Sixth Report on Men Who Use Violence (2020) PDF

Sixth report | Te Pūrongo tuaono Men who use violence | Ngā tāne ka whakamahi i te whakarekereke Mā te rongo, ka mōhio Mā te mōhio, ka mārama Mā te mārama, ka mātau...

Sixth report | Te Pūrongo tuaono Men who use violence | Ngā tāne ka whakamahi i te whakarekereke Mā te rongo, ka mōhio Mā te mōhio, ka mārama Mā te mārama, ka mātau Mā te mātau, ka ora  Being a strong man includes being kind. There’s nothing weak about kindness and compassion, there’s nothing weak about looking out for others. You’re not a sucker to have integrity and to treat others with respect. BARACK OBAMA Citation: Family Violence Death Review Committee. 2020. Sixth report | Te Pūrongo tuaono: Men who use violence | Ngā tāne ka whakamahi i te whakarekereke Wellington: Health Quality & Safety Commission. Published in April 2020 by the Health Quality & Safety Commission, PO Box 25496, Wellington 6146, New Zealand ISBN 978-1-98-859922-9 (Print) ISBN 978-1-98-859924-3 (Online) This document is available on the Health Quality & Safety Commission’s website: www.hqsc.govt.nz For information on this report, please contact [email protected] Acknowledgements | He mihi The Family Violence Death Review Committee (the Committee) gratefully acknowledges the people who have helped in writing this report and supported our ongoing work. These people include: Aviva’s ReachOut service, which has proven instrumental in the development of the Integrated Safety Response pilots and contributed to the thinking of the Committee in understanding men’s capacity to change Sheree Davis and Professor Devon Polaschek for their comprehensive review of an earlier version of this report Dr Sripriya Somasekhar, who has done her doctorate in Indian migrant communities and family violence in Aotearoa New Zealand Ngā Pou Arawhenua Dr Irene de Haan, chair of the Committee’s review panels all of the Committee’s regional panel members, and particularly the participating agency members for their time, commitment and work in gathering and preparing agency records for the death reviews the advisors to the Committee, particularly Sheryl Hann at the Joint Venture for Family and Sexual Violence, and representatives from community agencies Rachel Smith for advice and guidance in the early stages of report writing the secretariat based at the Health Quality & Safety Commission: Pauline Gulliver, senior specialist, Family Violence Death Review Committee Ethan Tucker, senior policy analyst, mortality review Melissa Cragg Kere Pomare, manager, mortality review committees. TE KOMITI AROTAKE MATE WHAKAREKEREKE WHĀNAU | TE PŪRONGO TUAONO: NGĀ TĀNE KA WHAKAMAHI I TE WHAKAREKEREKE 1  Support available | Hei tautoko If you are in immediate danger, please call 111 He waka tapu – support line for men who use violence: 0800 HEY BRO Women’s Refuge National Helpline – Crisisline: 0800 REFUGE/0800 733 843 shine* Domestic Abuse Helpline: 0508 744 633 Shakti 24-hour crisis line with multilingual staff: 0800 SHAKTI/0800 742 584 Woried about a child? Call: 0508 FAMILY or 0508 326 459 (Oranga Tamariki—Ministry for Children) Rape Crisis: National call line: 0800 88 33 00 Safe to talk – Kōrero mai, ka ora 24/7 sexual harm helpline: 0800 044 334 or text 4334 Elder Abuse Response Service National Helpline: 0800 EA NOT OK/0800 32 668 65 Family Violence Information Line: 0800 456 450 (available 9am–11pm daily) More information on helping services can be found on the New Zealand Family Violence Clearinghouse website: https://nzfvc.org.nz/links#help 2 FAMILY VIOLENCE DEATH REVIEW COMMITTEE | SIXTH REPORT: MEN WHO USE VIOLENCE Family Violence Death Review Committee members Te Komiti Arotake Mate Whakarekereke Whānau Prof Jane Koziol-McLain (chair), director, Centre for Interdisciplinary Trauma Research Auckland University of Technology Dr Jackie Short (deputy chair), clinical director forensic and rehabilitation service, Mental Health, Addictions and Intellectual Disability Service, Wairarapa, Hutt Valley and Capital & Coast District Health Boards Dr Fiona Cram (Ngāti Pāhauwera), director of Katoa Ltd and chair, Ngā Pou Arawhenua Prof Mark Henaghan, Faculty of Law, University of Auckland Kiriana Tan (Ngāti Ranginui, Ngāti Mutunga, resigned February 2020), judge, New Zealand District Court Dianne Cooze (Ngāti Porou), Civil Aviation Authority, lived experience member Assoc Prof Nicola Atwool, Department of Sociology, Gender and Social Work, University of Otago Shayne Walker (Ngai Tahu, Kāti Mamoe, Waitaha, Ngāti Kahungunu) senior lecturer Department of Sociology, Gender and Social Work, University of Otago Dr Michael Roguski (Te Āti Awa, Ngāti Tūwharetoa), director, Kaitiaki Research and Evaluation TE KOMITI AROTAKE MATE WHAKAREKEREKE WHĀNAU | TE PŪRONGO TUAONO: NGĀ TĀNE KA WHAKAMAHI I TE WHAKAREKEREKE 3 4 FAMILY VIOLENCE DEATH REVIEW COMMITTEE | SIXTH REPORT: MEN WHO USE VIOLENCE  Foreword | Kupu whakataki The Health Quality & Safety Commission (the Commission) welcomes the Family Violence Death Review Committee’s (the Committee’s) Sixth report: Men who use violence. This report is a natural progression from the Committee’s Fifth Report and Fifth Report Data, in which it highlighted that, to keep victims safe, a significant focus on addressing men’s use of violence is required. The Sixth report takes a life-course approach – in it the Committee seeks to understand the life trajectory of the men involved in family violence deaths from their birth to the death event. The Committee draws attention to the historical and ongoing impact of colonisation, the corollary of privilege and the contribution of colonisation to individual and collective chronic and complex trauma. It recommends significant structural change from which services can identify effective strategies to address men’s use of violence. Structural inequities are a feature of health, justice, mental health and addiction, and welfare services – all of which have a strong relationship with family violence. The men described in this report had actively sought support from a variety of services to address health and social issues that were evident in their trajectory towards using violence. However, help-seeking was often not met with an appropriate response. Trauma- and violence-informed service development addresses the barriers in accessing support, provides help in navigating support systems and creates emotionally and physically safe environments for staff as well as people engaging with services. The Committee highlights the characteristics of trauma- and violence-informed service design and how services developed in this manner may contribute to a reduction in men’s use of violence. This report presents some challenges to government and government agencies. These include adopting an honest partnership between the Crown and Māori; decolonising services through the acknowledgement of mātauranga Māori and sustainable investment in kaupapa Māori services; investing in public services that reflect and understand the communities they serve; and flexible funding structures that allow the right help to be provided at the right time. These are not easy challenges to face and they will require uncomfortable conversations. These uncomfortable conversations mirror the reality of what is needed to help men become violence free: a deep personal and collective resolve to engage in an extended journey of change and transformation. The current, short-term focus of interventions and programmes aimed at men who use violence does not reflect this reality. Family violence causes harm that can traverse generations. To prevent intergenerational patterns of harm, we hope the challenges presented in this report will inform the work of the family violence sector. It is through collective responsibility and action across the workforce and our communities that we can address the complexities of family violence and bring about safety and wellbeing for families and whānau. Dr Dale Bramley, Ngā Puhi, Ngāti Hine, Te Whānau-ā-Apanui Chair, Health Quality & Safety Commission TE KOMITI AROTAKE MATE WHAKAREKEREKE WHĀNAU | TE PŪRONGO TUAONO: NGĀ TĀNE KA WHAKAMAHI I TE WHAKAREKEREKE 5 6 FAMILY VIOLENCE DEATH REVIEW COMMITTEE | SIXTH REPORT: MEN WHO USE VIOLENCE  Chair’s introduction | Te kupu whakataki a te manukura Each family violence death is a tragedy. Members of the Family Violence Death Review Committee (the Committee) acknowledge the grief of whānau, families, friends and community members who have been affected by a family violence death.1 We keep you in our hearts and minds as, together with those who tried to intervene to keep people safe, we challenge the systems and structures in Aotearoa New Zealand to do better. Through the work of the Committee, we see how underlying societal beliefs and assumptions about family violence maintain a pattern of inadequate responses. Demonising men who use violence and relying on criminal sanctions and individual-focused short-term interventions have not served us well. Rather than ‘repeating the same mistakes and expecting different results’,2 the Committee aims to transform system responses to family violence by reframing how we think about it. We aim to nudge, prod and push systems to redirect or switch the pathways that lead to family violence so instead the systems lead to safety and wellbeing. In earlier reports we presented transformative thinking to better reflect the reality of women’s experiences of intimate partner violence. Rather than holding women accountable for the safety of themselves and their children, we have called for an integrated system response that understands the gendered pattern of harm and layers of social entrapment.3 Across our publications we have repeatedly concluded that, to realise safety for women and children, we need to expand our gaze to better understand and interrupt the pathways men are on that lead them to perpetrate violence and harm. In this Sixth report we take an ‘eyes wide open’4 approach to explore the context in which a man will use violence against an intimate partner. In our reviews of family violence deaths we asked ourselves, ‘How did this happen?’