Africa Notes Full Set 2022 PDF

Summary

This document discusses how independent African states developed in the 1960s and 1970s, examining influencing political and economic ideas. It details different forms of government, such as African socialism, capitalism, and democracy, and provides examples like Angola in the Cold War and Tanzania under Julius Nyerere's leadership, showing the diversity of approaches and challenges faced by newly independent nations.

Full Transcript

TOPIC 2 – INDEPENDENT AFRICA How was independence realised in Africa in the 1960s and 1970s? A Leslie Gilbert Illingworth Punch cartoon on arising African Nationalism entitled Gulliver Africanus (May 1953) https://www.sothebys.com/en/auctions/ecatalogue/lot.113.html/2018/jeffrey-archer...

TOPIC 2 – INDEPENDENT AFRICA How was independence realised in Africa in the 1960s and 1970s? A Leslie Gilbert Illingworth Punch cartoon on arising African Nationalism entitled Gulliver Africanus (May 1953) https://www.sothebys.com/en/auctions/ecatalogue/lot.113.html/2018/jeffrey-archer-l18417 Date Accessed: 25 May 2021 1 In this section, you will learn about how independence was realised in Africa in the 20th century. You will learn about: 1. What were the ideas that influenced the independent states? Different forms of government (political ideologies and economies), such as African socialism, capitalism, democracy and one-party states. 3. Angola in the Cold War: INDEPENDENT USSR, USA, Cuba, AFRICA China and South Africa 2. Comparative examples to illustrate the political, economic, social and cultural successes and challenges in independent Africa (1960 to 1980) B. Tanzania A. Congo/ Zaire 2 What were the ideas that influenced the independent states? From the late 19th century, many of the major European countries became involved in a “Scramble for Africa”. For around 80 years, Africa was not free. Rather, African territories formed as a part of the respective empires of these colonial powers. Following World War II, African Nationalists began to fight for their own freedom and the end of colonial rule. Countries in Africa experienced many challenges as a result of colonisation. Cartoon depicting the Scramble for Africa. https://medium.com/impact-africa-network/the-digital-scramble-for-africa-31f3e4c33e99 Date Accessed 26 May 2021 Some of these problems included: The African people no longer ruled over themselves and were now subjected to authoritarian European rule. In order to suit the trading needs of the European powers, Africa’s economy and her natural resources were exploited. The European powers forced their language, culture, practices, legal system and values on the African people. The powers made no attempt to preserve the former African traditions. Egypt was the first African colony to gain independence in 1922 and by the end of the1960s, most of the African countries were independent. However, there were some African countries that remained colonies until they were granted independence in the 1970s-1990s. These countries included Mozambique, Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia. “UHURU” became the rallying cry for nationalist movements. “Uhuru” means independence in Kiswahili, attained after many years of colonial rule. It was a time of great optimism for many African states. Politically, Africans wanted a voice on how their country was governed and who would be the leader of their country would be. Economically, they wanted a chance to use their natural resources to develop the country’s economy. Socially and culturally, there was a need to develop African pride. They wanted to move away from European values. 3 After decades of colonial rule, people hoped that independence in Africa would result in a bright future. Leaders of the nationalist movements had aspirations and goals as to how these states should be governed. They had their own ideas about the forms of government and how the economies should be run. Leaders tried different tactics to build up their nation. A Map of Africa After World War II http://blackeconomics.co.uk/wp/the-impact-of-world-war-ii-on-africa/Date Accessed: 23 May 2021 4 A Map of Africa following Independence http://www.empathosnationenterprises.com/Consulate/EN-Library/Black-Studies/afindep.html Date Accessed: 23 May 2021 http://www.empathosnationenterprises.com/Consulate/EN-Library/Black-Studies/afindep.html Date Accessed: 23 May 2021 5 i. Different ideas about economic systems When African states became independent, they were not wealthy. The previous colonial rulers had not done anything to help these African countries to develop economic self-sufficiency. The colonial powers would exploit Africa’s raw materials and cash crops. They bought these unprocessed materials at a very low price and imported them back to Europe to make manufactured goods. After independence, African states were now in charge of how their country’s wealth was made, spent and shared. There was a huge need to Cartoon entitled “Gold Diggers” https://motherlandfatherland.wordpress.com/20 promote economic development and in particular, 18/09/19/capitalism-and-africa/ Date Accessed: industrialisation. 24 May 2021 D 1. Capitalism Capitalism is a system that encourages private enterprise. Capitalism promoted state involvement, but not state control. The governments would not control or interfere with privately owned businesses, industries or properties. There were individual opportunities for business owners and free trade was encouraged. Capitalism was dependent on foreign aid and private investments from the West. Countries with a capitalist economic system used foreign aid to inspire industrial development. Botswana, Cote d’Ivoire, Kenya, and Nigeria were some of the countries that followed a capitalist approach. Kenya’s first president, Jomo Kenyatta said “If we respect ourselves and our uhuru, foreign investments will pour in and we will prosper.” However, Kenya became very dependent on Western investments. In Cote d’Ivoire, most of the wealth went into the towns and cities, and not to the peasant farmers who made up the majority. Thus, capitalism threatened to undermine optimism for the newly independent states for the following reasons: Although capitalist economies aim to improve the standard of living for all their people, these economies only improve the living standards of a small percentage of the population. These economies often fail to improve the standard of living of the majority. Adopting a capitalist economy may re- introduce inequalities experienced in the past. 6 Capitalism also creates a poverty gap. There was a large difference between the wealthy elite and the poor. This created major unrest and instability in the new states. Some capitalist countries were still dependent on the Western countries for economic aid. Controversial cartoon that depicts capitalism as robbing Africa of its riches for the benefit of foreign countries. https://hateandanger.wordpress.com/2013/04/2 5/capitalism-6/ Date Accessed: 24 May 2021 D 2. African Socialism Many African Nationalists started to criticise capitalist policies. They viewed capitalism as an extension of colonialism and imperialism and also saw that the