Gregory-J.-Feist-Tomi-Ann-Roberts-Jess-Feist-Theories-of-Personality-McGraw-Hill-Education-2017.pdf

 Ninth Edition Page i Theories of Personality Jess Feist McNeese State University Gregory J. Feist San Jose State University Tomi-Ann Roberts Colorado College  Page ii THEORIES...

 Ninth Edition Page i Theories of Personality Jess Feist McNeese State University Gregory J. Feist San Jose State University Tomi-Ann Roberts Colorado College  Page ii THEORIES OF PERSONALITY Published by McGraw-Hill Education, 2 Penn Plaza, New York, NY 10121. Copyright © 2018 by McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means, or stored in a database or retrieval system, without the prior written consent of McGraw- Hill Education, including, but not limited to, in any network or other electronic storage or transmission, or broadcast for distance learning. Some ancillaries, including electronic and print components, may not be available to customers outside the United States. This book is printed on acid-free paper. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 LCR 21 20 19 18 17 ISBN: 978-1-260-08353-8 MHID: 1-260-08353-5 All credits appearing on page or at the end of the book are considered to be an extension of the copyright page. The Internet addresses listed in the text were accurate at the time of publication. The inclusion of a website does not indicate an endorsement by the authors or McGraw-Hill Education, and McGraw-Hill Education does not guarantee the accuracy of the information presented at these sites. mheducation.com/highered About the Authors Page iii Jess Feist was Professor of Psychology at McNeese State University in Lake Charles, Louisiana from 1964 until his death in 2015. Besides coauthoring Theories of Personality, he coauthored with Linda Brannon, Health Psychology: An Introduction to Behavior and Health. He earned his undergraduate degree from St. Mary of the Plains and graduate degrees from Wichita State University and the University of Kansas. His research interest was in early childhood recollections. Gregory J. Feist is a Professor of Psychology in the Department of Psychology at San Jose State University. He has also taught at the College of William & Mary and University of California, Davis. He received his PhD in personality psychology in 1991 from the University of California at Berkeley and his undergraduate degree in 1985 from the University of Massachusetts–Amherst. He is widely published in the psychology of creativity, the psychology of science, and the development of scientific talent. His recent book, The Psychology of Science and the Origins of the Scientific Mind, was awarded the William James Book Award from the American Psychological Association (APA). He is founding president of the International Society for the Psychology of Science & Technology and founding editor-in-chief of the Journal of Psychology of Science & Technology. His research in creativity has been recognized by an Early Career Award from the Division for Psychology of Aesthetics, Creativity and the Arts (Division 10) of APA, and he is former president of Division 10. Finally, he is co-author of Psychology: Perspectives and Connections (McGraw-Hill) with Erika Rosenberg. Page iv Tomi-Ann Roberts is a Professor of Psychology at Colorado College. She received her PhD in social and personality psychology in 1990 from Stanford University, and her BA in psychology from Smith College in 1985. Her publications in the areas of gender, personality, and emotion psychology include “Objectification Theory,” an original theory that has generated a great deal of research into the causes and consequences of the sexual objectification of girls and women. The first paper she co-authored on this topic is the most cited article in the 35-year history of the journal Psychology of Women Quarterly. She served on the American Psychological Association’s Task Force on the Sexualization of Girls, is coauthor of the Sexualization of Girls and Girlhood: Causes, Consequences and Resistance (2012), and continues to work on empirical research, applied consulting work, and media efforts in this area. In addition to her teaching in both psychology and gender studies at Colorado College, she currently serves on the executive committee of APA’s Division 35, chairs a Task Force on Educating Through Feminist Research, and is a certified Laughter Yoga Leader. Contents Page v PART I Introduction 1 CHAPTER 1 Introduction to Personality Theory 2 What Is Personality? 3 What Is a Theory? 5 Theory Defined 5 Theory and Its Relatives 5 Philosophy 5 Speculation 6 Hypothesis 6 Taxonomy 7 Why Different Theories? 7 Perspectives in Theories of Personality 7 Psychodynamic Theories 8 Humanistic-Existential Theories 8 Dispositional Theories 8 Biological-Evolutionary Theories 8 Learning-(Social) Cognitive Theories 8 Theorists’ Personalities and Their Theories of Personality 10 What Makes a Theory Useful? 11 Generates Research 12 Is Falsifiable 12 Organizes Data 13 Guides Action 13 Is Internally Consistent 14 Is Parsimonious 14 Dimensions for a Concept of Humanity 14 Research in Personality Theory 16 PART II Psychodynamic Theories 19 CHAPTER 2 Freud: Psychoanalysis 20 Overview of Psychoanalytic Theory 21 Biography of Sigmund Freud 22 Levels of Mental Life 28 Unconscious 28 Preconscious 29 Conscious 30 Provinces of the Mind 31 The Id 32 The Ego 33 The Superego 34 Dynamics of Personality 36 Drives 36 Sex 36 Aggression 37 Anxiety 38 Defense Mechanisms 39 Repression 39 Reaction Formation 40 Displacement 40 Fixation 41 Regression 41 Projection 41 Introjection 42 Sublimation 42 Stages of Development 43 Infantile Period 43 Oral Phase 43 Anal Phase 44 Page vi Phallic Phase 45 Male Oedipus Complex 45 Female Oedipus Complex 47 Latency Period 50  Genital Period 50 Maturity 51 Applications of Psychoanalytic Theory 52 Freud’s Early Therapeutic Technique 52 Freud’s Later Therapeutic Technique 53 Dream Analysis 54 Freudian Slips 56 Related Research 57 Unconscious Mental Processing 58 Pleasure and the Id, Inhibition and the Ego 59 Repression, Inhibition, and Defense Mechanisms 60 Research on Dreams 61 Critique of Freud 63 Did Freud Understand Women, Gender, and Sexuality? 63 Was Freud a Scientist? 65 Concept of Humanity 67 CHAPTER 3 Adler: Individual Psychology 70 Overview of Individual Psychology 71 Biography of Alfred Adler 72 Introduction to Adlerian Theory 75 Striving for Success or Superiority 76 The Final Goal 76 The Striving Force as Compensation 77 Striving for Personal Superiority 78 Striving for Success 78 Subjective Perceptions 79 Fictionalism 79 Physical Inferiorities 79 Unity and Self-Consistency of Personality 80 Organ Dialect 80 Conscious and Unconscious 81 Social Interest 81 Origins of Social Interest 82 Importance of Social Interest 83 Style of Life 84 Creative Power 85 Abnormal Development 85 General Description 86 External Factors in Maladjustment 86 Exaggerated Physical Deficiencies 86 Pampered Style of Life 87 Neglected Style of Life 87 Safeguarding Tendencies 87 Excuses 88 Aggression 88 Withdrawal 89 Masculine Protest 90 Origins of the Masculine Protest 90 Adler, Freud, and the Masculine Protest 90 Applications of Individual Psychology 91 Family Constellation 91 Early Recollections 92 Dreams 94 Psychotherapy 95 Related Research 96 Birth Order Effects 96 Early Recollections and Career Choice 98 Distinguishing Narcissism as Striving for Superiority versus Self-Esteem as Striving for Success 100 Critique of Adler 101 Concept of Humanity 102 CHAPTER 4 Jung: Analytical Psychology 104 Overview of Analytical Psychology 105 Biography of Carl Jung 106 Levels of the Psyche 110 Conscious 110 Personal Unconscious 111 Collective Unconscious 111 Archetypes 112 Persona 113 Page vii Shadow 114 Anima 115 Animus 116 Great Mother 116 Wise Old Man 117 Hero 117 Self 118 Dynamics of Personality 121 Causality and Teleology 121 Progression and Regression 121 Psychological Types 122 Attitudes 122 Introversion 122 Extraversion 123 Functions 124 Thinking 124 Feeling 124 Sensing 125 Intuiting 125 Development of Personality 127 Stages of Development 127 Childhood 127 Youth 128 Middle Life 128 Old Age 129 Self-Realization 129 Jung’s Methods of Investigation 130  Word Association Test 130 Dream Analysis 131 Active Imagination 133 Psychotherapy 134 Related Research 135 Personality Type and Leadership 135 Personality Type Among Clergy and Churchgoers 136 A Critical Look at the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) 138 Critique of Jung 138 Concept of Humanity 140 CHAPTER 5 Klein: Object Relations Theory 142 Overview of Object Relations Theory 143 Biography of Melanie Klein 144 Introduction to Object Relations Theory 146 Psychic Life of the Infant 147 Phantasies 147 Objects 148 Positions 148 Paranoid-Schizoid Position 148 Depressive Position 150 Psychic Defense Mechanisms 150 Introjection 150 Projection 151 Splitting 151 Projective Identification 152 Internalizations 152 Ego 152 Superego 153 Oedipus Complex 154 Female Oedipal Development 154  Male Oedipal Development 155 Later Views on Object Relations 155 Margaret Mahler’s View 156 Heinz Kohut’s View 158 John Bowlby’s Attachment Theory 159 Mary Ainsworth and the Strange Situation 160 Psychotherapy 162 Related Research 162 Childhood Trauma and Adult Object Relations 162 Attachment Theory and Adult Relationships 163 Critique of Object Relations Theory 166 Concept of Humanity 167 CHAPTER 6 Horney: Psychoanalytic Social Theory 170 Overview of Psychoanalytic Social Theory 171 Page viii Biography of Karen Horney 172 Introduction to Psychoanalytic Social Theory 174 Horney and Freud Compared 174 The Impact of Culture 174 The Importance of Childhood Experiences 175 Basic Hostility and Basic Anxiety 175 Compulsive Drives 177 Neurotic Needs 177 Neurotic Trends 178 Moving Toward People 180 Moving Against People 180 Moving Away From People 181 Intrapsychic Conflicts 182 The Idealized Self-Image 183 The Neurotic Search for Glory 183 Neurotic Claims 184 Neurotic Pride 185 Self-Hatred 185 Feminine Psychology 186 Psychotherapy 189 Related Research 190 Developing and Validating a New Measure of Horney’s Neurotic Trends 190 Can Neuroticism Ever Be a Good Thing? 191 Critique of Horney 193 Concept of Humanity 194 CHAPTER 7 Erikson: Post-Freudian Theory 196 Overview of Post-Freudian Theory 197 Biography of Erik Erikson 198 The Ego in Post-Freudian Theory 200 Society’s Influence 201 Epigenetic Principle 201 Stages of Psychosocial Development 203 Infancy 205 Oral-Sensory Mode 205 Basic Trust Versus Basic Mistrust 205 Hope: The Basic Strength of Infancy 206 Early Childhood 206 Anal-Urethral-Muscular Mode 206 Autonomy Versus Shame and Doubt 207 Will: The Basic Strength of Early Childhood 207 Play Age 208 Genital-Locomotor Mode 208 Initiative Versus Guilt 208 Purpose: The Basic Strength of the Play Age 209 School Age 209 Latency 209 Industry Versus Inferiority 209 Competence: The Basic Strength of the School Age 210 Adolescence 210 Puberty 210 Identity Versus Identity Confusion 210  Fidelity: The Basic Strength of Adolescence 212 Young Adulthood 212 Genitality 213 Intimacy Versus Isolation 213 Love: The Basic Strength of Young Adulthood 213 Adulthood 214 Procreativity 214 Generativity Versus Stagnation 214 Care: The Basic Strength of Adulthood 215 Old Age 215 Generalized Sensuality 216 Integrity Versus Despair 216 Wisdom: The Basic Strength of Old Age 216 Summary of the Life Cycle 217 Erikson’s Methods of Investigation 218 Anthropological Studies 218 Psychohistory 218 Related Research 221 Ego Identity Status in Adolescents Across Cultures 221 Does Identity Precede Intimacy? 