. Across the chapters of this report we share what we learnt about the legacy of colonisation, trauma and inadequate service responses from looking at the lives of men whose violence resulted in a death. We reframe our understanding of the complex problem of family violence in Aotearoa New Zealand and identify reflective questions to guide a shift in structures, services and communities towards safety and wellbeing. It is important to state that, in advocating for effective services for men and their whānau and families when and where they need them, more innovation and resources will be needed. There is much to be learnt from listening to communities as they struggle to ‘do whatever needs to be done to get people moving forward and taking responsibility for themselves and their whanau’.5 Community initiatives are well placed to understand local challenges and respond accordingly. We eagerly anticipate the Joint Venture for Family and Sexual Violence cross-government strategy, and the potential this has to forge an enduring Crown–Māori 1 By law, all information about individuals included in work of the Committee is confidential. No person or persons involved in the deaths are named in this report. 2 ‘Insanity is repeating the same mistakes and expecting different results’ was first printed in an addiction programme booklet, www.news.hypercrit.net/2012/11/13/einstein-on-insanity (Accessed 11 March 2020). 3 The dimensions of social entrapment are described on page 22. 4 An ‘eyes wide open’ approach is part of New Zealand Police’s family harm approach being rolled out across the country. URL: www.police.govt.nz/news/ commissioners-blog/changing-way-we-respond-family-harm-help-new-zealanders-when-they-need-it (accessed 11 March 2020). 5 Sue Rudman, reported in E Tū Whānau news. URL: etuwhanau.org.nz/bream-bay-community-trust (accessed 11 March 2020). TE KOMITI AROTAKE MATE WHAKAREKEREKE WHĀNAU | TE PŪRONGO TUAONO: NGĀ TĀNE KA WHAKAMAHI I TE WHAKAREKEREKE 7  partnership.6 We hope this Sixth report supports efforts to create a system that does what needs to be done to move to an environment of safety and wellbeing for all. It is appropriate that we acknowledge the many who have contributed to the Committee, past and present. This report would not be possible without their tireless work in making the hidden seen, in challenging the assumptions that we so often cling to. Professor Jane Koziol-McLain Chair, Family Violence Death Review Committee 6 URL: www.beehive.govt.nz/speech/speech-national-sexual-violence-and-domestic-violence-conference-challenging-conversations (accessed 11 March 2020). 8 FAMILY VIOLENCE DEATH REVIEW COMMITTEE | SIXTH REPORT: MEN WHO USE VIOLENCE Contents | Rārangi take Acknowledgements | He mihi 1 Support available | Hei tautoko 2 Family Violence Death Review Committee members | Te Komiti Arotake Mate Whakarekereke Whānau 3 Glossary | Te kuputaka 13 Terms used in this report 13 Māori terms used in this report 14 Executive summary | Whakarāpopototanga matua 16 Establishing an honest, equal Crown–Māori partnership to reduce family violence 16 Designing services with an understanding of trauma and violence to support healthy development 16 Upskilling the family violence sector to work with men 17 Contracting for and evaluating support services 18 Conclusion 18 Introduction | Kupu arataki 19 Key concepts 20 Responsiveness to Māori 20 Social entrapment 22 A human-rights, equity-focused lens 22 Chapter 1: Reframing men’s use of violence | Wāhanga 1: Ko te whai whakaaro hou ki ngā whakamahinga whakarekereke a ngā tāne 24 Colonisation and Aotearoa New Zealand society 25 The beginnings of colonisation 25 The long-term impact of colonisation 27 Unchecked privilege 28 Intergenerational journeys 30 Using traumagrams in the death review process 30 Focusing on chronic and complex trauma of individuals and communities 32 Chapter 2: Men’s use of violence within the whānau or family | Wāhanga 2: Ko te whakamahi whakarekereke a ngā tāne ki rō whānau 37 Cultural expectations of men as parents 37 Emotional development of boys 40 TE KOMITI AROTAKE MATE WHAKAREKEREKE WHĀNAU | TE PŪRONGO TUAONO: NGĀ TĀNE KA WHAKAMAHI I TE WHAKAREKEREKE 9  Contents | Rārangi take continued Chapter 3: Structural oppression and interpersonal violence | Wāhanga 3: Ko te tāmitanga ā-pūnaha me ngā whakarekereke 46 Structural violence 46 Ethnic immigrant communities 50 Cultural expectations of men 54 Past, current and future understandings of men who use violence 59 Chapter 4: The way society thinks about social problems frames the way the system responds | Wāhanga 4: Ko ngā ia whakaaro o te porihanga mō ngā mate pāpori ka whakahāngai i ngā urupare ā-pūnaha 63 Decolonising institutions 64 Becoming helpers 66 A system that responds based on an understanding of trauma and violence 67 Social responses to social problems 72 Understanding risk 72 Responding to risk 73 Chapter 5: Reframing prevention, early intervention and the role of communities | Wāhanga 5: Ko te whai whakaaro hou ki ngā mahi aukati, te uru wawe atu me te wāhi hoki ki ngā hapori 76 The role of institutions 76 The role of communities 79 Reframing prevention and early intervention 82 Recommendations | Ngā tūtohinga 88 Recommendations for structural change 89 Recommendation 1: Uphold Te Tiriti o Waitangi 89 Recommendation 2: Decolonise services 89 Recommendation 3: Address racism 90 Recommendation 4: Address structural inequities 90 Recommendations for services: identify effective strategies that address men’s use of violence 91 Structural activities 92 Community-level activities 92 Individual, family and whānau activities 92 Appendix 1: The Committee’s data collection process | Āpitihanga 1: Ko te hātepe kohikohi raraunga a te Komiti 94 10 FAMILY VIOLENCE DEATH REVIEW COMMITTEE | SIXTH REPORT: MEN WHO USE VIOLENCE Figures | Ngā tatau Figure 1: How men included in the Sixth report feature within family violence deaths, 2009–17 19 Figure 2: Interactive and reinforcing factors contributing to men’s use of violence 23 Figure 3: Overlap of engagement with services as recorded in police family violence death reviews 24 Figure 4: A braided rivers understanding of the impact of colonisation 26 Figure 5: Mapping traumatic events from colonisation to present day 31 Figure 6: Nature of recorded mental health concerns among men using violence (n=97) 34 Figure 7: A tiered approach to trauma-informed schools 43 Figure 8: Proportion of men who had breached one or more protection order where a protection order had been served (n=37) 48 Figure 9: Ethnicity of 97 male predominant aggressors 50 Figure 10: Coordinated service response model to addressing men’s use of violence 74 Figure 11: A partial roadmap of a system response to prevent men’s use of violence 78 Figure 12: Recorded trauma among men using violence (n=97) 83 Figure 13: Structural change to address family violence 88 Figure 14: Sustaining change for men who use violence 92 TE KOMITI AROTAKE MATE WHAKAREKEREKE WHĀNAU | TE PŪRONGO TUAONO: NGĀ TĀNE KA WHAKAMAHI I TE WHAKAREKEREKE 11  Tables | Ngā tūtohi Table 1: Reframing Every 4 minutes to broaden understanding of the impact of adverse childhood experiences 36 Table 2: Reframing Every 4 minutes to provide culturally appropriate systems of support and equity-focused health, education, justice and social services 44 Table 3: Rates of imprisonment (before the death event) for men by ethnicity 46 Table 4: Reframing Every 4 minutes to address the expectation that individuals will overcome realities that broader structures determine 53 Table 5: Reframing Every 4 minutes by challenging the normalisation of racism and sexism 58 Table 6: Reframing men’s use of violence 60 Table 7: How organisations and providers can contribute to trauma- and violence-informed care 69 Table 8: Reframing Every 4 minutes by practising power with rather than power over 71 Table 9: Reframing Every 4 minutes by sharing understandings across the workforce 75 Table 10: Reframing family violence prevention 84 12 FAMILY VIOLENCE DEATH REVIEW COMMITTEE | SIXTH REPORT: MEN WHO USE VIOLENCE Glossary | Te kuputaka Terms used in this report Term Definition Eurocentric Focuses on a European world view to the exclusion of wider world views Inequity The presence of differences that are socially unwarranted, avoidable or can be solved among populations or groups who are defined in terms of their social, economic, demographic or geographical identity Institutional violence Discriminatory behaviours in how institutions deliver resources and services they are responsible for providing to people who need and qualify for them Intersectionality Originally coined by Kimberlē Crenshaw to describe how aspects of people’s social and political