capitalist option as a chance for foreign investment to dominate the economy because there was too little indigenous private capital earned. Thus, some leaders preferred to introduce more socialist policies. African Socialism is defined as a belief in sharing economic resources in a traditional African way. Many African leaders stated that the ideas of socialism were not a new concept in Africa as there were many aspects of socialism in African traditions. Communities were classless and communal, and the concept of private ownership was non-existent. Some African states supported socialism as they felt that centralised state control would be the most beneficial way to bring about economic and social changes. African Socialism meant remembering ‘the spirt of traditional African society’ which had put the welfare of the population before the welfare of the individual. African Socialism promoted no private ownership of land, no social classes and no avoidance of the responsibility to work for common good. Policies of African Socialism differed from country to country. Julius Nyerere of Tanzania promoted African Socialism. Tanzania was the best-known example of African Socialism. In 1967, Nyerere introduced the Arusha Declaration, which supported the policy of Ujamaa (neighbourliness). African Socialism in Tanzania focused on collectivisation of agriculture and economic self-reliance. 7 A TIME Magazine cover of Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere http://50in50days.blogspot.com/2016/02/african- socialism-and-refugees.html Date Accessed: 24 May 2021 3. Afro-Marxism Some countries applied a form of socialism that was more closely linked to Marxism. Afro-Marxism was an ideology adopted by many African countries with a one-party state that exercised centralised policymaking. There was economic collectivisation and a nationalised economy. Examples of countries that followed Afro-Marxism included Ethiopia, Mozambique and Angola. ii. Different political ideologies about forms of government At the time of independence, many former colonies set up multi-party democracies. However, many of them became one-party states. 1. Democracy Before African states were granted independence, there was a lack of democracy. Africans would not have any say on how they were ruled. However, once these states became independent, many of them began as multi-party democracies. These newly independent states set up many political parties and set up their very first elections to vote for who they wanted to lead them. But many of these multi-party systems were quickly replaced by authoritarian states. 8 This is what occurred in Botswana. Botswana maintained democracy for a long period after the colonial powers left. They held elections every 5 years. The Botswana Democratic Party won most of the votes, but the opposition parties were permitted to operate freely. However, Botswana also experienced some problems. Elections were seen as an illusion of democracy. There was corruption and lack of government accountability. 2. One-party states Following independence, many African states abandoned democratic forms of government and became one-party states. This occurred when the ruling party took control of the government, police and armed forces. There was no freedom of the press. African leaders of one-party states justified their decisions: i. It was more in line with the traditional leadership of kings. Traditional African societies had been based on the authority of chiefs. ii. Parliamentary elections were too expensive. Introducing a one-party system would be a cheap and effective way to carry out the urgently needed reforms. iii. A single party would be more effective to govern the state as there would be no interference from the opposition. iv. Essentially, it was impossible to vote out these leaders as they were corrupt and led an inefficient government. However, one-party states resulted in the concentration of the power in the hands of a single leader. The ruling party would give itself the power of a dictator while silencing any criticism. These leaders relied on the army to stay in power. This often resulted in the military staging coups. A few reasons why there was no opposition to one-party rule included: People’s concerns were local rather than national. The population expected the governments to look after their basic needs and were less interested in national issues. There was a low level of literacy, poor infrastructure and communication was difficult. This made it difficult to administer a country successfully. There was no opposition to speak out against corruption and mismanagement and it was impossible to vote out an inefficient government. Political dissidents were suppressed by being jailed and being denied freedom of speech. Examples of leaders that introduced one-party states included Mobuto Sese Seko of the Congo, Idi Amin in Uganda, Hastings Banda of Malawi, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, and Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia. 9 Comparative Case Studies (1960-1980): the Congo and Tanzania This case study will focus on the developments after independence in two African countries: - Congo - Tanzania The Congo became involved in the Cold War struggle. Tanzania developed a socialist state with an emphasis on African Socialism. Here are some differences between the two countries: Congo (Zaire) Tanzania Flag of Congo (1966-1971) Flag of Zaire (1971-1997) Led by Patrice Lumumba, followed by Mwalimu Julius Nyerere became the Mobutu Sese Seko who became the President of TANU. President. Patrice Lumumba Mobutu Sese Seko Julius Nyerere Followed a capitalist policy under Mobutu Followed the policy of African Socialism Authenticité: abandoning Western cultural Ujamaa: Swahili word – norms in favour of “authentic” Congolese neighbourliness…collectivised peasant culture for example, dress. villages Kleptocracy: government that uses public Nationalisation: – state control of industry funds for private undertakings - corruption and mines - They aimed for co-operation Zairianisation: economic equivalent of and self-reliance. Authenticity: removal of foreign influence and ownership from Zaire’s economy 10 The Congo The Congo under the Belgian Rule of King Leopold II For many historians, the roots of the Congo’s violent years of independence lie deep in its colonial history. Between 1878 and 1959, the Congo was ruled by Belgian authorities. The King of Belgium, Léopold II, ruled the area as his own personal property. Léopold ruthlessly exploited the country’s people, and its supplies of ivory and rubber. Nearly 10 million people, half the population of the Belgian Congo, died under Léopold’s rule. By the late 1950s, the Congo was considered to be the wealthiest of Africa’s colonies. Every year, exports of palm-oil, cotton and coffee earned £53 million for the country. The Belgians in charge of the Congo mistakenly thought that this wealth, combined with their leadership, meant that the African population would be happy to be ruled by the Belgians forever. The Belgians, therefore, had made little attempt to prepare the country for independence. The Congolese people were treated