222 Critique of Erikson 223 Concept of Humanity 224 Page ix CHAPTER 8 Fromm: Humanistic Psychoanalysis 227 Overview of Humanistic Psychoanalysis 228 Biography of Erich Fromm 229 Fromm’s Basic Assumptions 231 Human Needs 232 Relatedness 232 Transcendence 233 Rootedness 234 Sense of Identity 235 Frame of Orientation 235 Summary of Human Needs 236 The Burden of Freedom 236 Mechanisms of Escape 237 Authoritarianism 237 Destructiveness 237 Conformity 238 Positive Freedom 238 Character Orientations 238 Nonproductive Orientations 239 Receptive 239 Exploitative 239 Hoarding 239 Marketing 240 The Productive Orientation 241 Personality Disorders 241 Necrophilia 242 Malignant Narcissism 242 Incestuous Symbiosis 242 Psychotherapy 244 Fromm’s Methods of Investigation 244 Social Character in a Mexican Village 244 A Psychohistorical Study of Hitler 246 Related Research 247 Testing the Assumptions of Fromm’s Marketing Character 247 Estrangement From Culture and Well-Being 248 Authoritarianism and Fear 249 Critique of Fromm 251 Concept of Humanity 252 PART III Humanistic/Existential Theories 255 CHAPTER 9 Maslow: Holistic-Dynamic Theory 256 Overview of Holistic-Dynamic Theory 257 Biography of Abraham H. Maslow 258 Maslow’s View of Motivation 261 Hierarchy of Needs 262 Physiological Needs 263 Safety Needs 263 Love and Belongingness Needs 264 Esteem Needs 265 Self-Actualization Needs 265 Aesthetic Needs 266 Cognitive Needs 266 Neurotic Needs 267 General Discussion of Needs 267 Reversed Order of Needs 267 Unmotivated Behavior 268 Expressive and Coping Behavior 268 Deprivation of Needs 268 Instinctoid Nature of Needs 268 Comparison of Higher and Lower Needs 269 Self-Actualization 270 Maslow’s Quest for the Self-Actualizing Person 270 Criteria for Self-Actualization 271 Values of Self-Actualizers 272 Characteristics of Self-Actualizing People 273 More Efficient Perception of Reality 273 Acceptance of Self, Others, and Nature 273 Spontaneity, Simplicity, and Naturalness 273 Problem-Centering 274 The Need for Privacy 274 Autonomy 274 Continued Freshness of Appreciation 275 The Peak Experience 275 Gemeinschaftsgefühl 276 Profound Interpersonal Relations 276 The Democratic Character Structure 277 Discrimination Between Means and Ends 277 Philosophical Sense of Humor 277 Page x  Creativeness 277 Resistance to Enculturation 278 Love, Sex, and Self-Actualization 278 Maslow’s Psychology and Philosophy of Science 279 Measuring Self-Actualization 280 The Jonah Complex 281 Psychotherapy 282 Related Research 283 Mindfulness and Self-Actualization 283 Positive Psychology 284 Critique of Maslow 286 Concept of Humanity 287 CHAPTER 10 Rogers: Person-Centered Theory 290 Overview of Client-Centered Theory 291 Biography of Carl Rogers 292 Person-Centered Theory 295 Basic Assumptions 295 Formative Tendency 295 Actualizing Tendency 296 The Self and Self-Actualization 297 The Self-Concept 297 The Ideal Self 298 Awareness 298 Levels of Awareness 299 Denial of Positive Experiences 299 Becoming a Person 299 Barriers to Psychological Health 300 Conditions of Worth 300 Incongruence 301 Vulnerability 301 Anxiety and Threat 301 Defensiveness 302 Disorganization 302 Psychotherapy 303  Conditions 303 Counselor Congruence 304 Unconditional Positive Regard 305 Empathic Listening 306 Process 307 Stages of Therapeutic Change 307 Theoretical Explanation for Therapeutic Change 308 Outcomes 308 The Person of Tomorrow 309 Philosophy of Science 311 The Chicago Studies 312 Hypotheses 312 Method 312 Findings 313 Summary of Results 315 Related Research 315 Self-Discrepancy Theory 315 Motivation and Pursuing One’s Goals 316 Critique of Rogers 319 Concept of Humanity 320 CHAPTER 11 May: Existential Psychology 323 Overview of Existential Psychology 324 Biography of Rollo May 325 Background of Existentialism 328 What Is Existentialism? 328 Basic Concepts 329 Being-in-the-World 329 Nonbeing 330 The Case of Philip 332 Anxiety 332 Normal Anxiety 333 Neurotic Anxiety 333 Guilt 334 Intentionality 335 Care, Love, and Will 336 Union of Love and Will 336 Forms of Love 337 Sex 337 Eros 337 Philia 337 Agape 338 Page xi Freedom and Destiny 338 Freedom Defined 338 Forms of Freedom 339 Existential Freedom 339 Essential Freedom 339 What Is Destiny? 339 Philip’s Destiny 340 The Power of Myth 340 Psychopathology 342 Psychotherapy 342 Related Research 344 Threats in the Umwelt: Mortality Salience and Denial of Our Animal Nature 345 Finding Meaning in the Mitwelt: Attachment and Close Relationships 346 Growth in the Eigenwelt: There Is an Upside to Mortality Awareness 348 Critique of May 349 Concept of Humanity 350 PART IV Dispositional Theories 353 CHAPTER 12 Allport: Psychology of the Individual 354 Overview of Allport’s Psychology of the Individual 355 Biography of Gordon Allport 356 Allport’s Approach to Personality Theory 358 What Is Personality? 358 What Is the Role of Conscious Motivation? 359 What Are the Characteristics of a Healthy Person? 359 Structure of Personality 361 Personal Dispositions 361 Levels of Personal Dispositions 362 Cardinal Dispositions 362 Central Dispositions 362 Secondary Dispositions 362 Motivational and Stylistic Dispositions 363 Proprium 363 Motivation 364 A Theory of Motivation 364 Functional Autonomy 365 Perseverative Functional Autonomy 366 Propriate Functional Autonomy 367 Criterion for Functional Autonomy 367 Processes That Are Not Functionally Autonomous 368 The Study of the Individual 368 Morphogenic Science 368 The Diaries of Marion Taylor 369 Letters From Jenny 370 Related Research 372 Understanding and Reducing Prejudice 372 Intrinsic and Extrinsic Religious Orientation 375 Religious Motivation and Mental Health 376 Religious Motivation and Physical Health 377 Critique of Allport 378 Concept of Humanity 379 CHAPTER 13 McCrae and Costa’s Five-Factor Trait Theory 382 Overview of Trait and Factor Theories 383 The Pioneering Work of Raymond B. Cattell 384 Basics of Factor Analysis 385 The Big Five: Taxonomy or Theory? 387 Biographies of Robert R. McCrae and Paul T. Costa, Jr. 387 In Search of the Big Five 389 Five Factors Found 389 Description of the Five Factors 390 Evolution of the Five-Factor Theory 392 Units of the Five-Factor Theory 393 Core Components of Personality 393 Basic Tendencies 393 Characteristic Adaptations 394 Self-Concept 395 Peripheral Components 395 Biological Bases 395 Objective Biography 396 External Influences 396 Page xii Basic Postulates 396 Postulates for Basic Tendencies 396 Postulates for Characteristic Adaptations 398 Related Research 398 Personality and Academic Performance 398 Traits, Internet Use, and Well-Being 400 Traits and Emotions 401 Critique of Trait and Factor Theories 404 Concept of Humanity 405 PART V Biological/Evolutionary Theories 407 CHAPTER 14 Eysenck’s Biologically Based Factor Theory 408 Overview of Biologically Based Trait Theory 409 Biography of Hans J. Eysenck 411 Eysenck’s Factor Theory 413 Criteria for Identifying Factors 414 Hierarchy of Behavior Organization 414 Dimensions of Personality 415 Extraversion 417 Neuroticism 418 Psychoticism 419 Measuring Personality 421 Biological Bases of Personality 421 Personality as a Predictor 422 Personality and Behavior 422 Personality and Disease 423 Related Research 424 The Biological Basis of Extraversion 424 The Biological Basis of Neuroticism 426 Critique of Eysenck’s Biologically Based Theory 428 Concept of Humanity 429 CHAPTER 15 Buss: Evolutionary Theory of Personality 430 Overview of Evolutionary Theory 431 Biography of David Buss 433 Principles of Evolutionary Psychology 435 Evolutionary Theory of Personality 435 The Nature and Nurture of Personality 437 Adaptive Problems and their Solutions (Mechanisms) 437 Evolved Mechanisms 439 Motivation and Emotion as Evolved Mechanisms 440 Personality Traits as Evolved Mechanisms 440 Origins of Individual Differences 442 Environmental Sources 443 Heritable/Genetic Sources 443 Nonadaptive Sources 444 Maladaptive Sources 444 Neo-Bussian Evolutionary Theories of Personality 444 Common Misunderstandings in Evolutionary Theory 446  Evolution Implies Genetic Determinism (Behavior as Set in Stone and Void of Influence From the Environment) 446 Executing Adaptations Requires Conscious Mechanisms 446 Mechanisms Are Optimally Designed 447 Related Research 447 Temperament and the Pre- and Post-Natal Environment 447 Genetics and Personality 449 Animal Personality 450 Critique of Evolutionary Theory of Personality 453 Concept of Humanity 454 PART VI Learning-Cognitive Theories 457 CHAPTER 16 Skinner: Behavioral Analysis 458 Overview of Behavioral Analysis 459 Biography of B. F. Skinner 460 Precursors to Skinner’s Scientific Behaviorism 463 Page xiii Scientific Behaviorism 464 Philosophy of Science 465 Characteristics of Science 465 Conditioning 466 Classical Conditioning 467 Operant Conditioning 468 Shaping 468 Reinforcement 470 Positive Reinforcement 470 Negative Reinforcement 470 Punishment 471 Effects of Punishment 471 Punishment and Reinforcement Compared 472 Conditioned and Generalized Reinforcers 472 Schedules of Reinforcement 473 Fixed-Ratio 473 Variable-Ratio 473 Fixed-Interval 474  Variable-Interval 474 Extinction 475 The Human Organism 475 Natural Selection 476 Cultural Evolution 476 Inner States 477 Self-Awareness 477 Drives 478 Emotions 478 Purpose and Intention 478 Complex Behavior 479 Higher Mental Processes 479 Creativity 479 Unconscious Behavior 480 Dreams 480 Social Behavior 481 Control of Human Behavior 481 Social Control 481 Self-Control 482 The Unhealthy Personality 483 Counteracting Strategies 483 Inappropriate Behaviors 484 Psychotherapy 484 Related Research 485 How Conditioning Affects Personality 485 How Personality Affects Conditioning 486 Mutual Influence Between Personality and Conditioning 487 Critique of Skinner 489 Concept of Humanity 490 CHAPTER 17 Bandura: Social Cognitive Theory 494 Overview of Social Cognitive Theory 495 Biography of Albert Bandura 496 Learning 497  Observational Learning 498 Modeling 498 Processes Governing Observational Learning 499 Attention 499 Representation 499 Behavioral Production 499 Motivation 500 Enactive Learning 500 Triadic Reciprocal Causation 501 An Example of Triadic Reciprocal Causation 502 Chance Encounters and Fortuitous Events 503 Human Agency 504 Core Features of Human Agency 504 Self-Efficacy 505 What Is Self-Efficacy? 505 What Contributes to Self-Efficacy? 