identities (gender, race, class, sexuality, ability, etc) might combine to create unique modes of discrimination7 Predominant aggressor The person who is the most significant or the main aggressor in an intimate relationship, and who has a pattern of using violence, threats, humiliation and/or intimidation to control their partner Primary prevention The prevention of family violence before there is any evidence of violence having occurred in families or whānau. This would include supports for parents, addressing stressors like poverty and initiatives that support the development and maintenance of healthy family relationships Primary victim The person who (in the abuse history of the relationship) is experiencing ongoing coercive and controlling behaviours from their intimate partner Prevention Stopping the occurrence and re-occurrence of violence within intimate relationships, families, whānau and communities Secondary prevention Attempts to reduce the recurrence or severity of violence Social structures The way in which society is organised into predictable relationships and how people respond to each other. The social institutions (such as families or whānau) and the production of hierarchies or networks (including race, class and gender) create this social structure. The way society treats a person is related to where that person is placed in social hierarchies8 Social systems A concept used to describe society and the social groups within a society. Social systems include the dominant economic, political and cultural systems.9 The social system is the functional component of social structure, made up of interactions according to shared cultural norms and meanings Structural inequity/ Structures that promote unequal, inequitable or discriminatory responses structural violence to people belonging to groups that are socially disadvantaged Tertiary prevention Focuses on people who have already experienced violence. The goal is restore, rehabilitate and recover Transactional services Services are viewed as auditable transactions. Where the patient/client is viewed as a consumer and the professional is viewed as the provider or supplier of services. The focus is on the problem, not the person10 7 Crenshaw, K. 1989. Demarginalising the intersection of race and sex: A black feminist critique of antidiscrimination doctrine, feminist theory and antiracist politics. University of Chicago Legal Forum 1(8): 139–67. 8 Martin JL, Lee M. 2015. Social structure. In Wright J (ed). International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (2nd edn) (Volume 22, pp 713–8). Amsterdam: Elsevier. 9 Zafirovski M. 2015. Social system. In Wright J (ed). International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (2nd edn) (Volume 22, pp 741–52). Amsterdam: Elsevier. 10 Iles V. 2016. Managing for compassion. In Hewison A, Sawbridge Y (eds). Compassion in Nursing: Theory, Evidence and Practice (pp 152–71). London: Palgrave. TE KOMITI AROTAKE MATE WHAKAREKEREKE WHĀNAU | TE PŪRONGO TUAONO: NGĀ TĀNE KA WHAKAMAHI I TE WHAKAREKEREKE 13  Māori terms used in this report11 Term Definition Hapū Kinship group, clan, tribe, subtribe – section of a large kinship group and the main political unit in traditional Māori society Iwi Extended kinship group, tribe, nation, people, nationality, race – often a large group of people descended from a common ancestor and associated with a distinct territory Kaikōrero Speaker, narrator Kaimahi Worker, employee, clerk, staff Kāinga Home, address, residence, village, settlement, habitation, habitat, dwelling Kaitiaki Trustee, minder, guard, custodian, guardian, caregiver, keeper, steward Kaupapa Māori Māori approach, topic, customary practice, institution, agenda, principles, ideology – a philosophy that includes the knowledge, skills, attitudes and values of Māori society Kāwanatanga Government, dominion, rule, authority, governorship, province Mana Prestige, authority, control, power, influence, status, spiritual power, charisma. Mana is a supernatural force in a person, place or object. It goes hand in hand with tapu, each affecting the other. The more prestigious the event, person or object, the more it is surrounded by tapu and mana. Mana is the enduring, indestructible power of the atua (gods) and is inherited at birth; the more senior a person’s descent is, the greater their mana. People inherit and pass on the authority of mana and tapu through the senior line from the atua as their human agent to act on revealed will. Because atua provide authority as a spiritual gift, a person is the agent of mana, never its source. The elders confirm this divine choice, which the tohunga (priest) begins with traditional consecratory rites (tohi). Mana gives a person the authority to lead, organise and regulate communal expeditions and activities, to make decisions about social and political matters. The mana of a person or tribe can increase or decrease depending on how successful they are Mana motuhake Separate identity, autonomy, self-government, self-determination, independence, sovereignty, authority – mana through self-determination and control over one’s own destiny Mātauranga Knowledge, wisdom, understanding, skill Ora To be alive, well, safe, cured, recovered, healthy, fit, healed Oranga Survivor, food, livelihood, welfare, health, living Ōritetanga Equality, equal opportunity Pākehā English, foreign, European, exotic – introduced from or originating in a foreign country Takatāpui Lesbian, gay, homosexual, gay men and women, close friend (of the same gender), intimate friend (of the same gender) 11 Translations are based on Te Aka Māori–English, English–Māori Dictionary and Index (https://maoridictionary.co.nz). The Committee acknowledges that some of the concepts described may not have a literal translation into English. 14 FAMILY VIOLENCE DEATH REVIEW COMMITTEE | SIXTH REPORT: MEN WHO USE VIOLENCE Term Definition Tamaiti Child, boy Tamariki Children Tāne Male, husband, man Te Tiriti o Waitangi The Treaty of Waitangi Tikanga Correct procedure, custom, habit, lore, method, manner, rule, way, code, meaning, plan, practice, convention, protocol – the customary system of values and practices that have developed over time and are deeply embedded in the social context Tino rangatiratanga Self-determination, sovereignty, autonomy, self-government, domination, rule, control, power Tūrangawaewae Home, standing, place where a person has the right to stand – place where a person has rights to live and belong through kinship and whakapapa Wairuatanga Spirituality Wero Challenge Whakapapa Genealogy, genealogical table, lineage, descent Whakawhanaungatanga The process of establishing relationships, relating well to others Whānau Extended family, family group, a familiar term of address to a number of people – the primary economic unit of traditional Māori society TE KOMITI AROTAKE MATE WHAKAREKEREKE WHĀNAU | TE PŪRONGO TUAONO: NGĀ TĀNE KA WHAKAMAHI I TE WHAKAREKEREKE 15  Executive summary | Whakarāpopototanga matua The Family Violence Death Review Committee’s (the Committee’s) Sixth report provides an overview of the lives of 97 men who used violence against their intimate partners between 2009 and 2017, as captured in the Committee’s database. Our analysis provides insights into the opportunities to turn men away from their pattern of using violence against an intimate partner. It identifies possible ways for agencies to support men’s healthy emotional development, address unresolved trauma and challenge men who use violence to take responsibility for their behaviour and live in a violence-free way.19 This report intentionally focuses on missed opportunities to change the pattern of men’s development and the impact of these ineffective responses on their violent behaviour. We also focus on structural changes needed to prevent family violence. It is important to note that some of the characteristics of this group of men are common in the wider community. It is not possible to use these characteristics to identify in childhood which boys will grow up to be men who use violence. For this reason, this report focuses on prevention. The rates of family violence in Aotearoa New Zealand are unlikely to fall significantly without structural change. Establishing an honest, equal Crown–Māori partnership to reduce family violence Chapters 1 and 4 draw attention to the historical and ongoing impact of colonisation, which includes unchecked privilege, and how colonisation contributes to chronic and complex trauma for both individuals and communities. We believe these factors are central reasons why Māori and non-Māori experience violence across generations. Addressing these issues requires an honest partnership between the Crown and Māori, leading to decolonised services and measures that address structural racism. The issue of structural inequities features in recent reviews of health,12 justice,26 mental health29 and welfare.28 Establishing an equal partnership between the Crown and Māori may open the way to reconsidering the laws, regulations and policies that reinforce inequities, and developing equitable health, education, justice and social services. The justice sector influences the lives of Māori men much more than non-Māori men’s lives, as Chapter 3 discusses. A large and growing evidence base shows the benefits of kaupapa Māori services and reclaiming mātauranga Māori. Whānau-centred services have the potential to reduce the level of intimate partner violence in Aotearoa New Zealand. Designing services with an understanding of trauma and violence to support healthy development Most of the men in our data set had actively looked for support from a variety of services to address health and social issues that were evident in their path towards using violence. One possible view of the behaviours they had developed throughout their life course is that these men undertook them to resist further victimisation. Many people who encounter the mental health and addiction services, care and protection, police and the justice sector have a trauma history. All the men included in this report had been to school, highlighting the education sector as a key potential partner in preventing violence. 