very poorly. People in Congo paid high taxes and had to do forced labour. Colonial officials amputated and mutilated Congolese people as punishment. King Léopold II’s Africa Museum in the grounds of his palace at Tervuren had a "human zoo" in the grounds featuring 267 Congolese people as exhibits. Belgian policy focused on paternalism (with colonialists as ‘parents’) – a belief that African people needed to be treated as children and not allowed any responsibility or representation in government. Belgians deliberately excluded African participation in the political system. They denied Congolese the access to skilled and management positions in commerce. Through its education policy, the Congolese had restricted access to secondary and higher education. A political cartoon entitled “In the A photograph of two children Rubber Coils”, a cartoon showing with their hands amputated by the stranglehold of King Leopold II. the Belgians. https://www.historytoday.com/archive/c https://www.bbc.com/news/world- ontrarian/belgiums-heart-darknessDate europe-53017188 Date Accessed: 24 Accessed: 24 May 2021 May 2021 11 Congo After World War II After World War II, the Belgians aimed to stop the spread of nationalist ideas from other countries in Africa. During the 1950s, the Belgians banned all political parties that had formed as well as independent Africa newspapers. However, the Congolese wanted to rule themselves and violent protests erupted in 1959. Events in the Congo leading to independence: January 1959 – August 1960 The rise of African nationalism across the continent inspired people in the Congo to form nationalist movements during the time of World War II. In 1958, Joseph Kasavubu formed the Alliance des Ba-Kongo (ABAKO) and Patrice Lumumba formed the Mouvement National Congolais (MNC). These parties were banned under the Belgian rule. In January 1959 the Congo exploded with violent riots in Leopoldville (now called Kinshasa) the country’s capital. Congolese demonstrators destroyed government buildings and churches. The people of the Congo showed their anger and frustration at widespread unemployment, discrimination, overcrowding all due to the Belgian rule. Witnessing the violence, the Belgians panicked and agreed to end colonial rule. The Belgians then stalled and tried to go back on their agreement and in October 1959 riots erupted in the north of the Congo. Violent protests led the Belgians to reconsider granting independence in 1959, they decided to grant independence within 6 months. Twenty-six Congolese were killed in the resulting unrest. Patrice Lumumba was arrested for inciting violence and sentenced to six months’ imprisonment. In May 1960 independent elections were finally announced in the Congo. The Belgians hoped to keep power, as they assumed that the Congolese would be incompetent. Many more political parties began to form. These parties were regionally based, which drew numbers from a specific ethnic group. In these elections, 120 political parties ran, and no specific party achieved an outright majority. The MNC – Mouvement National Congolais – under Lumumba won the most seats. It was a party that gained nationwide not regional support, the only party to do this. The elections highlighted the divisions among ethnic groups in the Congo and made the Congo vulnerable to struggles for power. On 30th of June 1960 the Congo was granted independence. Belgium handed over power to the Congo. Patrice Lumumba from the MNC became the Prime Minister. Joseph Kasavubu (Lumumba’s rival) was appointed president. At this point, the Congo was a multi-party state. The government depended on parliamentary support of other politicians (because of the coalition made). Lumumba governed with assistance of Belgian civil service and the Belgian-led army. 12 A Photograph of new leader of the Congo, Patrice Lumumba https://www.dw.com/en/belgium-to-return-tooth-of- assassinated-congolese-leader-patrice-lumumba- to-family/a-54888050 Date Accessed: 24 May 2021 The State of the Nation at the time of independence The Congo government was left with limited infrastructure: → There were no trained Congolese to fill the government positions. Only 3 Congolese held positions in the civil service vs 4872 Belgians in the civil service. → There were only 30 graduates produced by the Belgian government. → There were no Congolese doctors, engineers or army officers. → There were no Congolese high school teachers. Only 10 000 out of 35 244 primary school teachers were adequately trained. A painting celebrating Lumumba at the → Ethnic rivalry was rooted in the Belgian announcement of independence. governance. Belgium also interfered, https://voice4thought.org/wp- undermining Lumumba’s democratically content/uploads/2019/01/Painting1.jpg. Date Accessed: 24 May 2021 elected government. What kind of leader was Lumumba? Lumumba was a successful leader to the extent that he gathered a large following. Many people were drawn to his idea of nationalism and the fact that his overriding aim was to get rid of the colonial masters. Lumumba, initially, garnered support from many Congolese people for his desire for a free, unified and democratic Congo. He did however face many difficulties in achieving this, such as the mutiny and violence of the Congolese army and the Katanga crisis which occurred in July 1960. Here the situation, rooted in the country’s colonial legacy, soon became out of Lumumba’s control. This situation and how he managed it would lead to his death. 13 Lumumba was an unsuccessful leader in the sense that he did not have a proper plan of action or strategy to deal with many problems the Congo faced at independence and because of this he created difficulties for himself by contributing to the chaos, fear and violence at the time. Another difficulty he created for himself was that the government he put together was not a unified body. Some of the Congolese leaders did not share Lumumba’s vision of a united Congo with a strong, centralised government. President Kasavubu wanted a federation of states based on ethnicity. Another politician, Moise Tshombe wanted a loose federation of states which was backed by the Belgian government. Five days after independence, units of the Congolese army mutinied demanding the removal of Belgian officers. Violent attacks against the Belgians erupted all over the country. Congolese attacked Belgian civilians and Belgian property. Lumumba’s Rule One of the major problems facing the newly independent Congo was political instability. On 11th of July 1960 the mineral-rich province of Katanga, led by Moise Tshombe seceded from the Congo and Tshombe declared Katanga as a separate and independent territory that would no longer be part of the Congo. Katanga was supported by Belgian mining companies who owned and administered the rich mines. Belgian troops were flown in to protect their interests. Kasai (backed by the Soviet Union) also attempted to break away. The Congolese army was becoming a dangerous mob. The army no longer wished to be exploited by the Belgium officers. The army demanded the immediate Africanisation of the army. Lumumba responded by dismissing 1100 Belgium officers whose positions were filled by inexperienced officers. Lumumba made sure that the army consisted of Congolese officers and promoted his personal secretary, Joseph Mobutu, to rank of Army Chief of Staff. However, the violence in the area spread, people were raped, white Congolese were murdered and terrorised. Approximately 25 000 Belgian nationals fled to French Congo. Belgium, which has strong interests in preserving access in Katanga, sent troops and military technology to help Tshombe’s men. The Belgian mining company wished to maintain control of this area and still administered Katanga’s rich mines. It was evident that this situation required stability as the attempted secession of the region was tearing the country apart. 