has lost or is worried about losing his or her job Has a history of conflicts with coworkers, supervisors, or both Has previous exposure to aggressive cultures Has difficulty accepting authority Commonly violates company policies and rules Works in a company or work group with an authoritarian management style Abuses alcohol This list emphasizes the characteristics of the individual violent employee, but several of these individual factors (e.g., job loss, authoritarian management style) indicate that organizational characteristics may also be associated with workplace violence. These characteristics would include high levels of job-related stress (e.g., role conflict and role ambiguity); a continuing threat of layoff; few opportunities for communication between management and employees; and lack of a formal or informal appeal process for questioning such management actions as performance appraisals, compensation decisions, and transfers (Martinko & Zellars, 1998; Paul & Townsend, 1998). It would also seem logical to include the absence of group work or teamwork, since environments without them usually provide less opportunity for communication among workers. Poor communication between a worker and a supervisor or between coworkers seems to be central to many instances of work- place violence. Theories of Workplace Violence I-O psychologists commonly examine workplace violence using one of two theoret- ical approaches. The first is a variation on a traditional approach to all aggressive behavior, regardless of where it occurs. Its premise is that the individual worker has been frustrated—prevented from achieving some important goal or outcome—and this frustration results in aggression directed toward a coworker or supervisor. The second approach is more specific to work situations and invokes the concept of justice (see Chapter 11). We will briefly consider these two approaches. Frustration–Aggression Hypothesis Over 70 years ago, Dollard, Doob, Miller, Mowrer, and Sears (1939) proposed a simple hypothesis: Frustration leads to aggression. They cited laboratory and field data to support that proposition. The initial proved to be far too broad. It became clear that aggression was only one possible response to frustration and that not every- one responded to frustration with aggression. Furthermore, it became clear that aggression has many different roots, only one of which is represented by frustration. To put it simply, not all frustrated individuals act aggressively, and not all aggressive acts are a result of frustration. 424 Chapter 10 Stress and Worker Well-Being Low Fox and Spector (1999) discussed the control Destructive frustration–aggression hypothesis as it related to behavior work behavior, particularly counterproductive Feelings of behavior, which we discussed in Chapter 4. They Constraints frustration and defined frustrating events as “situational con- dissatisfaction straints in the immediate work situation that block Constructive individuals from achieving valued work goals or High behavior attaining effective performance” (p. 917). The control modern view of the frustration–aggression con- nection is that frustration leads to a stress reaction FIGURE 10.5 Constructive and Destructive Employee Behavior as a and that the individual expends energy to relieve Result of Frustration and Employee Control this stress, often in the form of destructive or Source: Spector, P. E. (2000). Industrial and organizational psychology: Research and practice (2nd ed.), p. 242. New York: John Wiley. Copyright © 2000. counterproductive behavior. Reprinted with permission of John Wiley & Sons, Inc. The key to whether or not an individual engages in destructive behavior is thought to be the extent to which he or she believes that the obstacle to goal attainment—and thus the frustration—can be eliminated through constructive behavior. If the indi- vidual does not believe that constructive behavior will eliminate the frustration, then aggressive action may be taken instead (Spector & Fox, 2005). And this belief, of course, depends to some extent on the prior history of the individual. If constructive behavior has not worked before, the individual is less likely to try it again. Spector’s (2000) model of this process is presented in Figure 10.5. Fox and Spector (1999) identified several personality variables and beliefs that seem to intervene in the process by which frustration becomes aggression. The first of these variables is locus of control. As you will recall from Module 10.2, individ- uals with an external locus of control believe that events are controlled by forces outside of themselves, while internals believe that they are in control of their fate. Fox and Spector (1999) found that when confronted with obstacles, externals were more likely than internals to report unpleasant emotions and to engage in aggres- sive action. They also found that levels of anger and anxiety affected the likelihood that a worker would engage in counterproductive behaviors. Anger is a commonly observed emotion that appears to accompany violence—domestic or workplace. But anger is very often the by-product of anxiety or fear. This is particularly true in the workplace. When violence breaks out, fear of something (e.g., loss of a job, losing face in front of fellow workers) is often at the root of the violence. As mentioned above, Baumeister and colleagues (1996) found that high self- esteem was positively associated with violence. Individuals and groups who believe in their own superiority are those most likely to engage in aggressive and violent actions. This positive self-image is often unrealistically positive, and this is where the problem arises. When individuals receive information that challenges this positive self-appraisal, they reject it and react against the source of this conflicting informa- tion, often violently. Thus, a realistic performance evaluation with some negative information