12 Waitangi Tribunal Report. 2019. Hauora: Report on Stage One of the Health Services and Outcomes Kaupapa Inquiry. Wai 2575. URL: https://forms.justice.govt.nz/search/Documents/WT/wt_DOC_152801817/Hauora%20W.pdf (accessed 12 November 2019). 16 FAMILY VIOLENCE DEATH REVIEW COMMITTEE | SIXTH REPORT: MEN WHO USE VIOLENCE By using information about trauma and violence to develop services, we can address barriers to accessing support, help people navigate support systems and create emotionally and physically safe environments for staff and people engaging with the service. For example, where schools are committed to and resource trauma- and violence-informed services, they would develop an understanding of behaviours people can use to resist violence. While these coping strategies may be harmful, agencies’ response to them should enable students, families and whānau to access health and social support services that can help their restoration and recovery. No ‘one-size-fits-all’ model works for all trauma- and violence-informed services. Individual services need a structure that suits the community they work in and is responsive to complex and chronic trauma of individuals and communities (see Chapter 4). Upskilling the family violence sector to work with men In its Fifth Report Data, the Committee highlighted the need to reduce men’s use of violence while concurrently working with women and children to keep them safe. It is important that our work with men does not reduce the resources available to support women and children. Chapter 2 discusses dominant cultural expectations of men as parents, considering the experience of the men included in this report. The Committee has highlighted how current structural responses to men who use violence minimise their role as parents. Following the changes to the Oranga Tamariki Act 1989,13 enacted on 1 July 2019, Oranga Tamariki— Ministry for Children needs a more nuanced understanding of how men use children to threaten, control and intimidate women. This includes understanding coercive controlling behaviours that can continue, and in some cases escalate, after a couple have separated. Agencies must provide comprehensive support to stop the violence and rebuild relationships. There is a pressing need to support women, support men to stop using violence and help children to recover from the trauma they have experienced. Currently professionals receive little training to work with men who use violence. In a context where few community resources are available for men who want to stop using violence, professionals have very limited support for working with men. This report does not offer one, consistent story for the men it covers. Instead, it begins to address the lack of training and resourcing by setting out some key principles and findings to support agencies in working with men. These men come from different cultural backgrounds, with different experiences in childhood and during their development. However, all of them do have the capacity to move away from using violence (Table 8) when services:14 use strategies that recognise the relationship between structural and interpersonal violence focus on healthy masculine norms to promote behaviour change, responsibility and accountability reconnect men with positive forms of social support, including cultural reconnection and restoration15 engage wider organisation structures, families, whānau and communities in the change process set an expectation that men as fathers can make a positive (rather than violent) contribution to the family environment 13 URL: http://legislation.govt.nz/act/public/1989/0024/latest/DLM147088.html?search=qs_act%40bill%40regulation%40deemedreg_ Oranga+Tamariki+Act_resel_25_h&p=1&sr=1 (accessed 15 October 2019). 14 Roguski M, Edge K. 2019. Desistance from Family Violence: Understanding the Role of Community-based Informal Support. Report prepared for Ministry of Social Development. Wellington: Ministry of Social Development. TE KOMITI AROTAKE MATE WHAKAREKEREKE WHĀNAU | TE PŪRONGO TUAONO: NGĀ TĀNE KA WHAKAMAHI I TE WHAKAREKEREKE 17  address negative health and social factors, such as poor housing, lack of employment, and drug and alcohol abuse, while acknowledging that where a man has no experience of these factors, it does not rule out the possibility that he will use violence. Contracting for and evaluating support services Most men included in this report had looked for help through many channels. Thresholds for service delivery often prevented them from receiving the help they needed at the time they were seeking it. Thresholds are set as a method of managing use of scarce resources by identifying the people who have highest priority to receive services. Tightly defined service delivery or funding structures may prevent practitioners from providing or identifying additional support. Where they have provided additional support, helping services have done so by redirecting funding streams or full-time equivalent staff outside of contracted services.14 Funding and service delivery structures need the flexibility to develop services that can provide help when and where it is required. Examples are services for: supporting women and children when men are working through stopping violence programmes accessing housing, health and social supports when men are engaged with education, training or employment providers restorative and rehabilitative work with men who are on remand or in prison cross-agency collaborative structures for non-governmental organisations. Little published information is available on how, for whom and when stopping violence programmes may reduce use of violence.14 Well-funded, comprehensive evaluation is required to provide this information. In Chapter 3, we highlight the work of He Waka Tapu as an example of a comprehensive wraparound response for men who use violence while also providing ongoing support for women and their families or whānau. Conclusion This report provides an overview of the men in the Committee’s intimate partner violence data set in terms of their use of violence and the path they have followed in developing this behaviour. From our analysis, we have aimed to reframe men’s use of violence and place it in the context of Aotearoa New Zealand. We have explored men’s use of violence within the whānau or family, challenging the dominant cultural expectations of men as fathers. As well as considering the interaction between structural and interpersonal violence, we look at the experience of partner violence among ethnic migrant communities in Aotearoa New Zealand, recognising that it is necessary to understand the context of men’s use of violence in order to adequately address that violence. Finally, the Committee aims to reframe prevention, early intervention and the role of communities by focusing on the need to decolonise institutions and develop social responses to a significant social problem. 15 Wilson D. 2016. Transforming the normalisation and intergenerational whānau (family) violence. Journal of Indigenous Wellbeing: Te Mauri – Pimatisiwin 1(2): 32–43. 18 FAMILY VIOLENCE DEATH REVIEW COMMITTEE | SIXTH REPORT: MEN WHO USE VIOLENCE Introduction | Kupu arataki Of the intimate partner violence deaths recorded in Aotearoa New Zealand, most of the offenders are men and most of the deceased victims are women. From 2009 to 2017, a total of 23016 family violence deaths were recorded in Aotearoa New Zealand (Figure 1). Intimate partner violence was the single largest contributor to these deaths, accounting for 48 percent of the total. Child abuse and neglect accounted for 27 percent and intrafamilial violence for 25 percent of the total. Figure 1: How men included in the Sixth report feature within family violence deaths, 2009–17 Family violence deaths (2009–17) n=230 Intimate partner violence deaths Child abuse Intrafamilial n=110 and violence neglect deaths deaths n=58 Uncertain n=62 Recorded history of Aberrational relationship abuse in relationship n=3 history n=102 n=5 Female predominant aggressor* * One male predominant aggressor was Male predominant aggressor* responsible for two IPV deaths. These 97 men make up those included in the sixth report. n=97 n=4 16 As additional information becomes available about the person or people responsible for a death, and their relationship with the deceased, the records are updated. Numbers change slightly from one report to the next when such additional information becomes available. TE KOMITI AROTAKE MATE WHAKAREKEREKE WHĀNAU | TE PŪRONGO TUAONO: NGĀ TĀNE KA WHAKAMAHI I TE WHAKAREKEREKE 19  Among the 102 intimate partner violence deaths17 where there had been a