14 A Map of the Congo during the 1960s. http://www.mercenary- wars.net/congo/map.html Date Accessed: 24 May 2021 Lumumba Intervenes Lumumba had broken off all ties with Belgium and called on the UN to assist in removing the Belgian presence in Katanga, because the Belgians were violating the Congo’s independence and destabilising the country. The UN peacekeeping force arrived and by the 15th of July, there were more than 20 000 troops. But, their actions were not what Lumumba had hoped for and the conflict continued. The UN was blocked by the USA. Lumumba then invited the USSR into the Congo to help quash the Katanga rebellion. The Soviet Union provided the Congo with food, military equipment and military advisors. Lumumba was not communist, but asked for Soviet assistance in order to defeat his two rivals Tshombe and Kasavubu. The military assistance given to Lumumba by the USSR resulted in the massacre of hundreds of civilians. More importantly, Lumumba’s actions transformed the Congolese crises into a new zone of Cold War rivalry. American becomes involved in the Congo The acceptance of Soviet Aid angered the USA. The Congo Crisis became an extension of the Cold War. Therefore, the internal conflicts in the Congo became a proxy war for the USSR and the USA, the Cold War now extended into central Africa, and the Congo would be used as a springboard for US interference in other African states. President Eisenhower of the USA was furious that Lumumba had involved the USSR. By inviting the USSR into the Congo, Lumumba allowed the superpower to start forming a power base in the heart of Africa. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) became involved. One must consider the Cold War context and the rivalries that Lumumba had now ignited by not remaining non-aligned. President Eisenhower authorised the CIA to “eliminate” Lumumba; in other words, to have Lumumba assassinated. This plan was never carried out by the CIA. Tshombe 15 of Katanga and the Belgian authorities accepted the CIA’s plan to assassinate Lumumba. On the 5 September 1960 President Kasavubu announced on the radio that Lumumba was no longer Prime Minister. In response, Lumumba announced that he had dismissed Kasavubu as President. One of the last photographs of Patrice Lumumba https://face2faceafrica.com/article/t he-chilling-details-of-patrice- lumumbas-assassination-and- how-he-was-dissolved-in-acid Date Accessed: 24 May 2021 https://face2faceafrica.com/article/the- chilling-details-of-patrice-lumumbas- The End of Lumumba’s rule assassination-and-how-he-was-dissolved-in- acid Lumumba was deposed by Mobutu on 14 September 1960 after serving as Prime Minister for only 67 days. Lumumba feared for his life and was murdered in captivity in 1961 under controversial circumstances. There is evidence to suggest that Mobutu, Tshombe, the CIA and agents of the Belgian government might have been involved. The United States, United Nations and former colony Belgium were complicit in his murder as they looked on while he was tortured despite letters, he wrote for protection during the Congo Crisis. He fought against colonialism and found an alliance in the Soviet Union which is believed to be the reason the Western allies refused to help him. Lumumba was regarded as a martyr by communist countries around the world, and an African university in Moscow was named after him. According to later investigations (in 2000) it was the Belgian government that was responsible for his assassination. Lumumba’s son and Belgian lawyers aimed to ensure that those responsible for his murder are named and held accountable. https://www.reddit.com/r/socialism/c omments/ah15ug/patrice_lumumba_ was_an_african_leader_his/ Date Accessed: 24 May 2021 16 https://www.flickr.com/photos/186321328@N05/49692648562 Date Accessed: 24 May 2021 Speech at the opening of the All-African Conference in Leopoldville by Patrice Lumumba - August 25, 1960 Ministers, Ladies and gentlemen, Dear comrades, The fighting Congolese people are proud and happy to receive their brothers-in-arms in their country today. For my Government, for us Congolese, your presence here at such a moment is the most striking proof of the African reality whose existence our enemies have always denied and are still attempting to deny. But you, of course, know that that reality is even more stubborn than they, and Africa lives on and fights. She refuses to die to justify the arguments about the backwardness of our history, a history we have made with our hands, our skins and our blood. It is at conferences such as this that, we first became conscious of our personality, of our growing solidarity. When at our first conferences, which were held in various cities in Africa, we brought up the problem of decolonisation the imperialists never expected we would be successful. However, since the first Conference of the Peoples of Africa in Accra in December 1958 we have traversed the entire road of the liberation of our continent together. You will recall the upsurge of the liberation struggle of the peoples of Angola, Algeria, the Congo, Kenya, Mozambique, Nyasaland and Rhodesia after the Conference in Accra, and of Ruanda-Urundi today. You will remember that a decisive step forward was taken after that historic Conference. Nothing, neither bullets, nor repressions, could stop this popular movement. The work of this Conference is aimed at accelerating the movement for the independence of the African continent. Ministers, dear fighters for the freedom of Africa, it is your duty to show the world and those who sneer at us that nothing can deter us from liberating Africa, which is our common aim. We can achieve this aim only in solidarity and unity. Our solidarity will have meaning only when it is boundless and when we are convinced that Africa's destiny is indivisible. 