507 Mastery Experiences 507 Social Modeling 507 Social Persuasion 508 Physical and Emotional States 508 Proxy Agency 509 Collective Efficacy 509 Self-Regulation 510 External Factors in Self-Regulation 511 Internal Factors in Self-Regulation 511 Self-Observation 511 Judgmental Process 512 Self-Reaction 513 Page xiv Self-Regulation Through Moral Agency 513 Redefine the Behavior 514 Disregard or Distort the Consequences of Behavior 515 Dehumanize or Blame the Victims 515 Displace or Diffuse Responsibility 516 Dysfunctional Behavior 516 Depression 516  Phobias 516 Aggression 517 Therapy 519 Related Research 520 Self-Efficacy and Diabetes 520 Moral Disengagement and Bullying 521 Social Cognitive Theory “Goes Global” 523 Critique of Bandura 523 Concept of Humanity 524 CHAPTER 18 Rotter and Mischel: Cognitive Social Learning Theory 528 Overview of Cognitive Social Learning Theory 529 Biography of Julian Rotter 530 Introduction to Rotter’s Social Learning Theory 531 Predicting Specific Behaviors 532 Behavior Potential 532 Expectancy 533 Reinforcement Value 533 Psychological Situation 534 Basic Prediction Formula 535 Predicting General Behaviors 536 Generalized Expectancies 536 Needs 536 Categories of Needs 537 Recognition-Status 537 Dominance 537 Independence 537 Protection-Dependency 538 Love and Affection 538 Physical Comfort 538 Need Components 538 Need Potential 538 Freedom of Movement 539  Need Value 539 General Prediction Formula 539 Internal and External Control of Reinforcement 541 Interpersonal Trust Scale 543 Maladaptive Behavior 544 Psychotherapy 545 Changing Goals 545 Eliminating Low Expectancies 546 Introduction to Mischel’s Personality Theory 548 Biography of Walter Mischel 548 Background of the Cognitive-Affective Personality System 550 Consistency Paradox 550 Person-Situation Interaction 551 Cognitive-Affective Personality System 552 Behavior Prediction 553 Situation Variables 553 Cognitive-Affective Units 555 Encoding Strategies 555 Competencies and Self-Regulatory Strategies 555 Expectancies and Beliefs 556 Goals and Values 557 Affective Responses 558 Related Research 559 Locus of Control and Holocaust Heroes 559 Person-Situation Interaction 560 Marshmallows and Self-Regulation Across the Lifespan 561 Critique of Cognitive Social Learning Theory 563 Concept of Humanity 564 CHAPTER 19 Kelly: Psychology of Personal Constructs 567 Overview of Personal Construct Theory 568 Page xv Biography of George Kelly 569 Kelly’s Philosophical Position 570  Person as Scientist 571 Scientist as Person 571 Constructive Alternativism 571 Personal Constructs 572 Basic Postulate 573 Supporting Corollaries 574 Similarities Among Events 574 Differences Among People 575 Relationships Among Constructs 575 Dichotomy of Constructs 576 Choice Between Dichotomies 577 Range of Convenience 577 Experience and Learning 578 Adaptation to Experience 578 Incompatible Constructs 579 Similarities Among People 579 Social Processes 580 Applications of Personal Construct Theory 581 Abnormal Development 581 Threat 582 Fear 582 Anxiety 582 Guilt 583 Psychotherapy 583 The Rep Test 584 Related Research 586 Gender as a Personal Construct 586 Applying Personal Construct Theory to Intra-Personal Questions of Identity 587 Understanding Internalized Prejudice Through Personal Construct Theory 588 Reducing the Threat to Feminist Identification 589 Personal Constructs and the Big Five 590 Critique of Kelly 591 Concept of Humanity 592 Glossary G-1 References R-1 Name Index N-1 Subject Index S-1 Preface Page xvi What makes people behave as they do? Are people ordinarily aware of what they are doing, or are their behaviors the result of hidden, unconscious motives? Are some people naturally good and others basically evil? Or do all people have potential to be either good or evil? Is human conduct largely a product of nature, or is it shaped mostly by environmental influences? Can people freely choose to mold their personality, or are their lives determined by forces beyond their control? Are people best described by their similarities, or is uniqueness the dominant characteristic of humans? What causes some people to develop disordered personalities whereas others seem to grow toward psychological health? These questions have been asked and debated by philosophers, scholars, and religious thinkers for several thousand years; but most of these discussions were based on personal opinions that were colored by political, economic, religious, and social considerations. Then, near the end of the 19th century, some progress was made in humanity’s ability to organize, explain, and predict its own actions. The emergence of psychology as the scientific study of human behavior marked the beginning of a more systematic approach to the study of human personality. Early personality theorists, such as Sigmund Freud, Alfred Adler, and Carl Jung, relied mostly on clinical observations to construct models of human behavior. Although their data were more systematic and reliable than those of earlier observers, these theorists continued to rely on their own individualized way of looking at things, and thus they arrived at different conceptions of the nature of humanity. Later personality theorists tended to use more empirical studies to learn about human behavior. These theorists developed tentative models, tested hypotheses, and then reformulated their models. In other words, they applied the tools of scientific inquiry and scientific theory to the area of human personality. Science, of course, is not divorced from speculation, imagination, and creativity, all of which are needed to formulate theories. Each of the personality theorists discussed in this book has evolved a theory based both on empirical observations and on imaginative speculation. Moreover, each theory is a reflection of the personality of its creator.  Thus, the different theories discussed in these pages are a reflection of the unique cultural background, family experiences, and professional training of their originators. The usefulness of each theory, however, is not evaluated on the personality of its author but on its ability to (1) generate research, (2) offer itself to falsification, (3) integrate existing empirical knowledge, and (4) suggest practical answers to everyday problems. Therefore, we evaluate each of the theories discussed in this book on the basis of these four criteria as well as on (5) its internal consistency and (6) its simplicity. In addition, some personality theories have fertilized other fields, such as sociology, education, psychotherapy, advertising, management, mythology, counseling, art, literature, and religion. The Ninth Edition The ninth edition of Theories of Personality continues to emphasize the strong and unique features of earlier editions, namely the overviews near the beginning of each chapter, a lively writing style, the thought-provoking concepts of humanity as seen by each theorist, and the structured evaluations of each theory. Annotated suggested readings are now available online with Connect®, McGraw-Hill Education’s integrated assignment and assessment platform. As were the previous editions, the ninth edition is based on original sources and the most recent formulation of each theory. Early concepts and models are included only if they retained their importance in the later theory or if they provided vital groundwork for understanding the final theory. For select chapters, we have developed a Web-enhanced feature titled Beyond Biography, which is available through Connect. Page xvii The ninth edition of Theories of Personality uses clear, concise, and comprehensible language as well as an informal writing style. The book is designed for undergraduate students and should be understood by those with a minimum background in psychology. However, we have tried not to oversimplify or violate the theorist’s original meaning. We have made ample comparisons between and among theorists where appropriate and have included many examples to illustrate how the different theories can be applied to ordinary day-to-day situations. A glossary at the end of the book contains definitions of technical terms. These same terms also appear in boldface within the text.  The present edition continues to provide comprehensive coverage of the most influential theorists of personality. It emphasizes normal personality, although we have also included brief discussions on abnormality, as well as methods of psychotherapy, when appropriate. Because each theory is an expression of its builder’s unique view of the world and of humanity, we include ample biographical information of each theorist so that readers will have an opportunity to become acquainted with both the theory and the theorist. What’s New? In the ninth edition, we have made changes that both add to and build upon previous editions. In order to provide a more integrative and broad overview of the book, we have added a new section in Chapter 1 that describes and summarizes the five major theoretical perspectives: psychodynamic, humanistic-existential, dispositional, biological- evolutionary, and learning (social)-cognitive. This overview provides a roadmap for the book but also helps students with the “big picture” of what theories of personality are and how they differ on fundamental assumptions. The psychodynamic theorists are Freud, Adler, Jung, Klein, Horney, Fromm, and Erikson. Humanistic-existential theorists include Maslow, Rogers, and May. Next, the dispositional theorists covered are Allport, and McCrae and Costa, followed by the biological-evolutionary theorists Eysenck and Buss. Finally, the last perspective is the learning (social)- cognitive theorists Skinner, Bandura, Rotter, Mischel, and Kelly. We arrange the five perspectives in this sequence for historical reasons, moving generally from the oldest to the newest to also provide students with a sense of change and progression in personality theory. As with each new edition, we have also up-dated the “Recent Research” sections of each of the theories. For example, one study examined whether the Buddhist concept of mindfulness is associated with self-actualization and found that the ability to be nonjudgmental and non-self-critical (components of mindfulness) predicted scores on self-actualization. Moreover, recent research has lent support to Eysenck’s theory that there are systematic differences in the limbic system (especially the amygdala) between people who are high compared to low in neuroticism. Finally, Bandura’s theory has stimulated research reporting that children who bully are most likely to engage in “moral disengagement”—that is, they minimize the consequences of their actions and do not consider what they are doing as harmful. The ninth edition of Theories of Personality is now available online with Connect, McGraw-Hill Education’s integrated assignment and assessment platform. Connect also offers SmartBook for the new edition, which is the first adaptive reading experience proven to improve grades and help students study more effectively. All of the title’s website and ancillary content is also available through Connect, including: A full Test Bank of multiple choice questions that test students on central concepts and ideas in each chapter. An Instructor’s Manual for each chapter with full chapter outlines, sample test questions, and discussion topics. A Study Guide which includes learning objectives and chapter summaries. In addition, it contains a variety of test items, including fill-in-the-blanks, true-false, multiple-choice, and short-answer questions. Page xviii Page xix  Acknowledgments Page xx Finally, we wish to acknowledge our gratitude to the many people who have contributed to the completion of this book. First of all, we are grateful for the valuable help given by those people who reviewed earlier editions of Theories of Personality. Their evaluations and suggestions helped greatly in the preparation of this new edition. These reviewers include the following: Robert J. Drummond, University of North Florida; Lena K. Ericksen, Western Washington University; Charles S. Johnson, William Rainey Harper College; Alan Lipman, George Washington University; John Phelan, Eric Rettinger, Elizabeth Rellinger, Evert Community College; Linda Sayers, Richard Stockton College of New Jersey; Mark E. Sibicky, Marietta College; Connie Veldink, Illinois College; Dennis Wanamaker; Kevin Simpson, Concordia University; Lisa Lockhart, Texas A&M University– Kingsville; Natalie Denburg, University of Iowa Hospitals and Clinics; Kristine Anthis, Southern Connecticut State University; Eros DeSouza, Illinois State University; Yozan D. Mosig, University of Nebraska– Kearney; Angie Fournier, Virginia Wesleyan College; Atara Mcnamara, Boise State University; Randi Smith, Metro State College of Denver; and Myra Spindel, Florida International University–Miami. Carrie Hall, Miami University of Ohio; Kenneth Walters, State University of New York at Oneonta; and Melissa Wright, Northwest Vista College. Thanks also to Colorado College students Jenny Wool and Emma Agnew for their help with the updated related research sections on the humanist theorists. In addition we are also grateful to the following reviewers whose feedback helped to shape the ninth edition: Jennifer Cosgrove, Concordia University–CA; Kylie G. Cole, University of Maine; David Devonis, Graceland University–Iowa; William Bradley Goeltz, Young Harris College–Georgia; Prof. John Hays, Southside Virginia Community College; Cameron John, Utah Valley University; Stephen P. Joy, Albertus Magnus College–Connecticut; William Price, North Country Community College– New York; Grace Srigley, North Carolina State University; William G. Vasquez, Palo Alto College–Texas; Christopher VerWys, Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute–New York.  