recorded history of abuse: 76 percent of offenders were men 71 percent of those killed were women 96 percent of the women were identified as the primary victim18 of a male partner’s violence. Most women involved had a history of seeking help and reporting the violence they experienced to police, health care or social services.19 Each time a woman seeks help is an opportunity to intervene, support her to become safe and challenge the male partner’s use of violence. A key finding to emerge from the Family Violence Death Review Committee’s (the Committee’s) Fifth Report Data was that to ensure victims’ safety, we need a significant focus on addressing men’s use of violence.20 Addressing men’s use of violence is our focus in this Sixth report. This report reviews the life-course of 97 male predominant aggressors, as reported to the Committee. Our analysis provides insights into the opportunities to move men away from the path of using violence against an intimate partner and reduce their level of violence. We illustrate opportunities for agencies to support healthy development, address unresolved trauma and challenge men who use violence to take responsibility for their behaviour and live free of violence.19 We also expose and challenge examples of systemic bias and discrimination that reinforce the use of violence. In writing this report, we have examined the types of violence experienced and used, individual and community responses to violence, and the structural factors associated with violence.21 While we use numbers and percentages to highlight the frequency and importance of some issues, our main focus is on the narrative of men’s lives, as recorded by government agencies.22,23 The information in this report comes mainly from tier 1 data we have collated (see Appendix 1) and is supplemented by 29 in-depth reviews conducted between 2012 and 2018. This report intentionally focuses on missed opportunities to change the development path men follow to move them away from the use of violence. Key concepts Responsiveness to Māori Ngā Pou Arawhenua, the mortality review committees’ Māori caucus, has set out the guiding principles on which this report is based. This report takes a structural approach to addressing the disproportionately high number of Māori whānau affected by intimate partner violence deaths. Ngā Pou Arawhenua recommends mortality review committees consider four tikanga- based principles.24 17 To date, the Family Violence Death Review Committee has only included one homosexual relationship within the data set. Therefore, this report focuses on heterosexual relationships. The findings presented may not be transferrable to the LGBTIQ+ community. 18 Please see the Glossary for definitions of the terms used in this report. 19 Family Violence Death Review Committee. 2016. Fifth Report: January 2014 to December 2015. Wellington: Health Quality & Safety Commission. URL: www.hqsc.govt.nz/our-programmes/mrc/fvdrc/publications-and-resources/publication/2434 (accessed 11 March 2020). 20 Family Violence Death Review Committee. 2017. Fifth Report Data: January 2009 to December 2015. Wellington: Health Quality & Safety Commission. URL: www.hqsc.govt.nz/our-programmes/mrc/fvdrc/publications-and-resources/publication/2952 (accessed 11 March 2020). 21 Coker D. 2016. Domestic violence and social justice: a structural intersectional framework for teaching about domestic violence. Violence Against Women 22(12): 1426–37. 22 While availability of government agency data has improved significantly for analyses such as that undertaken in this report, training about information collection has not progressed to the same extent. For more accurate recording and reporting, it is necessary to supplement government agency data with family and whānau voices. 23 Importantly, the men described in this report are an extreme group who are a high priority to identify and help. 24 Ngā Pou Arawhenua. 2019. Te Pou – Māori responsive rubric. Wellington: Health Quality & Safety Commission. URL: www.hqsc.govt.nz/publications-and- resources/publication/3903 (accessed 10 December 2019). 20 FAMILY VIOLENCE DEATH REVIEW COMMITTEE | SIXTH REPORT: MEN WHO USE VIOLENCE 1. Tika – getting the story and interpretation right: Draw on Māori expertise to inform the analysis and interpretation of the data. 2. Manaakitanga – being culturally and socially responsible: Use a Māori health and equity lens to inform interpretation of the data. 3. Mana – advancing equity, self-determination and social justice: Focus on contextual analysis, improving access to high-quality health and social services and equity of outcomes. 4. Mahi tahi – establishing relationships for positive change: Develop ongoing and meaningful relationships to promote and guide changes in practice. The Committee understands intimate partner violence as a complex social problem requiring a comprehensive response from society.19 Structural responses are wide-ranging – they include government policy initiatives as well as the activities of non-governmental organisations, families and community groups.25 Throughout this report, we have been careful to present data in a way that highlights opportunities for effective social responses, while acknowledging that those most in need will require more comprehensive care and support. We have produced this report at a time when the Government has received the results of reviews into the justice system,26,27 the welfare system,28 and the mental health and addiction system.29 It has also initiated a Royal Commission of Inquiry into historical abuse in state care and in the care of faith-based institutions.30 At the heart of each of these reviews is evidence that structural deficiencies have a disproportionate impact on the lives of Māori. This report adds to this weight of evidence, and highlights that the current systemic response to violence: … focuses on punishment at the expense of rehabilitation, reconciliation and restoration of the harm done. (Executive summary)26 Focusing on punishment further victimises already traumatised individuals, holding back their restoration and recovery, and increasing their dependence on the state.31 We are seeking to highlight the importance of aligning justice responses to family violence with social and appropriate cultural responses. For example, in considering therapeutic support when men are on remand for family violence offences, it may be possible to reduce the ongoing impact of family violence on families and whānau. 25 OECD. 2011. Interpreting OECD social indicators. In Society at a Glance. Paris: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. URL: www.oecd-ilibrary.org/docserver/9789264106154-5-en.pdf?expires=1564349265&id=id&accname=guest&checksum=805B2864363FFFB7536B 0C1CCF4709E9 (accessed 29 July 2019). 26 Safe and Effective Justice Advisory Group. 2019. He Waka Roimata – Transforming Our Criminal Justice System. Wellington: Safe and Effective Justice Advisory Group. 27 Independent Panel Examining the 2014 Family Justice Reforms. 2019. Te Korowai Ture ā-Whānau: The final report of the Independent Panel examining the 2014 family justice reforms. Wellington: Ministry of Justice. URL: www.justice.govt.nz/assets/Documents/Publications/family-justice-reforms-final- report-independent-panel.pdf (accessed 25 November 2019). 28 Welfare Expert Advisory Group. 2019. Whakamana Tāngata: Restoring dignity to social security in New Zealand. Wellington: Welfare Expert Advisory Group. 29 Government Inquiry into Mental Health and Addiction. 2018. Report of the Government Inquiry into Mental Health and Addiction. Wellington: Government Inquiry into Mental Health and Addiction. URL: https://mentalhealth.inquiry.govt.nz/assets/Summary-reports/He-Ara-Oranga.pdf (accessed 14 October 2019). 30 www.abuseinstatecare.royalcommission.govt.nz 31 Atkinson J. 2002. Trauma Trails: The transgenerational effects of trauma in indigenous Australia. Melbourne: Spinifex Press. TE KOMITI AROTAKE MATE WHAKAREKEREKE WHĀNAU | TE PŪRONGO TUAONO: NGĀ TĀNE KA WHAKAMAHI I TE WHAKAREKEREKE 21  Social entrapment The Committee views intimate partner violence as a gendered32 form of social entrapment for women. Women are vulnerable to social entrapment across three dimensions, which compound a man’s violence and control: social isolation, fear and coercion the abusive partner’s violence creates in the victim’s life the indifference of institutions to the victim’s suffering structural inequalities such as gender, class and racism that can aggravate coercive control.33 By conceptualising intimate partner violence in this way, we acknowledge that individuals are shaped by how their gender, race, class, sexuality or disability interacts with social systems and structures (the way our society operates).34 A society that is inequitable for women limits a victim’s options for safety. The view of intimate partner violence as social entrapment also highlights the importance of understanding ‘intersectionality’ – how the impact of multiple inequities that one individual may experience (including colonisation, racism, sexism, poverty, heteronormativity and disability) can increase the impact of men’s violence. In this report, we continue to recognise the impact of a partner’s or parent’s abusive behaviour on the functioning and wellbeing of a family or whānau.35 We build on the Fifth Report by focusing on how prevention is intertwined with safety and restoration, further developing a systemic focus on safety.19,36 The Committee is also focusing on structural changes necessary to prevent family violence. We have seen substantial progress in implementing more effective crisis response (‘make safe’), such as the integrated safety response pilots in Christchurch and Waikato. The lessons learned from these crisis response models point to best practice for services that seek to ‘keep safe’ and provide long-term safety for families and whānau.37 A human-rights, equity-focused lens In 2018, the chief science advisor at the Office of the Prime Minister proposed eight strategies for addressing and responding to family violence (Every 4 minutes).38 The Committee has used the ideas from Every 4 minutes, reframing them through a focus on human rights and equity. Where relevant to the issue we are discussing, we identify and expand on the strategy from Table 1 of Every 4 minutes. This is not an either/or approach; rather, it highlights that, to address social problems, it is necessary to consider interventions for individuals within their wider context, where we acknowledge and address the family or whānau environment and the experience of social and structural violence. 