17 After Lumumba’s Death During this period of confusion and political chaos in the Congo, Joseph Mobutu declared a coup d’état in the Congo and rose to power with the open help and protection of the CIA. Mobutu expelled the Russians and created a government with Kasavubu as president. Mobutu became the new leader of the Congo. For the next three years UN troops and the Congolese army battled to restore order and unity Joseph Mobutu https://www.africanexponent.co to the Congo. Mobutu, with the help of the USA m/post/8617-mobutu-sese- eventually emerged as the winner of the struggle seko-was-a-heartless-dictator and seized full control in 1965. He changed his Date Accessed: 25 May 2021 name from Joseph Desire Mobutu to Mobutu Sese Seko in 1972. As Mobutu Sese Seko, he ruled the Congo as a dictator for the next 32 years until 1997. Mobutu seizes power Mobutu established a one-party state with strong central control. The Congo became more and more corrupt, autocratic and brutally suppressed opposition. The USA viewed Mobutu as an important ally during the time of Cold War. The USA provided military and financial aid. The USA were motivated by enormous mineral wealth. Between 1965-1988 – USA gave $860 million Cartoon drawn about What kind of a leader was Mobutu Sese Mobuto Seko? https://www.ecc- In his personal life, Mobutu was known as charming and kruishoutem.be/en/previousexh gracious. But what was remarkable about him was his ibitions/kartoons-ya-congo.html Date Accessed: 25 May 2021 extensive ability to exploit every aspect of his power successfully and ruthlessly, in order to ensure his position as leader of the Congo. The Congo’s central location in Africa means that it shares borders with nine nations, including Angola and the Sudan. This made the Congo of strategic importance in the Cold War – a fact that Mobutu successfully manipulated by playing on the Cold War fears of the USA to make himself a key ally of the West. In 1972, Mobutu attempted to name himself “President for life”. It is clear that we cannot consider Mobutu as a good leader in any real way: not only because the Congo became a kleptocracy* under his rule, but also because he was responsible for innumerable instances of cruelty, torture and murder in order to maintain his grip on power. 18 *Kleptocracy means: Rule by individuals or groups who use their political power to steal their country’s resources. The term is a combination of the word “kleptomania” – an obsessive need to steal regardless of need – and the Greek word kratos – meaning “power” – and its literal meaning is “ruled by thieves”. Mobutu’s cult of personality The personality cult surrounding Mobutu became extreme. He used the media and propaganda to create a god-like public image of himself, demanding unquestioning praise and adoration. At the height of Mobutu’s personality cult, people wore a badge bearing a portrait of him and he was praised in song and dance. The national television news always began with an image of Mobutu moving through clouds as if he was descending from heaven. 'The cock that leaves no hen unruffled' is the translation of Mobutu Sese Seko Kuku Ngbendu wa Za Banga, the full name assumed by President Mobutu in 1965. He is master of the cult of personality. The 'Supreme Guide', 'Father' and bearer of a self-awarded Oscar for Development has his portrait hung in every public place, printed on textiles and, before the re-instatement of the Church, at the altar.’ https://newint.org/features/1991/05/05/profile Date Accessed: 25 May 2021 19 http://www.picturequotes.com/mobut u-sese-seko-quotes Date Accessed: 25 May 2021 A cartoon published about Mobutu in 1997 following the end of his rule. The caption states: “Meanwhile, Mobutu Sese Seko leaves Zaire, but holds on to power”. http://collections.musee- mccord.qc.ca/en/collection/artifacts/M999.81. 51 Date Accessed: 25 May 2021 Legacies of Colonialism Some general effects Urbanisation led to an influx of Western culture and ideas which sometimes involved absorption into urbanised Western culture. African people were not treated or considered as equal to colonisers and were given Second Class citizen status. Because Africans lost land ownership and living space some African societies were no longer self-supportive and because Africans had limited opportunities for advancement, many were forced to become wage labourers. Colonial rule also led to a draining of resources such as gold, copper, rubber, cotton, coffee etc. and so after independence African states experienced many serious political, economic and social issues. 20 Ethnic rivalries worsen At independence African leaders faced the huge challenge of creating nations out of rivalling ethnic groups. There were two obstacles to this goal: 1. Under colonialism, borders across African territories were imposed to suit the needs of European nations. These borders either grouped together ethnic communities who were historically and traditionally aggressive towards one another, or divided people who had a shared culture, language and heritage. 2. Colonial rulers made tensions worse between ethnic groups by using a tactic called “divide and rule” to prevent organised uprisings against the colonists. Often colonialists favoured one group over another and this, too, laid down the foundations for ethnic rivalry after independence. Ethnic rivalries in the Congo Until 1955, the Congolese people were not allowed to form political parties. After 1955, the political parties that did form were developed out of tribal unions or associations. The Congolese people are made up of around 200 separate ethnic groups and these ethnic groups speak distinct languages and are divided across the Congo’s various regions. Moreover, countries such as the United States, the USSR, China and Belgium were all willing to support any group who could provide them with resources and strategic power bases. This increased rivalry between groups. The secession of Katanga in July 1960 is an example of ethnic rivalries that posed a serious challenge to the Congo as a stable society. Any leader would have found the ethnic rivalry shown in the secession of Katanga difficult to handle and since there was no unified support for a strong central government in the Congo, Lumumba faced a very big challenge in attempting to keep the new country together. Economic legacies of colonialism The roots of a number of economic crises that African countries faced were planted during colonialism. The economies that African countries took on at independence were disadvantaged in the following ways: 1. They were underdeveloped. During colonialism, African countries were robbed of the wealth that had been produced by African workers, on African land, using the countries’ natural resources. The economies of the African colonies had been developed simply to increase the wealth of the colonisers. African colonies produced only raw materials for export: secondary industries meant that newly independent countries had limited economies (i.e. they were dependent on one or two exports). When the needs of international markets – which were the buyers of their products – changed, these economies suffered. 21 2. Colonialism left behind an unequal terms of trade. “Terms of trade” is the difference between how much profit a country makes selling exports and how much it spends on importing goods. Because newly independent African countries did not have their own manufacturing systems, they had to import many goods to meet people’s needs. These imported goods were expensive. At the same time, the countries’ exports were being sold at low prices. 