We appreciate the strong support we have had from our publisher. We would like to express our special thanks to Jamie Laferrera, brand manager; Jasmine Staton, editorial coordinator; and the ansrsource developmental editing team led by Anne Sheroff and Reshmi Rajeesh. We are also indebted to Albert Bandura for his helpful comments on the chapter dealing with social cognitive theory. We also wish to thank these other personality theorists for taking time to discuss appropriate sections of earlier editions of this book: Albert Bandura, Hans J. Eysenck (deceased), Robert McCrae, Paul T. Costa, Jr., Carl R. Rogers (deceased), Julian B. Rotter (deceased), and B. F. Skinner (deceased). Finally, JJF and GJF thank Mary Jo Feist (deceased), Linda Brannon, and Erika Rosenberg, and T-AR thanks Annika and Mia Davis for their emotional support and other important contributions. As always, we welcome and appreciate comments from readers, which help us continue to improve Theories of Personality. Jess Feist Lake Charles, LA Gregory J. Feist Oakland, CA Tomi-Ann Roberts Colorado Springs, CO  Page 1 PA RT O N E Introduction Chapter 1 Introduction to Personality Theory 2 Page 2 CHAPTER 1 Introduction to Personality Theory © Purestock/SuperStock What Is Personality? What Is a Theory? Theory Defined Theory and Its Relatives Why Different Theories? Theorists’ Personalities and Their Theories of Personality What Makes a Theory Useful?  Dimensions for a Concept of Humanity Research in Personality Theory Key Terms and Concepts W hy do people behave as they do? Do people have some choice in shaping their own personality? What accounts for Page 3 similarities and differences among people? What makes people act in predictable ways? Why are they unpredictable? Do hidden, unconscious forces control people’s behavior? What causes mental disturbances? Is human behavior shaped more by heredity or by environment? For centuries, philosophers, theologians, and other thinkers have asked these questions as they pondered the nature of human nature—or even wondered whether humans have a basic nature. Until relatively recent times, great thinkers made little progress in finding satisfactory answers to these questions. More than 100 years ago, however, Sigmund Freud began to combine philosophical speculations with a primitive scientific method. As a neurologist trained in science, Freud began to listen to his patients to find out what hidden conflicts lay behind their assortment of symptoms. “Listening became, for Freud, more than an art; it became a method, a privileged road to knowledge that his patients mapped out for him” (Gay, 1988, p. 70). Freud, in fact, was the first to develop a truly modern theory of personality, based mostly on his clinical observations. He developed a “Grand Theory,” that is, one that attempted to explain all personality for all people. As we see throughout the course of this book, many other theorists from different points of view have developed alternative grand theories. The general trend over the course of the 20th century was to base theories more and more on scientific observations rather than on clinical ones. Both sources, however, are valid foundations for theories of personality. What Is Personality? Humans are not alone in their uniqueness of and variability between individual members of the species. Individuals within every living species exhibit differences or variability. Indeed, animals such as octopi, birds, pigs, horses, cats, and dogs have consistent individual differences in behavior, otherwise known as personality, within their species (Dingemanse, Both, Drent, Van Oers, & Van Noordwijk, 2002; Gosling & John, 1999; Weinstein, Capitanio, & Gosling, 2008). But the degree to which individual humans vary from one another, both physically and psychologically, is quite astonishing and somewhat unique among species. Some of us are quiet and introverted, others crave social contact and stimulation; some of us are calm and even-keeled, whereas others are high-strung and persistently anxious. In this book, we explore the explanations and ideas that various men and women have had concerning how these differences in human personality come about. Psychologists differ among themselves as to the meaning of personality. Most agree that the word “personality” originated from the Latin persona, which referred to a theatrical mask worn by Roman actors in Greek dramas. These ancient Roman actors wore a mask (persona) to project a role or false appearance. This surface view of personality, of course, is not an acceptable definition. When psychologists use the term “personality,” they are referring to something more than the role people play. Page 4 No two people, not even identical twins, have exactly the same personalities. © by golf9c9333/Getty Images  However, personality theorists have not agreed on a single definition of personality. Indeed, they evolved unique and vital theories because they lacked agreement as to the nature of humanity, and because each saw personality from an individual reference point. The personality theorists discussed in this book have had a variety of backgrounds. Some were born in Europe and lived their entire lives there; others were born in Europe, but migrated to other parts of the world, especially the United States; still others were born in North America and remained there. Many were influenced by early religious experiences; others were not. Most, but not all, have been trained in either psychiatry or psychology. Many have drawn on their experiences as psychotherapists; others have relied more on empirical research to gather data on human personality. Although they have all dealt in some way with what we call personality, each has approached this global concept from a different perspective. Some have tried to construct a comprehensive theory; others have been less ambitious and have dealt with only a few aspects of personality. Few personality theorists have formally defined personality, but all have had their own view of it. Although no single definition is acceptable to all personality theorists, we can say that personality is a pattern of relatively permanent traits and unique characteristics that give both consistency and individuality to a person’s behavior (Roberts & Mroczek, 2008). Traits contribute to individual differences in behavior, consistency of behavior over time, and stability of behavior across situations. Traits may be unique, common to some group, or shared by the entire species, but their pattern is different for each individual. Thus each person, though like others in some ways, has a unique personality. Characteristics are unique qualities of an individual that include such attributes as temperament, physique, and intelligence. Page 5 What Is a Theory? The word “theory” has the dubious distinction of being one of the most misused and misunderstood words in the English language. Some people contrast theory to truth or fact, but such an antithesis demonstrates a fundamental lack of understanding of all three terms. In science, theories are tools used to generate research and organize observations, but neither “truth” nor “fact” has a place in scientific terminology. Theory Defined A scientific theory is a set of related assumptions that allows scientists to use logical deductive reasoning to formulate testable hypotheses. This definition needs further explanation. First, a theory is a set of assumptions. A single assumption can never fill all the requirements of an adequate theory. A single assumption, for example, could not serve to integrate several observations, something a useful theory should do. Second, a theory is a set of related assumptions. Isolated assumptions can neither generate meaningful hypotheses nor possess internal consistency— two criteria of a useful theory. A third key word in the definition is assumptions. The components of a theory are not proven facts in the sense that their validity has been absolutely established. They are, however, accepted as if they were true. This is a practical step, taken so that scientists can conduct useful research, the results of which continue to build and reshape the original theory. Fourth, logical deductive reasoning is used by the researcher to formulate hypotheses. The tenets of a theory must be stated with sufficient precision and logical consistency to permit scientists to deduce clearly stated hypotheses. The hypotheses are not components of the theory, but flow from it. It is the job of an imaginative scientist to begin with the general theory and, through deductive reasoning, arrive at a particular hypothesis that can be tested. If the general theoretical propositions are illogical, they remain sterile and incapable of generating hypotheses. Moreover, if a researcher uses faulty logic in deducing hypotheses, the resulting research will be meaningless and will make no contribution to the ongoing process of theory construction. The final part of the definition includes the qualifier testable. Unless a hypothesis can be tested in some way, it is worthless. The hypothesis need not be tested immediately, but it must suggest the possibility that scientists in the future might develop the necessary means to test it. Theory and Its Relatives People sometimes confuse theory with philosophy, or speculation, or hypothesis, or taxonomy. Although theory is related to each of these concepts, it is not the same as any of them. Philosophy First, theory is related to philosophy, but it is a much narrower term. Philosophy means love of wisdom, and philosophers are people who pursue wisdom through thinking and reasoning. Philosophers are not scientists; they do not ordinarily conduct controlled studies in their Page 6 pursuit of wisdom. Philosophy encompasses several branches, one of which is epistemology, or the nature of knowledge. Theory relates most closely to this branch of philosophy, because it is a tool used by scientists in their pursuit of knowledge. Theories do not deal with “oughts” and “shoulds.” Therefore, a set of principles about how one should live one’s life cannot be a theory. Such principles involve values and are the proper concern of philosophy. Although theories are not free of values, they are built on scientific evidence that has been obtained in a relatively unbiased fashion. Thus, there are no theories on why society should help homeless people or on what constitutes great art. Philosophy deals with what ought to be or what should be; theory does not. Theory deals with broad sets of if-then statements, but the goodness or badness of the outcomes of these statements is beyond the realm of theory. For example, a theory might tell us that if children are brought up in isolation, completely separated from human contact, then they will not develop human language, exhibit parenting behavior, and so on. But this statement says nothing about the morality of such a method of child rearing. Speculation Second, theories rely on speculation, but they are much more than mere armchair speculation. They do not flow forth from the mind of a great thinker isolated from empirical observations. They are closely tied to empirically gathered data and to science. What is the relationship between theory and science? Science is the branch of study concerned with observation and classification of data and with the verification of general laws through the testing of hypotheses. Theories are useful tools employed by scientists to give meaning and organization to observations. In