32 ‘The gendered social environment will affect prevalence, intention and consequences of abuse differentially, for men and women, and requires analysis. But the intersections of class, ethnicity, sexuality et al will also impact on the experience and meaning of domestic abuse: it is neither a unitary nor a simple phenomenon, and our analysis must take account of complexity in a world of enduring gender inequality.’ Orr L. 2007. The case for a gendered analysis of violence against women. URL: www2.gov.scot/resource/doc/925/0063070.pdf (accessed 24 July 2019). 33 Ptacek J. 1999. Battered Women in the Courtroom: The power of judicial responses. Boston: Northeastern University Press. 34 Hankivsky O. 2014. Intersectionality 101. Vancouver: Institute for Intersectionality Research and Policy, Simon Fraser University. 35 Family Violence Death Review Committee. 2017. Position Brief: Six reasons why we cannot be effective with either intimate partner violence or child abuse and neglect unless we address both together. Wellington: Health Quality & Safety Commission. 36 Family Violence Death Review Committee. 2017. Section 1.4: The whakapapa of violence within whānau. Fifth Report Data: January 2009 to December 2015. Wellington: Health Quality & Safety Commission. 37 Mossman E, Wehipeihana N, Bealing M. 2019. Evaluation of the Family Violence Integrated Safety Response Pilot Phase II – Years 2 & 3. Final Report. Wellington: Ministry of Justice. URL: www.justice.govt.nz/assets/Documents/Publications/nIG96VfM-ISR-Evaluation-Synthesis-Report.pdf (accessed 10 October 2019). 38 Garrard J, Lambie I. 2018. Every 4 minutes: A discussion paper on preventing family violence in New Zealand. Auckland: Office of the Prime Minister’s Chief Science Advisor. URL: https://cpb-ap-se2.wpmucdn.com/blogs.auckland.ac.nz/dist/6/414/files/2018/11/Every-4-minutes-A-discussion-paper-on- preventing-family-violence-in-New-Zealand.-Lambie-report-8.11.18-x43nf4.pdf (accessed 12 July 2019). 22 FAMILY VIOLENCE DEATH REVIEW COMMITTEE | SIXTH REPORT: MEN WHO USE VIOLENCE This report highlights opportunities for changing responses for Māori, including by decolonising service delivery, focusing on partnership between the Crown and Māori, and eliminating racism. An active, healing relationship between the Crown and Māori is necessary to move the country forward. However, intimate partner violence is not only experienced by Māori; it is a problem for all people who live in Aotearoa New Zealand. While Māori are over-represented (15 percent of the general population identify as Māori,39 while 33 percent of the men who use violence as predominant aggressors have been classified as Māori), 67 percent of the men included in this report are non-Māori. Therefore, we also consider responses for non-Māori men. Figure 2 illustrates our understanding of the factors influencing the likelihood of men using violence. In this report, we treat each of these topics separately as a way of explaining them clearly. However, it is important to see them as interacting with and reinforcing each other. A response that addresses one of them without considering the others is unlikely to reduce the level of intimate partner violence in Aotearoa New Zealand. Further, a response that focuses mainly on deficits without adequately considering strengths provides little scope for reducing family violence. Figure 2: Interactive and reinforcing factors contributing to men’s use of violence Colonisation Structural inequities Cultural norms Whānau or family context Chronic and complex trauma 39 Stats NZ. 2015. Major ethnic groups in New Zealand. URL: www.stats.govt.nz/infographics/major-ethnic-groups-in-new-zealand (accessed 14 October 2019). TE KOMITI AROTAKE MATE WHAKAREKEREKE WHĀNAU | TE PŪRONGO TUAONO: NGĀ TĀNE KA WHAKAMAHI I TE WHAKAREKEREKE 23  Chapter 1: Reframing men’s use of violence Wāhanga 1: Ko te whai whakaaro hou ki ngā whakamahinga whakarekereke a ngā tāne Reframing men’s use of violence against women holds the dignity and safety of women and children at the centre while also acknowledging the potential for men to change their behaviour.40 No single, consistent story describes a man’s lived experience before he uses violence towards an intimate partner. The Committee draws information about men’s violence from government agency data. Figure 3 shows how contact with services overlapped for the men included in this report before a death event. Not all men who use violence are visible to government services. Indeed, a few (n=7) of the men included in this report apparently had no contact with services before the death event. In contrast, records of the lives of men, especially Māori men, who have fewer economic resources and whose use violence are disproportionately comprehensive.41 Figure 3: Overlap of engagement with services as recorded in police family violence death reviews CYF) ariki ( a Tam ang Po lice Or e fug Re SVP Family Court Corre c tion s s io n ct d di lt ha ea lh nt a Just ice Me This chord diagram illustrates migration within a system. The size of the ‘pie’ segment represents the number of men who had contact with any of the agencies or organisations named. The width of the ribbons between pie segments represents the number of men who had contact between the agencies. For example, more men had contact with police than with any other agency or organisation. Of those who had contact with police, a larger number also had contact with justice. SVP = stopping violence programmes. 40 Reynolds V. 2014. Resisting and transforming rape culture: an activist stance for therapeutic work with men who have used violence. The No To Violence Journal Spring: 29–49. 41 Cram F, Gulliver P, Ota R, et al. 2015. Understanding overrepresentation of indigenous children in child welfare data: an application of the Drake risk and bias models. Child Maltreatment 20(3): 170–82. 24 FAMILY VIOLENCE DEATH REVIEW COMMITTEE | SIXTH REPORT: MEN WHO USE VIOLENCE Colonisation and Aotearoa New Zealand society Different groups in a population will always vary in their behaviour and episodes of violence. However, here we raise questions about cultural norms and how society responds to them. Indigenous researchers both in Aotearoa New Zealand and internationally see a patriarchal social structure as removing the natural supports and caring that people had for each other before this structure was imposed.42 Mikaere, for example, describes how Māori before colonial times understood the roles of men and women as part of the interrelationship or whakawhanaungatanga of all living things.43 Both men and women were essential parts in the collective whole, both formed part of the whakapapa that linked Maori people back to the beginning of the world, and women in particular played a key role in linking the past with the present and the future. (p 7)43 The intergenerational nature of violence within families is a feature of the lives of many of the men included in this report, both Māori and Pākehā. In these cases, families have experienced interpersonal violence over many generations, against a backdrop of structural violence that indifferent or discriminatory government agencies have continued. We cannot discuss the intergenerational nature of intimate partner violence without acknowledging the historical and ongoing impact of colonisation. The layered trauma that results from colonisation is likely to be expressed in dysfunctional, and sometimes violent, behaviour at both individual and large-scale levels of human interaction, and these are likely to be re-traumatising. (p 24)31 The Committee has used the braided river metaphor44, 45 to understand the impact of colonisation on Māori whānau, hapū and iwi (Figure 4). This perspective grounds our understanding of colonisation as one of the key drivers of family violence in Aotearoa New Zealand. The beginnings of colonisation There is widespread acknowledgement that colonisation has led to collective trauma for Māori and has had ongoing effects that continue to be experienced today through structural oppression.43, 46, 58, 55 The first interactions between Māori and European colonisers allowed Māori to innovate with and adapt Pākehā technology for communal enterprise.47 Over time, however, Pākehā institutions were enforced, with the result that Māori were dispossessed of much of their land while they experienced deprivation and the newly arrived Pākehā experienced privilege.47, 48 42 Erikson K. 1976. Everything in Its Path. New York: Simon and Schuster. 