3. Unequal participation in world markets. African countries suddenly found themselves trying to survive in a business world that had been created by and for rich Western countries. Since they were new to this world and had not had any say in how it was structured, they were immediately at a disadvantage. The colonial economic legacy could not be thrown off in a few years. It could only be reduced, and slowly removed. A major obstacle to this was neo-colonialism. Neo colonialism can be said to be taking the place when a former colonising power has a way (other than by direct political and military means) of controlling old colonies and remaining more powerful than them. The Congo suffered the effects of neo-colonialism in two phases: The Congo under Lumumba Western powers already had a strong hold over the resources of the Congo. Congo is very rich in mineral resources, especially copper, cobalt. They then became involved in the country’s crisis in order to keep their access to resources. The Congo under Mobutu Mobutu at first invited foreign investors to run major companies in the Congo. In the 1970s he changed his mind, and returned ownership of major companies to people in the Congo (by then renamed Zaire). But by that time it was too late. The people of the country had almost no experience in running important companies and so the result was a disaster for Zaire’s economy. Mobutu’s political ideology: authenticité President Mobutu’s official political ideology was called “authenticité”, which was supposed to bring about unity, a strong national identity, and development of the economy. Mobuto promoted indigenous customs and beliefs which he used to remove idea of democracy; however, the actual power of his chiefs was a farce as Joseph Mobuto’s party was the only real ‘Chief’. In 1967, Mobutu had MPR Badge https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Popular_Mo founded Mouvement Populaire de la Révolution (MPR) vement_of_the_Revolution Date and made it the only legal political party in the Congo. Accessed: 25 May 2021 22 Membership of the MPR was compulsory for all citizens. Mobutu did not hesitate to use force to achieve “stability” and resistance to his rule was met with assassinations, executions, torture and rape. In terms of Mobutu’s Africanisation ideology, a most important part was his attempt to legitimise his absolute rule by claiming that it was a version of traditional African politics. He used this to remove ideas of democracy and elections were a farce as Mobuto’s party was the only party allowed. Open debate and opposition were not permitted. Mobuto exercised complete control over government ministers and officials. He was concerned with his security as a leader and went to extreme lengths to make sure that his position as leader of the Congo was never threatened. He constantly changed his ministers and senior officials, or rearranged the positions they held, so that none of them could come close to seizing power from him. He also had a habit of firing his senior officials and throwing them into jail without warning. In this way Mobutu exercised strict control over the people who worked close to him as he needed to maintain a careful hierarchy within the ranks of his ministers because his position as absolute ruler of the Congo made him vulnerable to a coup d’état. Mobutu’s economic ideology Mobutu adopted a capitalist economy for the Congo. However, most historians agree that Mobutu abused the capitalist system, and that the Congo was actually best understood as a kleptocracy. As a result of this development, Mobutu and a select group of high-ranking officials were made rich through corruption and embezzlement of the Congo’s wealth for personal gain. At the time of independence the Congo was one of the wealthiest countries in Africa. Mobuto sold off the mineral wealth to encourage investment. He wanted to industrialise Zaire and so he built hydro-electric dams. He was determined to nationalise industries, farms and dam projects and this required lots of borrowed money. This ‘nationalisation’ was actually his own version of a form of capitalism as control and ownership was handed to Congolese friends and family of Mobuto rather than remaining under state control. (nepotism) Mismanagement led to falling production levels and some industries had to be returned to private ownership. Zaire relied on strong links with the West and foreign investment to stimulate this industrialisation. One result of this was the creation of wealthy elites in the urban areas who made enormous amounts of money from privately owned businesses who did not care about or help the poor in the rural areas. In the 1970s the economy of Zaire collapsed as a result of Zairenisation: Zairenisation is the economic equivalent of authenticity. All foreign influence and ownership removed from Zaire’s economy and these foreign investments in land, industry and business were ‘nationalised’. 23 A Rare Banknote from Zaire 1970s https://www.etsy.com/Centauric/listing/8628611 24/rare-1970s-zaire-5-zaires-rare- banknote?utm_campaign=Share&utm_medium=s ocial_organic&utm_source=DSMT2&utm_term=s o.smt&share_time=1601058427000 Date Accessed: 25 May 2021 The state had to borrow money to fund nationalisation but could not repay loan. Nationalisation, along with mismanagement and nepotism led to a loss of income. Also, because of authenticité, European officials were replaced by inexperienced Zairians and this led to a drop-in production levels. Inflation reached 100% and foreign investors were scared off. Mobuto tried to reduce interest rates by decreasing imports, health services, education funding and social welfare, which had negative effects on the poor. The civil war in Angola (1977) made it difficult for Zaire to export raw materials/import food so prices rose. The Congo had severely underdeveloped railways which were not maintained and poor roads which hindered transport and trade, causing rising prices. Copper exports formed 40% of DRC’s income and after the world demand for copper dropped in 1980s there was a severe loss of revenue which made it very difficult to repay loans. The situation was made worse by massive levels of corruption and mismanagement. Mobuto used money for his personal life, nepotism was rife, and everyone wanted a bribe to do anything. The country’s resources never actually reached the people who mined them. As a result of Mobutu’s kleptocracy, Zaire’s people were unable to satisfy their basic needs. Under Mobutu, Zaire’s economy itself was almost entirely destroyed. Zaire was kept afloat by Western funds given to prevent communism, but Mobutu meeting the US Defence Secretary in 1983 https://face2faceafrica.com/article/the- Quote said by Mobutu Sese Seko grandiose-life-of-drcs-mobuto-sese-seko-who- https://www.azquotes.com/quote/1398469 Date built-africas-largest-nuclear-bunker Date Accessed: 25 May 2021 Accessed: 25 May 2021 24 this ended with the end of Cold War. Thus, the nation suffered from uncontrolled inflation, large debt and massive currency devaluations. Mobutu’s Social and Cultural Ideology Independence led to the end of a system of white supremacy. Kinshasa became one of the largest urban areas in Africa with opportunities for everyone. Mobuto took inspiration from an ideology called Africanisation: Africanisation is the process of making a government, or politics, more African and it also involves the act of