addition, theories provide fertile ground for producing testable hypotheses. Without some kind of theory to hold observations together and to point to directions of possible research, science would be greatly handicapped. Theories are not useless fantasies fabricated by impractical scholars fearful of soiling their hands in the machinery of scientific investigation. In fact, theories themselves are quite practical and are essential to the advancement of any science. Speculation and empirical observation are the two essential cornerstones of theory building, but speculation must not run rampantly in advance of controlled observation. Hypothesis Although theory is a narrower concept than philosophy, it is a broader term than hypothesis. A good theory is capable of generating many hypotheses. A hypothesis is an educated guess or prediction specific enough for its validity to be tested through the use of the scientific method. A theory is too general to lend itself to direct verification, but a single comprehensive theory is capable of generating thousands of hypotheses. Hypotheses, then, are more specific than the theories that give them birth. The offspring, however, should not be confused with the parent. Of course, a close relationship exists between a theory and a hypothesis. Using deductive reasoning (going from the general to Page 7 the specific), a scientific investigator can derive testable hypotheses from a useful theory and then test these hypotheses. The results of these tests— whether they support or contradict the hypotheses—feed back into the theory. Using inductive reasoning (going from the specific to the general), the investigator then alters the theory to reflect these results. As the theory grows and changes, other hypotheses can be drawn from it, and when tested they in turn reshape the theory. Taxonomy A taxonomy is a classification of things according to their natural relationships. Taxonomies are essential to the development of a science because without classification of data science could not grow. Mere classification, however, does not constitute a theory. However, taxonomies can evolve into theories when they begin to generate testable hypotheses and to explain research findings. For example, Robert McCrae and Paul Costa began their research by classifying people into five stable personality traits. Eventually, this research on the Big Five taxonomy led to more than a mere classification; it became a theory, capable of suggesting hypotheses and offering explanations for research results. Why Different Theories? If theories of personality are truly scientific, why do we have so many different ones? Alternate theories exist because the very nature of a theory allows the theorist to make speculations from a particular point of view. Theorists must be as objective as possible when gathering data, but their decisions as to what data are collected and how these data are interpreted are personal ones. Theories are not immutable laws; they are built, not on proven facts, but on assumptions that are subject to individual interpretation. All theories are a reflection of their authors’ personal backgrounds, childhood experiences, philosophy of life, interpersonal relationships, and unique manner of looking at the world. Because observations are colored by the individual observer’s frame of reference, it follows that there may be many diverse theories. Nevertheless, divergent theories can be useful. The usefulness of a theory does not depend on its commonsense value or on its agreement with other theories; rather, it depends on its ability to generate research and to explain research data and other observations. Perspectives in Theories of Personality One of the primary functions of scientific theory is to describe and explain how the world works. Psychologists attempt to explain how human thought, emotion, motivation, and behavior work. Yet human personality is so complex that many different perspectives have developed on how to best explain it. These perspectives make different assumptions and focus on different aspects of behavior. In psychology, there are at least five major theoretical perspectives on what personality is and how it develops. We have organized the book around these five perspectives, one for each section of the book (see Table 1.1). Table 1.1 Overview of Five Major Theoretical Perspectives in Personality Psychology Psychodynamic Theories Page 8 Beginning with Freud, psychoanalytic and then the more general psychodynamic approaches have focused on the importance of early childhood experience and on relationships with parents as guiding forces that shape personality development. Additionally, this view sees the unconscious mind and motives as much more powerful than the conscious awareness. Psychoanalysis traditionally used dream interpretation to uncover the unconscious thoughts, feelings, and impulses as a main form of treatment of neurosis and mental illness. After Freud, these theorists moved away from the importance of sexuality and more toward social and cultural forces. Humanistic-Existential Theories The primary assumption of the humanistic (currently known as “positive psychology”) approach is that people strive toward meaning, growth, well- being, happiness, and psychological health. States of positive emotion and happiness foster psychological health and pro-social behavior. Understanding these evolved positive aspects of human behavior provides just as much insight into human nature as does understanding the pathological aspects. Existential theorists assume that not only are we driven by a search for meaning, but also that negative experiences such as failure, awareness of death, death of a loved one, and anxiety, are part of the human condition and can foster psychological growth. Dispositional Theories Dispositional theorists argue that the unique and long-term tendencies to behave in particular ways are the essence of our personality. These unique dispositions, such as extraversion or anxiety, are called traits. The field has converged on the understanding that there are five main trait dimensions in human personality. Traits serve the function of making certain behaviors more likely in some people. Biological-Evolutionary Theories Behavior, thought, feelings, and personality are influenced by differences in basic genetic, epigenetic, and neurological systems between individuals. The reason some people have different traits, dispositions, and ways of thinking stems from differences in their genotype and central nervous system (brain structures and neurochemistry). Because they are based on evolved brain systems, human thought, behavior, and personality have been shaped by forces of evolution (natural and sexual selection) over millions of years. The body, brain, and environment co-exist and co-evolve, and so more than any other psychological perspective, this one emphasizes that what we think, feel, and do is always an interaction between nature (biological) and nurture (environment). Learning-(Social) Cognitive Theories If you want to understand behavior, then focus only on behavior, not on hypothetical and unobservable internal states such as thoughts, feelings, drives, or motives. All behaviors are learned through association and/or its consequences (whether it is reinforced or punished). To shape desired behavior we have to understand and then establish the conditions that bring about those particular behaviors. Page 9 The cognitive perspective argues that how we think about ourselves and other people, as well as the assumptions we make and the strategies we use for solving problems, are the keys to understanding differences between people. Whether we believe we can do something successfully or not influences our behavior as well as our personality. In short, what personality we have is shaped by how we think and perceive the world. Theorists’ Personalities and Their Theories of Personality Because personality theories grow from theorists’ own personalities, a study of those personalities is appropriate. In Page 10 recent years a subdiscipline of psychology called psychology of science has begun to look at personal traits of scientists. The psychology of science studies both science and the behavior of scientists; that is, it investigates the impact of an individual scientist’s psychological processes and personal characteristics on the development of her or his scientific theories and research (Feist, 1993, 1994, 2006; Feist & Gorman, 1998; Gholson, Shadish, Neimeyer, & Houts, 1989). In other words, the psychology of science examines how scientists’ personalities, cognitive processes, developmental histories, and social experience affect the kind of science they conduct and the theories they create. Indeed, a number of investigators (Hart, 1982; Johnson, Germer, Efran, & Overton, 1988; Simonton, 2000; Zachar & Leong, 1992) have demonstrated that personality differences influence one’s theoretical orientation as well as one’s inclination to lean toward the “hard” or “soft” side of a discipline. An understanding of theories of personality rests on information regarding the historical, social, and psychological worlds of each theorist at the time of his or her theorizing. Because we believe that personality theories reflect the theorist’s personality, we have included a substantial amount of biographical information on each major theorist. Indeed, personality differences among theorists account for fundamental disagreements between those who lean toward the quantitative side of psychology (behaviorists, social learning theorists, and trait theorists) and those inclined toward the clinical and qualitative side of psychology (psychoanalysts, humanists, and existentialists). Page 11 Although a theorist’s personality partially shapes his or her theory, it should not be the sole determinant of that theory. Likewise, your acceptance of one or another theory should not rest only on your personal values and predilections. When evaluating and choosing a theory, you should acknowledge the impact of the theorist’s personal history on the theory, but you should ultimately evaluate it on the basis of scientific criteria that are independent of that personal history. Some observers (Feist, 2006; Feist & Gorman, 1998) have distinguished between science as process and science as product. The scientific process may be influenced by the personal characteristics of the scientist, but the ultimate usefulness of the scientific product is and must be evaluated independently of the process. Thus, your evaluation of each of the theories presented in this book should rest more on objective criteria than on your subjective likes and dislikes. What Makes a Theory Useful? A useful theory has a mutual and dynamic interaction with research data. First, a theory generates a number of hypotheses that can be investigated through research, thus yielding research data. These data flow back into the theory and restructure it. From this newly contoured theory, scientists can extract other hypotheses, leading to more research and additional data, which in turn reshape and enlarge the theory even more. This cyclic relationship continues for as long as the theory proves useful. Second, a useful theory organizes research data into a meaningful structure and provides an explanation for the results of scientific research. This relationship between theory and research data is shown in Figure 1.1. When a theory is no longer able to generate additional research or to explain related research data, it loses its usefulness and is set Page 12 aside in favor of a more useful one. FIGURE 1.1 The Interaction among Theory, Hypotheses, Research, and Research Data.  