43 Mikaere A. 1994. Māori women: caught in the contradictions of a colonised reality. Waikato Law Review 2. URL: www.waikato.ac.nz/law/research/waikato_ law_review/pubs/volume_2_1994/7 (accessed 27 June 2019). 44 Macfarlane A. 2009. Collaborative Action Research Network: Keynote address. CARN Symposium. University of Canterbury. 45 Cram F, Vette M, Wilson M, et al. 2018. He awa whiria – braided rivers: Understanding the outcomes from Family Start for Māori. Evaluation Matters – He Take Tō Te Aromatawai 4: 165–206. 46 Simmonds N. 2011. Mana wahine: decolonising politics. Women’s Studies Journal 25(2): 11–25. 47 Māori Perspective Advisory Committee. 1988. Pūao-te-ata-tu: The Report of the Ministerial Advisory Committee on a Maori Perspective for the Department of Social Welfare. Wellington: Department of Social Welfare. 48 Reid P, Cram F. 2004. Connecting health, people and county in Aotearoa/New Zealand. In Dew K, Davis P (eds). Health and Society in Aotearoa New Zealand (2nd edn) (pp 33–48). Auckland: Oxford University Press. TE KOMITI AROTAKE MATE WHAKAREKEREKE WHĀNAU | TE PŪRONGO TUAONO: NGĀ TĀNE KA WHAKAMAHI I TE WHAKAREKEREKE 25  Figure 4: A braided rivers understanding of the impact of colonisation Indigenous culture – precolonisation What colonisers brought with them Collective social structure Hierarchical social structure - whānau, hapū, iwi – individual basic social unit Governed by tikanga Codified system of law - own way of dealing with breaches – failure to recognise indigenous systems - restorative practices – heavy emphasis on punishment Distinct but complementary gender roles Distinct and unequal gender roles Children valued as taonga Tolerance of physical punishment of women Holistic understanding of wellbeing and children Cognitive prioritised above emotional/ spiritual Separation of public and private Colonisers – impact Indigenous – impact Came to Aotearoa for a better life Loss of land and economic base – acquisition of land Displaced from home and own people Failure to honour Te Tiriti Attempted to hold on to partnership Imposition of Western law and Threat of annihilation through disease, land institutions wars and assimilation Active repression of indigenous language, Experienced oppression, alienation and tikanga and social structures discrimination Indigenous – response Colonisers – response Trauma Māori deemed to be responsible for failure to – multiple losses adapt Felt negative stigma justified them in Trauma passed on across generations discriminating against Māori – removal of children Continued imposition of Western solutions – imprisonment Colonisers – today Indigenous – today Belated acknowledgement of failure Resistance Difficulty understanding impact of siloed Reclaiming and reasserting indigenous systems solutions Devolving responsibility to Māori Addressing historic trauma – ongoing difficulty with partnership – healing and recovery 26 FAMILY VIOLENCE DEATH REVIEW COMMITTEE | SIXTH REPORT: MEN WHO USE VIOLENCE Walker describes colonisation as a dehumanising process. He suggests that the ongoing impact of colonisation is why Aotearoa New Zealand society has such a high tolerance for violence, noting: ‘In Aotearoa New Zealand the psyche of both Pākehā and Māori is scarred by colonisation’ (p 48).49 The impact of colonisation can also be considered a form of complex trauma.50 This trauma is passed from one generation to the next through the transmission of ‘stressful emotional, psychological and spiritual pain and suffering’ (p 333).50 Colonisation can result in exposure to child maltreatment, interpersonal aggression and violence, mental health problems and substance abuse for both settlers and Indigenous communities.51, 53 The main reason for colonisation was economic. The British Empire was looking to exploit new resources and to open new markets and trade opportunities. Colonisation also provided an opportunity for ‘surplus populations’ in Britain. Most of the labour supply for the new colonies came from poor and working-class populations, who were sold the hope of new opportunities and a better life. Another inspiration for colonisation was the belief in ‘white’ racial superiority and a need to ‘civilise’ colonised societies.52 However, the early years of creating the new ‘ideal society’ of New Zealand were far from ideal. Fairburn describes how the tide of immigrants arriving between 1850 and 1880 experienced social isolation, had few kinship ties and lived under a ruling ideology of extreme individualism. The effect on the settler population was loneliness, drunkenness and interpersonal conflict.53 Colonisation had a disproportionate impact on Māori women, in particular because: school systems imposed European gender norms the Native Schools Act 1867 explicitly alienated Māori women from decision-making processes within communities historical discourses excluded Māori women.54 Further, Māori women were not able to hold land titles through the Māori Land Act 1867. Māori women were considered subordinate to Pākehā men, Māori men and Pākehā women; they were silenced and made invisible.54 The ongoing impact of such actions continues to be felt today through the high prevalence of intimate partner violence experienced by Māori women.43 The long-term impact of colonisation Today those historical experiences are repeated through ongoing violence associated with racism, stereotyping and internalised oppression.55 These events leading to historical trauma also manifest in intergenerational violence within our communities which are intensified through the imposition of heteropatriarchal ideologies and systems and which culminate in increased violence against Indigenous women, Two Spirit/Takatāpui56 and children (Bear, 2016; Hunt, 2016; Million, 2013). (p 23)55 49 Walker S. 2015. New wine from old wineskins, a fresh look at Freire. Aotearoa New Zealand Social Work 27(4): 47–56. 50 Duthie D, Steinhauer S, Twinn C, et al. 2019. Understanding trauma and child maltreatment experienced in indigenous communities In Lonne B, Scott D, Higgins D, et al (eds). Re-Visioning Public Health Approaches for Protecting Children (pp 327–47). Springer. 51 Atkinson J. 2011. Trauma Trails, Recreating Song Lines: The transgenerational effects of trauma in Indigenous Australia. North Melbourne: Spinifex. 52 Consedine R, Consedine J. 2012. Healing Our History: The challenge of the Treaty of Waitangi (3rd edn). Auckland: Penguin. 53 Fairburn M. 1989. Part three: The real enemies of the ideal society. In The Ideal Society and Its Enemies: Foundations of Modern New Zealand Society, 1850–1900. Auckland: Auckland University Press. 54 Johnston P, Pihama L. 1994. The marginalization of Maori women. Hecate 20(2): 83–97. 55 Pihama L, Tuhiwai Smith L, Evans-Campbell T, et al. 2017. Investigating Māori approaches to trauma informed care. Journal of Indigenous Wellbeing Te Mauri – Pimatisiwin 2(3): 18–31. 56 The historical meaning of takatāpui is ‘intimate companion of the same sex’. In the 1980s, individuals who were gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, intersex or part of the rainbow community reclaimed and used the term as an identity in response to Western ideas of sex, sexuality and gender, which emphasises a person’s identity as Māori as inextricably linked to their gender identity or sexuality. Adapted from https://takatapui.nz/definition-of-takatapui#takatapui- meaning (accessed 24 July 2019). TE KOMITI AROTAKE MATE WHAKAREKEREKE WHĀNAU | TE PŪRONGO TUAONO: NGĀ TĀNE KA WHAKAMAHI I TE WHAKAREKEREKE 27  Pūao-te-ata-tu47, 57 highlighted that colonisation created an immense social dependency, with the result that whānau Māori were even more disproportionately affected by ineffective welfare28 and justice26 systems. Ineffective systems reduced the opportunity for Māori to enjoy a ‘dignified life and participate more fully in their school, community and cultural lives’ (p 11).28 As Dhunna and colleagues describe it, the ‘focal issue is not merely “risk of abuse” but how structural responsiveness and pathways out of abuse are disproportionately unavailable to young Māori mothers’ (p 6) as well as the men who had used violence against them.58 Interviews with young Māori mothers who had experienced intimate partner violence showed how they met with racism from government agencies who provide social support, to the extent that they had a deep-seated fear and distrust of these agencies.58 These themes were also evident in the lives of the men included here in the Sixth Report. Families who were extensively involved with statutory agencies in punitive ways were less likely to report the violence they had witnessed or experienced.59 Unchecked privilege Importantly there is a Pākehā corollary to the ongoing impact of colonisation on Māori – their experience of unchecked privilege. Where they held a position of privilege, European colonisers also held a position of ‘normativeness’, which can give people a sense of being invisible and lead them to a focus on other cultures as risk factors for violence.60 While discussing privilege is uncomfortable for many who work to understand inequities, we need to explore it to understand how Pākehā