changing personal names of places in order to create a more authentic African identity. The hope was that, because of the freedom granted by independence, Africanisation would renew African people’s self-esteem and pride in being African. However, Mobutu undertook an extreme method of Africanising the Congo. Mobutu’s Africanisation took the form of authenticité. This policy was to change the Congo to become an authentic African state. And so authenticité took control of all aspects of life in the Congo. Under authenticite: Mobutu gave the Congo a new name – Zaire. Although the name Zaire was supposed to be African, it really was a Portuguese version of the Kikongo word “nzadi”, meaning “the river that swallows all rivers”. Individuals had to have African names and he changed his own name from Joseph Mobuto to Mobuto Sese Seko. Major cities in Zaire were given Africanised names and all citizens were forced to drop their Christian names in favour of more “authentic” Congolese ones. Priests were not allowed to baptise with Christian names or they faced arrest. Wearing of western clothing was banned – citizens had to wear traditional African clothes (e.g. Shirts, hats). Mobutu Sese Seko wearing Traditional Dress https://modernafrica.wordpress.com/2012/04/19/the-politics- of-costume-25/ Date Accessed: 25 May 2021 Changes in Education When African countries became independent a revolution in education was needed. The education that colonial and missionary schools had previously provided for African children had taught colonial values but to a great extent, these values were racist, European and capitalist. For the most part, too, the education had been vastly inferior to that given to European children. Independent states had to provide better schools for more children. The first challenge they faced was providing “decolonised” education. In other words, syllabuses and textbooks were Africanised, to meet the realities and needs of African children and not of Europe. Mobuto took full control of education and phased out religious education which had been run by 25 the Catholic church. The new schools – which were mostly in urban areas - established after independence suffered from a shortage of money and a lack of teachers. Educational opportunities are limited in the rural areas. Funding stopped completely in the 1970s after Zairenisation. These new schools also had to try to fix a long colonial legacy of providing schools for boys but not for girls. By 1972, the proportion of girls attending school across Africa had risen to 37,6% of the total school-going population. Even though this was still lower than in Asia and Latin America, it was nearly double what it had been at the time of independence in the 1960s. After independence, the literacy rates in the Congo were the highest on the continent and roughly 70% of all children ready for primary school were enrolled in the Congo’s school. Primary school in the Congo consisted of only two grades. The colonial rulers of the Congo had only emphasised attendance in primary schools and this meant that only 2% of students went to secondary school after completing primary school. It was Mobutu’s task to develop secondary education in Zaire, in order for large numbers of students to enrol at secondary level, and then to continue to university. And so, during the 1980s, Mobutu focused on establishing higher education in Zaire. An important goal of the government was to train Congolese in technical and managerial skills so as to put an end to the reliance on foreign experts to run factories. He established more than twenty post-secondary school institutions where Zairians could receive university-level education. After 10 years of independence secondary school enrolment and higher education had risen. Some Social Challenges Economic inequality was high, and this was made worse by excessive corruption. Extreme poverty was experienced by all Congolese, and especially in rural areas. Urban communities suffered from overcrowding, crime, lack of sanitation and clean water. The civil war in the eastern area of country resulted in death and the displacement of huge numbers of people. There was a high rate of malnutrition. Diseases such as AIDS/HIV, cholera, malaria and typhoid also impacted negatively on the health of the people. Sexual violence was used as a weapon of war.Gender inequality is high and the rape culture in the country is excessive impacting negatively on the role of women in the country’s economy. Literacy rates are low; less than 20% of children enter secondary education. Freedom of expression was not well supported: homosexuals and certain ethnic groups are victimised Cultural The Congo experienced numerous successes as they broke free from colonial influences. A diverse array of cultures continued to exist and Kinshasa became a melting pot of the these cultures. Dance music was an example of a blend between European influences with traditional African culture: Congolese rumba and soukous. The singer Le Grand Kalle’ became famous internationally for his song “Independence Cha Cha”. Congolese music was well supported by Mobutu and the radio was used to encourage local music. While French remained the spoken language, the 26 indigenous language of Lingala was the dominant language in the music industry. Africans were allowed to develop their own talents and popular arts began to flourish. Independence inspired Congolese authors with new themes and there were important contribution by playwrights e.g. Lisembe Elembe in the 1970s. Congolese authors were inspired to write about their political thoughts and their experiences. Playwrights also contributed to the growth of cultural expression. Some Cultural Challenges There were 242 languages in the Congo. Development of each language was not financially viable and only 5 languages became official languages: French, Lingala, Kikongo, Thsilubu and Swahili. The government official language remains French. Christian faith amalgamated with African religious traditions. There is a continuing belief in witchcraft. A poster advertising a wrestling match Translation from French: Heavy between Foreman and Ali Weight World Championship https://www.reddit.com/r/PropagandaPost ers/comments/69ee3g/a_gift_of_president_ mobutu_to_the_za%C3%AFrian_people/ Date accessed: 25 May 2021 Translation from French: A gift from the president Mobutu to the Zairian People and the honour of the black man Point to ponder: Mobutu gave his people a gift to watch the wrestling, but did not fix deeper and more serious problems his people were facing? Was this gift so genuine, or was he satisfying his own needs before his people? 27 Timeline of events from independence in the Congo Congo becomes a Belgian colony. 1905 Belgium grants the Congo its independence after violence and unrest in the country. 1959 Elections: MNC under Lumumba: 33 seats. Abako Party under Kasavubu: 17 seats. Coalittion government established which fails: Lumumba joins with 25 smaller parties to 1960 for the government. Mutiny in the Congo. Katanga and Kasai declare independence. July: ONUC forces arrive and the there are 20 000 Dag Hammarskjold flies into the Congo. September: Lumumba is desposed by Kasavubu. He is placed under house arrest. Lumumba tries to flee but he is captured and is flown to Leopoldvulle under guard. January: Lumumba is flown to Elizabethville in Katanga. He was killed by a firing squad under Tshombe's orders. 