can trigger a violent response in an individual with an unrealistically high opinion of his or her work. Similarly, an individual who believes that he or she is central to the success of an organization will find it hard to accept or under- stand a layoff notice. Two of the most common events that occur in advance of work- place violence are the loss of a job and a negative performance review, both of which challenge the individual’s self-image as an effective and valuable employee. Finally, assessment techniques are being developed and refined to predict aggres- sive behaviors (Berry, Sackett, & Tobares, 2010; Bing et al., 2007). Recall that in Chapter 4 we described a conditional reasoning test to assess unconscious biases in Theories of Workplace Violence 425 reasoning that are used to justify aggressive acts, accompanied by an example from a study of conditional reasoning among basketball players. Those players with the most aggressive tendencies were also those most likely to argue with officials and commit “hard” fouls on opponents. The workplace provides ample opportunities to commit “hard fouls” against coworkers or subordinates. The Justice Hypothesis Several researchers have argued compellingly that at least some violent acts can be understood as reactions against perceived injustice by an employee (Bies & Tripp, 2005; Folger & Baron, 1996). This is the conceptual basis for the justice hypothesis justice hypothesis of of workplace violence. You will see in Chapter 11 that workers generally evalu- workplace violence ate events in the workplace according to three types of justice. Procedural justice Hypothesis that some relates to issues of due process and whether all individuals are treated equally. Dis- violent acts can be under- tributive justice relates to actual outcomes, such as layoffs, and whether a particu- stood as reactions by an employee to perceived lar individual believes that he or she deserved the outcome. Interpersonal justice injustice. deals with the manner by which decisions are communicated, whether compas- sionately and respectfully or callously and demeaningly. Folger and Baron (1996) suggested some ways that an organization can reduce the likelihood of violent acts when individuals are laid off or given negative performance reviews. As shown in Table 10.4, the issues associated with each aspect of justice are different. The prudent employer will pursue ways to create justice perceptions in each of the three areas. Even when workplace violence is not the issue, organizations should be aware that these prevention strategies represent best practices; the same initia- tives that can maintain a satisfied and productive workforce can also reduce the possibility of violence. Greenberg and Barling (1999) examined the role of procedural justice in employee aggression among nonfaculty employees of a Canadian university. Their results not only confirm the hypotheses of Folger and Baron regarding the role of justice per- ceptions but also extend them in interesting ways. They found that perceptions of procedural injustice were associated with aggression against supervisors. They also found that alcohol consumption interacted with these feelings of injustice. If proce- dures were considered fair, then alcohol consumption was unrelated to aggression. On the other hand, if procedures were considered unfair, then alcohol consumption increased the likelihood of aggression toward a supervisor. (Virtually every exami- nation of workplace violence has identified alcohol consumption as a substantial risk factor.) Greenberg and Barling (1999) also found that increased workplace sur- veillance was associated with a greater likelihood of aggressive acts directed toward supervisors. This last finding, however, is hard to interpret. In some organizations, increased surveillance may be the result of a history of counterproductive behavior. Thus, it is difficult to tell if surveillance is a cause of aggressive behavior or part of a vicious circle in which it is as much an effect as a cause. Although job loss seems to be involved in many acts of workplace violence and aggression, Catalano, Novaco, and McConnell (1997) reported some intriguing findings about the effects of widespread job loss. They designed a study to examine the relationship between the reported number of layoffs on a weekly basis in San Francisco for a one-year period and civil commitments for posing a danger to others during the same period. This type of civil commitment is a court order that permits an individual whom mental health professionals deem likely to commit an act of vio- lence against another to be held in custody for up to 72 hours. If, after 72 hours, the 426 Chapter 10 Stress and Worker Well-Being TABLE 10.4 Distributive, Procedural, and Interpersonal Justice Actions to Prevent Workplace Aggression DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE Layoffs and firings Do not raise chief executive officer’s pay when downsizing Try other financial alternatives to layoffs If firing by performance ratings, check their validity Performance appraisal Use job-related, relevant criteria Develop criteria based on job analysis PROCEDURAL JUSTICE Layoffs and firings Use employee voice or input where possible Provide details on severance Follow suggestions on avoiding bias Apply guidelines consistently Provide timely feedback Provide adequate explanations Performance appraisal Clarify standards and expectations in advance Solicit employee’s own opinion about performance (e.g., self-appraisal) Explain and discuss ratings (explore discrepancies) INTERPERSONAL JUSTICE Layoffs and firings Notify in a timely manner Explain with sincere concern Express sincere remorse Avoid distancing and aloofness Treat with dignity and respect Performance appraisal Same as for layoffs and firings Source: Folger, R., & Baron, R. A. (1996). Violence and hostility at work: A model of reactions to perceived injustice. In G. R. Vandenbos & E. Q. Bulatao (Eds.), Violence on the job: Identifying risks and developing solutions (pp. 51–86). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. © 1996 by the American Psychological Association. Reprinted by permission of the publisher. detainee is still perceived as a threat to another person, he or she may be held for a longer period after a hearing. Catalano and colleagues discovered that as layoffs increased, so did violent and threatening behavior (as defined by increases in civil commitments) but only up to a point. As layoffs continued to increase, violent and threatening behavior began to diminish. The researchers explained this phenomenon as one of protecting one’s job. As jobs became more scarce, workers were more likely to inhibit aggressive acts that might jeopardize those jobs. This suggests a dilemma for employers. In an attempt to reduce the potential for violence by laying off as few workers as possible, an organization may very well be increasing the potential. Thus, it might be more harmful for an organization to implement a series of small layoffs rather than one large layoff. A way out of this dilemma may be in the manner by which layoffs are handled. Both Folger and Baron (1996) and Greenberg and Barling (1999) suggested that A Special Type of Violence: Bullying 427 justice perceptions are crucial to preventing violent employee responses. With appropriate justice mechanisms in place, it is possible that studies such as those by Catalano and colleagues would find little or no relationship between layoffs and the threat of violence. Some of these mechanisms might include applying layoff policies consistently (Hemingway & Conte, 2003), treating those to be laid off with dignity and respect—for example, informing them in person rather than by e-mail or writ- ten memo (Greenberg, 1994)—and providing clear explanations of the criteria used to make layoff decisions. A Special Type of Violence: Bullying The topic of bullying, particularly as experienced by children and teenagers in school, has achieved some prominence in recent years. But bullying is not confined to schools; it is just as likely to occur at the workplace. In light of what appears to be an increase in workplace violence in the United States, an understanding of the phe- nomenon of bullying should prove very useful in reducing such violence. Most research on bullying has been carried out by European scholars (Rayner & Keashly, 2005). The European Journal of Work and Organizational Psychology published a special issue on the topic in December 2001, summarizing what is known about the phenomenon of bullying. A book by Einarson, Hoel, Zapf, and Cooper (2010) covered much of the same ground, but in somewhat greater detail. Furthermore, a book by two Australian researchers (Caponecchia & Wyatt, 2011) focused on evidence-based approaches to preventing workplace bullying. American researchers have done comparatively less research on bullying. The likely reason for the lack of interest among American scholars is cultural. In other cultures, power and its use often have negative connotations, particularly in countries characterized as collec- tivist. The United States, in contrast, is an individualist country where each worker might be expected to fend for him- or herself, without recourse to group support for protection from an abusive coworker or supervisor. Despite the relative lack of U.S. data on bullying, the increasing body of knowledge from non-U.S. workplaces provides a foundation for introducing the topic. Bully- ing has been defined as subjecting a victim to being harassed, offended, socially bullying Harassing, excluded, or assigned to humiliating tasks. Zapf and Gross (2001) noted that the offending, socially exclud- offending behavior must occur repeatedly, over a relatively long time (at least six ing, or assigning humili- months), and by an individual with more power than the victim for it to be consid- ating tasks to a person ered bullying. of subordinate status repeatedly and over a long Most surveys that have examined the prevalence of bullying have concluded that period of time. it is widespread. Mikkelsen and Einarsen (2001) reported rates as high as 25 percent in the workforce. Hoel, Cooper, and Faragher (2001) reported that when the period of time covered is five years, the rate rises to almost 50 percent in Great Britain. Zapf and Gross (2001) noted that bullying has seriously affected the health of between 1 and 4 percent of the victims. Even though the definition above cites a minimum period of 6 months before a situation can be called bullying, Leymann (1996) found that in Sweden the more common duration is 15 months; in Germany, Zapf (1999) found episodes lasting as long as 46 months. Note that the definition adopted by the European researchers for bullying requires weekly encounters over six months or more. If the definition were less stringent (e.g., one incident in the last three months, or three times in the last year), it is safe to say that the majority of workers would report either having observed bullying or been the victim of a bully. Nielsen and Einarsen (2012) conducted a meta-analysis of the outcomes that result from 428 Chapter 10 Stress and Worker Well-Being exposure to workplace bullying. They found that exposure to bullying was associated with increased mental and physical health problems, increased burnout, increased intentions to leave the organization, as well as reduced job satisfaction and organiza- tional commitment. In many European countries, the legal system makes it more difficult to termi- nate an employee than it is in the United States; at the same time, it provides less protection for the rights of individual workers. Because U.S. workers can more eas- ily be terminated for bullying, and may very well sue the company if they are the victim of a bully, the duration, though not the severity, of bullying is l