In addition to sparking research and explaining research data, a useful theory must lend itself to confirmation or disconfirmation, provide the practitioner with a guide to action, be consistent with itself, and be as simple as possible. Therefore, we have evaluated each of the theories presented in this book on the basis of six criteria: A useful theory (1) generates research, (2) is falsifiable, (3) organizes data, (4) guides action, (5) is internally consistent, and (6) is parsimonious. Generates Research The most important criterion of a useful theory is its ability to stimulate and guide further research. Without an adequate theory to point the way, many of science’s present empirical findings would have remained undiscovered. In astronomy, for example, the planet Neptune was discovered because the theory of motion generated the hypothesis that the irregularity in the path of Uranus must be caused by the presence of another planet. Useful theory provided astronomers with a road map that guided their search for and discovery of the new planet. A useful theory will generate two different kinds of research: descriptive research and hypothesis testing. Descriptive research, which can expand an existing theory, is concerned with the measurement, labeling, and categorization of the units employed in theory building. Descriptive research has a symbiotic relationship with theory. On one hand, it provides the building blocks for the theory, and on the other, it receives its impetus from the dynamic, expanding theory. The more useful the theory, the more research generated by it; the greater the amount of descriptive research, the more complete the theory. The second kind of research generated by a useful theory, hypothesis testing, leads to an indirect verification of the usefulness of the theory. As we have noted, a useful theory will generate many hypotheses that, when tested, add to a database that may reshape and enlarge the theory. (Refer again to Figure 1.1.) Is Falsifiable A theory must also be evaluated on its ability to be confirmed or disconfirmed; that is, it must be falsifiable. To be falsifiable, a theory must be precise enough to suggest research that may either support or fail to support its major tenets. If a theory is so vague and nebulous that both positive and negative research results can be interpreted as support, then that theory is not falsifiable and ceases to be useful. Falsifiability, however, is not the same as false; it simply means that negative research results will refute the theory and force the theorist to either discard it or modify it. A falsifiable theory is accountable to experimental results. Figure 1.1 depicts a circular and mutually reinforcing connection between theory and research; each forms a basis for the other. Science is distinguished from nonscience by its ability to reject ideas that are not supported empirically even though they seem logical and rational. For example, Aristotle used logic to argue that lighter bodies fall at slower rates than heavier bodies. Although his argument may have agreed with “common sense,” it had one problem: It was empirically wrong. Theories that rely heavily on unobservable transformations in the unconscious are exceedingly difficult to either verify or Page 13 falsify. For example, Freud’s theory suggests that many of our emotions and behaviors are motivated by unconscious tendencies that are directly opposite the ones we express. For instance, unconscious hate might be expressed as conscious love, or unconscious fear of one’s own homosexual feelings might take the form of exaggerated hostility toward homosexual individuals. Because Freud’s theory allows for such transformations within the unconscious, it is nearly impossible to either verify or falsify. A theory that can explain everything explains nothing. Organizes Data A useful theory should also be able to organize those research data that are not incompatible with each other. Without some organization or classification, research findings would remain isolated and meaningless. Unless data are organized into some intelligible framework, scientists are left with no clear direction to follow in the pursuit of further knowledge. They cannot ask intelligent questions without a theoretical framework that organizes their information. Without intelligent questions, further research is severely curtailed.  A useful theory of personality must be capable of integrating what is currently known about human behavior and personality development. It must be able to shape as many bits of information as possible into a meaningful arrangement. If a personality theory does not offer a reasonable explanation of at least some kinds of behavior, it ceases to be useful. Guides Action A fourth criterion of a useful theory is its ability to guide the practitioner over the rough course of day-to-day problems. For example, parents, teachers, business managers, and psychotherapists are confronted continually with an avalanche of questions for which they try to find workable answers. Good theory provides a structure for finding many of those answers. Without a useful theory, practitioners would stumble in the darkness of trial and error techniques; with a sound theoretical orientation, they can discern a suitable course of action. For the Freudian psychoanalyst and the Rogerian counselor, answers to the same question would be very different. To the question “How can I best treat this patient?” the psychoanalytic therapist might answer along these lines: If psychoneuroses are caused by childhood sexual conflicts that have become unconscious, then I can help this patient best by delving into these repressions and allowing the patient to relive the experiences in the absence of conflict. To the same question, the Rogerian therapist might answer: If, in order to grow psychologically, people need empathy, unconditional positive regard, and a relationship with a congruent therapist, then I can best help this client by providing an accepting, nonthreatening atmosphere. Notice that both therapists constructed their answers in an if-then framework, even though the two answers call for very different courses of action. Also included in this criterion is the extent to which the theory stimulates thought and action in other disciplines, such as art, literature (including movies and television dramas), law, sociology, philosophy, religion, education, business administration, and psychotherapy. Most of the theories discussed in this book have had some influence in areas beyond psychology. For example, Freud’s theory has prompted research Page 14 on recovered memories, a topic very important to the legal profession. Also, Carl Jung’s theory is of great interest to many theologians and has captured the imagination of popular writers such as Joseph Campbell and others. Similarly, the ideas of Alfred Adler, Erik Erikson, B. F. Skinner, Abraham Maslow, Carl Rogers, Rollo May, and other personality theorists have sparked interest and action in a broad range of scholarly fields. Is Internally Consistent A useful theory need not be consistent with other theories, but it must be consistent with itself. An internally consistent theory is one whose components are logically compatible. Its limitations of scope are carefully defined and it does not offer explanations that lie beyond that scope. Also, an internally consistent theory uses language in a consistent manner; that is, it does not use the same term to mean two different things, nor does it use two separate terms to refer to the same concept. A good theory will use concepts and terms that have been clearly and operationally defined. An operational definition is one that defines units in terms of observable events or behaviors that can be measured. For example, an extravert can be operationally defined as any person who attains a predetermined score on a particular personality inventory. Is Parsimonious When two theories are equal in their ability to generate research, be falsified, give meaning to data, guide the practitioner, and be self- consistent, the simpler one is preferred. This is the law of parsimony. In fact, of course, two theories are never exactly equal in these other abilities, but in general, simple, straightforward theories are more useful than ones that bog down under the weight of complicated concepts and esoteric language. Dimensions for a Concept of Humanity Personality theories differ on basic issues concerning the nature of humanity. Each personality theory reflects its author’s assumptions about humanity. These assumptions rest on several broad dimensions that separate the various personality theorists. We use six of these dimensions as a framework for viewing each theorist’s concept of humanity. The first dimension is determinism versus free choice. Are people’s behaviors determined by forces over which they have no control, or can people choose to be what they wish to be? Can behavior be partially free and partially determined at the same time? Although the dimension of determinism versus free will is more philosophical than scientific, the position Page 15 theorists take on this issue shapes their way of looking at people and colors their concept of humanity. A second issue is one of pessimism versus optimism. Are people doomed to live miserable, conflicted, and troubled lives, or can they change and grow into psychologically healthy, happy, fully functioning human beings? In general, personality theorists who believe in determinism tend to be pessimistic (Skinner was a notable exception), whereas those who believe in free choice are usually optimistic. A third dimension for viewing a theorist’s concept of humanity is causality versus teleology. Briefly, causality holds that behavior is a function of past experiences, whereas teleology is an explanation of behavior in terms of future goals or purposes. Do people act as they do because of what has happened to them in the past, or do they act as they do because they have certain expectations of what will happen in the future? A fourth consideration that divides personality theorists is their attitude toward conscious versus unconscious determinants of behavior. Are people ordinarily aware of what they are doing and why they are doing it, or do unconscious forces impinge on them and drive them to act without awareness of these underlying forces? The fifth question is one of biological versus social influences on personality. Are people mostly creatures of biology, or are their  personalities shaped largely by their social relationships? A more specific element of this issue is heredity versus environment; that is, are personal characteristics more the result of heredity, or are they environmentally determined? A sixth issue is uniqueness versus similarities. Is the salient feature of people their individuality, or is it their common characteristics? Should the study of personality concentrate on those traits that make people alike, or should it look at those traits that make people different? These and other basic issues that separate personality theorists have resulted in truly different personality theories, not merely differences in terminology. We could not erase the differences among personality theories by adopting a common language. The differences are philosophical and deep-seated. Each personality theory reflects the individual personality of its creator, and each creator has a unique philosophical orientation, shaped in part by early childhood experiences, birth order, gender, training, education, and pattern of interpersonal relationships. These differences help determine whether a theorist will be deterministic or a believer in free choice, will be pessimistic or optimistic, will adopt a causal explanation or a teleological one. They also help determine whether the theorist emphasizes consciousness or unconsciousness, biological or social factors, uniqueness or