sustain their positions of privilege and in that way reinforce inequities.60 Mikaere quotes Scutt61 to describe the origins of the role of women in English law, which the English settlers brought to Aotearoa New Zealand. The term [family] was invented by the Romans to denote a new social organism, whose head ruled over wife and children and a number of slaves, and was invested under Roman paternal power with rights of life and death over them. (p 6)62 Patriarchal privilege defined women and children as chattels. As girls grew, they became the property of their husbands. Mothers had no rights over their children and women had no legal means of ending a marriage in a way that would allow them to retain any resources.61 This view of the position and status of women and children became set in law and in turn became the dominant world view in English culture. Patriarchal systems operate through bureaucracies, laws and religions; and patriarchal relationships operate through families, interactions and patterned behaviour.63 Violence is not needed to uphold patriarchal structures, but the social conditions in which men live shape their behaviours.64 For example, while Aotearoa New Zealand was one of the first countries in the world to provide women with the right to vote, until 1985 the law did not see forced sex by a man against his wife as rape.62 57 Pūao-te-ata-tu was the 1988 report of the Māori Perspective Advisory Committee into the operations of the Department of Social Welfare. The report identified institutional racism within the department, which was reflected in wider society. Further, the report considered that a ‘profound misunderstanding or ignorance of the place of the child in Māori society’ was evident. The Committee advised that the overrepresentation of Māori in negative welfare, justice and social outcomes amounted to a crisis, requiring concerted action to redress the imbalances. 58 Dhunna S, Lawton B, Cram F. 2018. An affront to her mana: young Māori mothers’ experiences of intimate partner violence. Journal of Intimate Partner Violence. DOI: 10.1177/0886260518815712 (accessed 20 February 2020). 59 Roguski M. 2019. Achieving wellbeing and prosocial transformation through social mobilisation: An evaluation of a gang empowerment strategy. Decolonization of Criminology and Justice 1(1): 78–105 60 Stephens C. 2010. Privilege and status in an unequal society: shifting the focus of health promotion research to include the maintenance of advantage. Journal of Health Psychology 15(7): 993–1000. 61 Scutt J. 1983. Even in the Best of Homes: Violence in the family. Ringwood: Pelican Books. 62 Mikaere A. 1999. Colonization and the destruction of gender balance in Aotearoa. Native Studies Review 12(1): 1–28. 63 Hunnicutt G. 2009. Varieties of patriarchy and violence against women: resurrecting ‘patriarchy’ as a theoretical tool. Violence Against Women 15(5): 553–73. 64 Fuchs S. 2001. Beyond agency. Sociological Theory 19(1): 25–40. 28 FAMILY VIOLENCE DEATH REVIEW COMMITTEE | SIXTH REPORT: MEN WHO USE VIOLENCE Privilege is maintained in Aotearoa New Zealand society by protecting a dominant, patriarchal world view for institutions and having funding structures that do not make institutions accountable for achieving equity.65 There is a need for power-sharing with Indigenous groups to promote leadership and self-determination. Also needed are free and frank discussions about what structural racism, colonisation and white privilege look like.65 The narratives of the men included in this report showed how privilege for European race intersects with gender. For example: because a man expected to be heard and believed, he was able to communicate clearly and confidently when reporting an incident to police a man pursued his partner through the Family Court, underscoring that his right to have access to the child was stronger than her help-seeking from family overseas a man who expected his partner to conform to his ideals of a partner did not view his behaviour as controlling or manipulative. Box 1 provides an example of privilege for an imaginary Pākehā man, drawing on the narratives of the men who use violence. It highlights how Tim develops his sense of entitlement through his life course. His sense of entitlement is then reinforced through his interaction with his intimate partners, family and social structures. Box 1: Unchecked privilege Tim was raised in a supportive family environment. After his parents separated when he was young, he maintained contact with both of them. His mother, who he described as ‘resilient and diligent in keeping a stable home’, was his main caregiver. Tim experienced some difficulties interacting with his peers at school. However, with his father’s support in coaching him to provincial representation, he excelled at sport. After attending high school and university, Tim met his first wife Carol while travelling. In Tim’s view, Carol did not provide him with sufficient love, attention and support: ‘That is why I left her’. Tim and Carol negotiated shared custody of the children. They would stay with Tim once a month. Sarah’s marriage ended when her husband had an affair shortly after the birth of their first child. According to Sarah’s family, his infidelity knocked her confidence and she never recovered from it. Tim met Sarah through shared interests and later they got married. Sarah and Tim had two children. Throughout Tim and Sarah’s seven-year relationship, they were regularly involved with police and justice services. At first, Tim would call police because of an episode of violence, which he said happened when Sarah became overemotional. Reports from these early callouts described Sarah as uncommunicative and Tim as calm, in control and cooperative. Later reports noted that Sarah experienced more serious injuries even though Tim indicated she was responsible for the violence. They still characterised Tim as calm and Sarah as ‘non-compliant’. In general, police laid no charges. On the one 65 Chin MH, King PT, Jones RG, et al. 2018. Lessons for achieving health equity comparing Aotearoa/New Zealand and the United States. Health Policy 122(8): 837–53. TE KOMITI AROTAKE MATE WHAKAREKEREKE WHĀNAU | TE PŪRONGO TUAONO: NGĀ TĀNE KA WHAKAMAHI I TE WHAKAREKEREKE 29  occasion that Sarah reported violence, Tim had left the scene and was subsequently found at his mother’s house. He was warned. Tim was also starting to seek other justice responses. Tim supported his mother to have Sarah trespassed from her property after arguing that Sarah was stalking the family. Sarah’s family noted Tim’s controlling behaviours were increasing and felt that they were seldom able to see Sarah. Police evidence of the crime scene described Sarah’s notes in her diary about how she could improve to make Tim happy. Tim’s pre-sentencing report noted that he outlined numerous ways that Sarah was falling short of his expectations. He believed her behaviour had been deteriorating for some time. Although it acknowledged Tim’s attitudes supported violence and a sense of entitlement, the pre-sentencing report noted Tim was at low risk of offending again due to his previously clean record. Intergenerational journeys Using traumagrams in the death review process The Committee uses traumagrams66 to understand intergenerational forms of interpersonal and structural violence. Traumagrams ‘recognise interconnectedness between past, present, and future generations including the intergenerational factors that influence the health and wellbeing of people today’ (p 18).67 The traumagrams are based on Judy Atkinson’s work linking historical events resulting from the colonisation of Aboriginal lands in Australia across six generations to increased rates of family violence, child sexual abuse and family breakdown. Figure 5 has been drawn from this work, highlighting how institutional and social violence are linked with violence experienced at the interpersonal level. More information on the social outcomes across generations for Māori is available than information about Pākehā. Removing traumagrams from the Māori context of being forcibly removed from a cultural safety net reinforces negative stereotypes. Traumagrams are also intentionally focused on negative events and experiences. As such, they hide individual strengths that come from cultural norms, positive change and successes. In the future, we are committed to including voices of whānau and families in developing traumagrams so our reporting of intergenerational violence is accurate. 66 Traumagrams focus on traumatic events that have been recorded about families, across generations. They are a visual tool to help understand how intergenerational violence or trauma may impact on a person’s life. 67 Theodore R, Ratima M, Edwards W, et al. 2019. How a lifecourse approach can promote long-term health and wellbeing outcomes for Māori. The Journal of Indigenous Wellbeing Te Mauri – Pimatisiwin 4(1): 15–25. 30 FAMILY VIOLENCE DEATH REVIEW COMMITTEE | SIXTH REPORT: MEN WHO USE VIOLENCE Figure 5: Mapping traumatic events from colonisation to present day History 1860–1930 1856 1933 Epidemics Starvations Massacres Removals sa vpv a/d mi 1880–1960 ppv 1883 1952 Removals to reserves Child removals Government surveillance a/d mi su/a 1940–80 sa sa Continuing sa vpv removals vpv mi (d) Government su/a interventions 10-year-old boy sa–vp sa Attempted suicide at 9 vpv ppv su/a 1943 a/d Legend 1970