similarities of people. These differences do not, however, negate the possibility that two theorists with opposing views of humanity can be equally scientific in their data gathering and theory building. In building a theory of personality, psychologists should begin on a limited scale and avoid sweeping generalizations that attempt Page 16 to explain all of human behavior. That course of action was followed by most of the theorists discussed in this book. For example, Freud began with a theory based largely on hysterical neuroses and, over a period of years, gradually expanded it to include more and more of the total personality. Research in Personality Theory As we pointed out earlier, the primary criterion for a useful theory is its ability to generate research. We also noted that theories and research data have a cyclic relationship: Theory gives meaning to data, and data result from experimental research designed to test hypotheses generated by the theory. Not all data, however, flow from experimental research. Much of it comes from observations that each of us make every day. To observe simply means to notice something, to pay attention. You have been observing human personalities for nearly as long as you have been alive. You notice that some people are talkative and outgoing; others are quiet and reserved. You may have even labeled such people as extraverts and introverts. Are these labels accurate? Is one extraverted person like another? Does an extravert always act in a talkative, outgoing manner? Can all people be classified as either introverts or extraverts? In making observations and asking questions, you are doing some of the same things psychologists do, that is, observing human behaviors and trying to make sense of these observations. However, psychologists, like other scientists, try to be systematic so that their predictions will be consistent and accurate. To improve their ability to predict, personality psychologists have developed a number of assessment techniques, including personality inventories. Much of the research reported in the remaining chapters of this book has relied on various assessment procedures, which purport to measure different dimensions of personality. For these instruments to be useful they must be both reliable and valid. The reliability of a measuring instrument is the extent to which it yields consistent results. Personality inventories may be reliable and yet lack validity or accuracy. Validity is the degree to which an instrument measures what it is supposed to measure. Personality psychologists are primarily concerned with two types of validity—construct validity and predictive validity. Construct validity is the extent to which an instrument measures some hypothetical construct. Constructs such as extraversion, aggressiveness, intelligence, and emotional stability have no physical existence; they are hypothetical constructs that should relate to observable behavior. Three important types of construct validity are convergent validity, divergent validity, and discriminant validity. A measuring instrument has convergent construct validity to the extent that scores on that instrument correlate highly (converge) with scores on a variety of valid measures of that same construct. For example, a personality inventory that attempts to measure extraversion should correlate with other measures of Page 17 extraversion or other factors such as sociability and assertiveness that are known to cluster together with extraversion. An inventory has divergent construct validity if it has low or insignificant correlations with other inventories that do not measure that construct. For example, an inventory purporting to measure extraversion should not be highly correlated with social desirability, emotional stability, honesty, or self-esteem. Finally, an inventory has discriminant validity if it discriminates between two groups of people known to be different. For example, a personality inventory measuring extraversion should yield higher scores for people known to be extraverted than for people known to be introverted. A second dimension of validity is predictive validity, or the extent that a test predicts some future behavior. For example, a test of extraversion has predictive validity if it correlates with future behaviors, such as smoking cigarettes, performing well on scholastic achievement tests, taking risks, or any other independent criterion. The ultimate value of any measuring instrument is the degree to which it can predict some future behavior or condition. Most of the early personality theorists did not use standardized assessment inventories. Although Freud, Adler, and Jung all developed some form of projective tool, none of them used the technique with sufficient precision to establish its reliability and validity. However, the theories of Freud, Adler, and Jung have spawned a number of standardized personality inventories as researchers and clinicians have sought to measure units of personality proposed by those theorists. Later personality theorists, especially Julian Rotter, Hans Eysenck, and the Five-Factor Theorists have developed and used a number of personality measures and have relied heavily on them in constructing their theoretical models. Key Terms and Concepts The term “personality” comes from the Latin persona, or the mask that people present to the outside world, but psychologists see personality as much more than outward appearances. Personality includes all those relatively permanent traits or characteristics that render some consistency to a person’s behavior. A theory is a set of related assumptions that allows scientists to formulate testable hypotheses. Theory should not be confused with philosophy, speculation, hypothesis, or taxonomy, although it is related to each of these terms. Personality theories cover at least five distinct perspectives:psychodynamic, humanistic-positive, dispositional, biological-evolutionary, and learning/social-cognitive Six criteria determine the usefulness of a scientific theory: (1) Does the theory generate research? (2) Is it falsifiable? Page 18 (3) Does it organize and explain knowledge? (4) Does it suggest practical solutions to everyday problems? (5) Is it internally consistent? and (6) Is it simple or parsimonious? Each personality theorist has had either an implicit or explicit concept of humanity. Concepts of human nature can be discussed from six perspectives: (1) determinism versus free choice, (2) pessimism versus optimism, (3) causality versus teleology, (4) conscious versus unconscious determinants, (5) biological versus social factors, and (6) uniqueness versus similarities in people.  Page 19 PA RT T W O Psychodynamic Theories Chapter 2 Freud Psychoanalysis 20 Chapter 3 Adler Individual Psychology 70 Chapter 4 Jung Analytical Psychology 104 Chapter 5 Klein Object Relations Theory 142 Chapter 6 Horney Psychoanalytic Social Theory 170 Chapter 7 Erikson Post-Freudian Theory 196 Chapter 8 Fromm Humanistic Psychoanalysis 227 Page 20 CHAPTER 2 Freud: Psychoanalysis Freud © Ingram Publishing Overview of Psychoanalytic Theory Biography of Sigmund Freud Levels of Mental Life Unconscious Preconscious Conscious Provinces of the Mind The Id The Ego The Superego Dynamics of Personality Drives Sex Aggression Anxiety Defense Mechanisms Repression Reaction Formation Displacement Fixation Regression Projection Introjection Sublimation Stages of Development Infantile Period Oral Phase Anal Phase Phallic Phase Male Oedipus Complex Female Oedipus Complex Latency Period Genital Period Maturity Applications of Psychoanalytic Theory Freud’s Early Therapeutic Technique Freud’s Later Therapeutic Technique Dream Analysis Freudian Slips Related Research Unconscious Mental Processing Pleasure and the Id, Inhibition and the Ego Repression, Inhibition, and Defense Mechanisms Research on Dreams Critique of Freud  Did Freud Understand Women, Gender, and Sexuality? Was Freud a Scientist? Concept of Humanity Key Terms and Concepts F rom ancient history to the present time, people have searched for some magic panacea or potion to lessen pain or to Page 21 enhance performance. One such search was conducted by a young, ambitious physician who came to believe that he had discovered a drug that had all sorts of wonderful properties. Hearing that the drug had been used successfully to energize soldiers suffering from near exhaustion, this physician decided to try it on patients, colleagues, and friends. If the drug worked as well as he expected, he might gain the fame to which he aspired. After learning of the drug’s successful use in heart disease, nervous exhaustion, addiction to alcohol and morphine, and several other psychological and physiological problems, the doctor decided to try the drug on himself. He was quite pleased with the results. To him, the drug had a pleasant aroma and an unusual effect on the lips and mouth. More importantly, however, was the drug’s therapeutic effect on his serious depression. In a letter to his fiancée, whom he had not seen in a year, he reported that during his last severe depression, he had taken small quantities of the drug with marvelous results. He wrote that the next time he saw her he would be like a wild man, feeling the effects of the drug. He also told his fiancée that he would give her small amounts of the drug, ostensibly to make her strong and to help her gain weight. The young doctor wrote a pamphlet extolling the benefits of the drug, but he had not yet completed the necessary experiments on the drug’s value as an analgesic. Impatient to be near his fiancée, he delayed completion of his experiments and went off to see her. During that visit, a colleague—and not he—completed the experiments, published the results, and gained the recognition the young doctor had hoped for himself. These events took place in 1884; the drug was cocaine; the young doctor was Sigmund Freud. Overview of Psychoanalytic Theory Freud, of course, was fortunate that his name did not become indelibly tied to cocaine. Instead, his name has become associated with psychoanalysis, the most famous of all personality theories. What makes Freud’s theory so interesting? First, the twin cornerstones of psychoanalysis, sex and aggression, are two subjects of continuing popularity. Second, the theory was spread beyond its Viennese origins by an ardent and dedicated group of followers, many of whom romanticized Freud as a nearly mythological and lonely hero. Third, Freud’s brilliant command of language enabled him to present his theories in a stimulating and exciting manner. Freud’s understanding of human personality was based on his experiences with patients, his analysis of his own dreams, and his vast readings in the various sciences and humanities. These experiences provided the basic data for the evolution of his theories. To him, theory followed observation, and his concept of personality underwent constant revisions during the last 50 years of his life. Evolutionary though it was, Freud insisted that psychoanalysis could not be subjected to eclecticism, and disciples who deviated from his basic ideas soon found themselves personally and professionally ostracized by Freud. Although Freud regarded himself primarily as a scientist, his definition of science would be somewhat different from that held Page 22 by most psychologists today. Freud relied more on deductive reasoning than on rigorous research methods, and he made observations subjectively and on a relatively small sample of patients, most of whom were from the upper-middle and upper classes. He did not quantify his data, nor did he make observations under controlled conditions. He utilized the case study approach almost exclusively, typically formulating hypotheses after the facts of the case were known. Biography of Sigmund Freud Sigismund (Sigmund) Freud was born either on March 6 or May 6, 1856, in Freiberg, Moravia, which is now part of the Czech Republic. (Scholars disagree on his birth date—the first date was but 8 months after the marriage of his parents.) Freud was the firstborn child of Jacob and Amalie Nathanson Freud, although his father had two grown sons, Emanuel and Philipp, from a previous marriage. Jacob and Amalie Freud had seven other children within 10 years, but Sigmund remained the favorite of his young, indulgent mother, which may have partially contributed to his lifelong self- confidence (E. Jones, 1953). A scholarly, serious-minded youth, Freud did not have a close friendship with any of his younger siblings. He did, however, enjoy a warm, indulgent relationship with his mother, leading him in later years to observe that the mother/son relationship was the most perfect, the most free from ambivalence of all human relationships (Freud, 1933/1964). When Sigmund was three, the two Freud families left Freiberg. Emanuel’s family and Philipp moved to England, and the Jacob Freud family moved first to Leipzig and then to Vienna. The Austrian capital remained Sigmund Freud’s home for nearly 80 years, until 1938 when the Nazi invasion forced him to emigrate to London, where he died on September 23, 1939. When Freud was about a year and a half old, his mother gave birth to a second son, Julius, an event that was to have a significant impact on Freud’s psychic development. Sigmund was filled with hostility toward his younger brother and harbored an unconscious wish for his death. When Julius died at 6 months of age, Sigmund was left with feelings of guilt at having caused his brother’s death. When Freud reached middle age, he began to understand that his wish did not actually cause his brother’s death and that children often have a death wish for a younger sibling. This discovery purged Freud of the guilt he had carried into adulthood and, by his own analysis, contributed to his later psychic development (Freud, 1900/1953). Freud was drawn into medicine, not because he loved medical practice, but because he was intensely curious about human nature (Ellenberger, 1970). He entered the University of Vienna Medical School with no intention of practicing medicine. Instead, he preferred teaching and doing research in physiology, which he continued even after he graduated from the university’s Physiological Institute. Freud might have continued this work indefinitely had it not been for two factors. First, he believed (probably with some justification) that, as a Jew, his opportunities for academic advancement would be limited. Second, his father, who helped finance his medical school expense, became less able to provide monetary aid. Reluctantly, Freud turned from his laboratory to the practice of medicine. He worked for 3 years in the General Page 23 Hospital of Vienna, becoming familiar with the practice of various branches of medicine, including psychiatry and nervous diseases (Freud, 1925/1959). In 1885, he received a traveling grant from the University of Vienna and decided to study in Paris with the famous French neurologist Jean-Martin Charcot. He spent 4 months with Charcot, from whom he learned the hypnotic technique for treating hysteria, a disorder typically characterized by paralysis or the improper functioning of certain parts of the body. Through hypnosis, Freud became convinced of a psychogenic and sexual origin of hysterical symptoms. While still a medical student, Freud developed a close professional association and a personal friendship with Josef Breuer, a well-known Viennese physician 14 years older than Freud and a man of considerable scientific reputation (Ferris, 1997). Breuer taught Freud about catharsis, the process of removing hysterical symptoms through “talking them out.” While using catharsis, Freud gradually and laboriously discovered the free association technique, which soon replaced hypnosis as his principal therapeutic technique. From as early as adolescence, Freud literally dreamed of making a monumental discovery and achieving fame (Newton, 1995). On several occasions during the 1880s and 1890s he believed he was on the verge of such a discovery. His first opportunity to gain recognition came in 1884– 1885 and involved his experiments with cocaine, which we discussed in the opening vignette. Freud’s second opportunity for achieving some measure of fame came in 1886 after he returned from Paris, where he had learned about male hysteria from Charcot. He assumed that this knowledge would gain him respect and recognition from the Imperial Society of Physicians of Vienna, whom he mistakenly believed would be impressed by the young Dr. Freud’s knowledge of male hysteria. Early physicians had believed that Page 24 hysteria was strictly a female disorder because the very word had the same origins as uterus and was the result of a “wandering womb,” with the uterus traveling throughout women’s bodies and causing various parts to malfunction. However, by 1886, when Freud presented a paper on male hysteria to the Society, most physicians present were already familiar with the illness and knew that it could also be a male disorder. Because originality was expected and because Freud’s paper was a rehash of what was already known, the Viennese physicians did not respond well to the presentation. Also, Freud’s constant praise of Charcot, a Frenchman, cooled the Viennese physicians to his talk. Unfortunately, in his autobiographical study, Freud (1925/1959) told a very different story, claiming that his lecture was not well received because members of the learned society could not fathom the concept of male hysteria. Freud’s account of this incident, now known to be in error, was nevertheless perpetuated for years, and as Sulloway (1992) argued, it is but one of many fictions created by Freud and his followers to mythologize psychoanalysis and to make a lonely hero of its founder. Sigmund Freud with his daughter, Anna, who was a psychoanalyst in her own right. © Mary Evans Picture Library/Alamy Stock Photo Disappointed in his attempts to gain fame and afflicted with feelings (both justified and otherwise) of professional opposition due to his defense of cocaine and his belief in the sexual origins of neuroses, Freud felt the need to join with a more respected colleague. He turned to Breuer, with whom he had worked while still a medical student and with whom he enjoyed a continuing personal and professional relationship. Breuer had discussed in detail with Freud the case of Anna O, a young woman Freud had never met, but whom Breuer had spent many hours treating for hysteria several years earlier. Because of his rebuff by the Imperial Society of Physicians and his desire to establish a reputation for himself, Freud urged Breuer to collaborate with him in publishing an account of Anna O and several other cases of hysteria. Breuer, however, was not as eager as the younger and more revolutionary Freud to publish a full treatise on hysteria built on only a few case studies. He also could not accept Freud’s notion that childhood sexual experiences were the source of adult hysteria. Finally, and with some reluctance, Breuer agreed to publish with Freud Studies on Hysteria (Breuer & Freud, 1895/1955). In this book, Freud introduced the term “psychical analysis,” and during the following year, he began calling his approach “psycho-analysis.” At about the time Studies on Hysteria was published, Freud and Breuer had a professional disagreement and became estranged personally. Freud then turned to his friend Wilhelm Fliess, a Berlin physician who served as a sounding board for Freud’s newly developing ideas. Freud’s letters to Fliess (Freud, 1985) constitute a firsthand account of the beginnings of psychoanalysis and reveal the embryonic stage of Freudian theory. Freud and Fliess had become friends in 1887, but their relationship became more intimate following Freud’s break with Breuer. During the late 1890s, Freud suffered both professional isolation and personal crises. He had begun to analyze his own dreams, and after the death of his father in 1896, he initiated the practice of analyzing himself daily. Although his self-analysis was a lifetime labor, it was especially difficult for him during the late 1890s. During this period, Freud regarded himself as his own best patient. In August of 1897, he wrote to Fliess, “the chief patient I am preoccupied with is myself.... The analysis is more difficult than any other. It is, in fact what paralyzes my Page 25 psychic strength” (Freud, 1985, p. 261). A second personal crisis was his realization that he was now middle-aged and had yet to achieve the fame he so passionately desired. During this time he had suffered yet another disappointment in his attempt to make a major scientific contribution. Again he believed himself to be on the brink of an important breakthrough with his “discovery” that neuroses have their etiology in a child’s seduction by a parent. Freud likened this finding to the discovery of the source of the Nile. However, in 1897 he abandoned the seduction theory and once again had to postpone the discovery that would propel him to greatness. Why did Freud abandon his once-treasured seduction theory? In a letter dated September 21, 1897, to Wilhelm Fliess, he gave four reasons why he could no longer believe in his seduction theory. First, he said, the seduction theory had not enabled him to successfully treat even a single patient. Second, a great number of fathers, including his own, would have to be accused of sexual perversion because hysteria was quite common even among Freud’s siblings. Third, Freud believed that the unconscious mind could probably not distinguish reality from fiction, a belief that later evolved into the Oedipus complex. And fourth, he found that the unconscious memories of advanced psychotic patients almost never revealed early childhood sexual experiences (Freud, 1985). After abandoning his seduction theory and with no Oedipus complex to replace it, Freud sank even more deeply into his midlife crisis. Freud’s official biographer, Ernest Jones (1953, 1955, 1957), believed that Freud suffered from a severe psychoneurosis during the late 1890s, although Max Schur (1972), Freud’s personal physician during the final decade of his life, contended that his illness was due to a cardiac lesion, aggravated by addiction to nicotine. Peter Gay (1988) suggested that during the time immediately after his father’s death, Freud “relived his oedipal conflicts with peculiar ferocity” (p. 141). But Henri Ellenberger (1970) described this period in Freud’s life as a time of “creative illness,” a condition characterized by depression, neurosis, psychosomatic ailments, and an intense preoccupation with some form of creative activity. In any event, at midlife, Freud was suffering from self-doubts, depression, and an obsession with his own death. Despite these difficulties, Freud completed his greatest work, Interpretation of Dreams (1900/1953), during this period. This book, finished in 1899, was an outgrowth of his self-analysis, much of which he had revealed to his friend Wilhelm Fliess. The book contained many of Freud’s own dreams, some disguised behind fictitious names. Almost immediately after the publication of Interpretation of Dreams, his friendship with Fliess began to cool, eventually to rupture in 1903. This breakup paralleled Freud’s earlier estrangement from Breuer, which took place almost immediately after they had published Studies on Hysteria together. It was also a harbinger of his breaks with Alfred Adler, Carl Jung, and several other close associates. Why did Freud have difficulties with so many former friends? Freud himself answered this question, stating that “it is not the scientific diffe