1961 Regional rivalries among political parties. Soldiers from the Force Publique ruse up against the Belgians in all forms. Katanga's secession is ended and is reunited with the Congo. 1963 Simba Rebellion broke out - these were supporters of Lumumba. They set up a rebel governemnt. Tshombe led forces against them. Mobutu, US and Belgian paratroopers put 1964 down the rebellion. General Mobutu becomes the president after a coup 1965 Mobutu win the elections for a seven year term. 1970 Congo flag changes. 1971 Congo is renamed Zaire as it was more African. 28 Tanzania In Tanzania, Julius Nyerere chose a socialist path to development, implementing ideas of African Socialism. In contrast with the Congo, in terms of the Cold War, Tanzania chose a policy of non-alignment, which meant that it did not involve itself in the Cold War conflict in Africa. Tanzania did not experience quite the same brutality as the Congo. In1891 Germany occupied the regions that are now known as Tanzania, Rwanda and Burundi, calling them German East Africa. After World War I, Tanganyika (as Tanzania was called) became a mandate, or protected area, of the British. After World War II and the formation of the United Nations (UN), Tanganyika became a UN trusteeship. This meant that Britain was put in charge of making sure that decolonisation happened in Tanganyika by a certain date. A Map of Tanzania https://www.lonelyplanet.com/maps/africa/tanzania/ Date Accessed: 25 May 2021 In July 1954 the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) was formed, with the nationalist leader Julius Nyerere as its president. TANU actively sought independence for Tanganyika and by 1960, it was the leading party in the country. Then in 1961, under conditions considered to be very peaceful (especially when compared to those experienced in the Congo), Tanganyika became an independent country. Nyerere was its first Prime Minister in 1962. Many British civil servants stayed in the country to train African replacements. There would be an attempt to expand education (neglected under the British) and encourage indigenous entrepreneurship. 29 Cooperatives were set up to ensure peasants could control the marketing of the crops. In 1963, the island of Zanzibar, 36 km off Tanzania’s coast, underwent a revolution and overthrew its Arab leaders. Zanzibar and mainland Tanganyika then formed the nation of Tanzania, in April 1964. From the start, the newly independent Tanzania was led by TANU’s policy to cement an African way of life based on the principles of socialism. TANU focused on unifying the various ethnic groups in the territory. Julius Nyerere 1961-1985 Especially when compared to Mobutu, Julius Nyerere was a very different type of leader. He soon became internationally recognised as a leader who was dedicated to firm ideals and ruled with personal integrity. He was a highly respected as a politician. Nyerere was successful in gathering a large following for his “socialist experiment” in Tanzania, which seemed to offer hope to the world and throughout Tanzania he was given the affectionate Swahili name of Mwalimu (‘Teacher’). He had made his living as a schoolmaster before entering politics but earned the title Mwalimu mostly thanks to his moral strength and his ability to set a path for the new nation of Tanzania. Many people argue that Nyerere was a good leader because he successfully drew attention to capitalist systems that keep poor countries poor and rich countries rich. He demanded that “the poorest of the poor” be given a fairer share of the world’s wealth. As such he aimed to create an egalitarian society in Tanzania where everybody participated productively in national life and benefitted equally from the state. Nyerere’s type of leadership stood in sharp contrast to the leadership style of other African presidents between 1960 and 1980. While presidents such as Mobutu lived a life of extravagance through corruption, Nyerere had a total dislike of all forms of elitism. Nyerere also declared that as a non-aligned state Tanzania would not take sides in the Cold War struggle in Africa. This meant that Tanzania had good relations with both the USA and the USSR. Nyerere’s generally good intentions meant that he Mwalimu Julius Nyerere – First was given a great deal of praise and support. This President on Tanzania helped Tanzania to receive a great deal of foreign https://face2faceafrica.com/article/7- aid. In the 1970s, Tanzania was receiving more powerful-quotes-tanzanias-first- foreign aid per capita than any other African president-julius-nyerere-will-always-be- country. remembered-for Date Accessed: 25 May 2021 Nyerere was concerned about the following: Promoting and developing the economy Securing and retaining national control of the direction of the economic development Creating participatory political institutions that would sustain a sense of 30 common purpose. He united the people under the TANU party. Building a fair society which would be free of severe income inequalities and where all would share. Having clear moral intentions, however, does not necessarily make a person a good political leader. Nyerere is not always considered a wholly successful leader because he believed fanatically in African Socialism, he enacted the Arusha Declaration with enormous speed. Without much detailed planning and preparation, and without input of the Tanzanian people, he put into place an entirely new way of running a country, disrupting millions of people’s lives in the process. Nyerere’s Political Ideology Nyerere is considered to have had some of the most persuasive arguments for one- party states in Africa. He believed that multi-party systems had developed in the West because of competition between social and economic classes. In an industrialised country, different social and economic classes wanted different things. In African society, where economic and social classes did not really exist, a multiple party system would only create differences. Such a system would only divide people and weaken focus on developing the country. He felt that different parties would promote conflicting and different development goals; and would divide the people instead of stabilising the country. Nyerere had been the leader of TANU since its formation in 1954. When independence was granted to Tanzania, TANU was the only important political party in the country. This meant that when Tanzania became independent in December 1962, it was already a one-party state led by Nyerere. Although Tanzania was technically a one-party state, it had aspects of a democracy even though limited. There were no separatist movements and in 1964, Zanzibar joined the mainland. Nyerere as a leader → He was a leader of great integrity. → He was a passionate and outspoken African nationalist. → He was also a dedicated Pan-Africanist. → His regime was not characterised by corruption: he lived in a modest home and earned a presidential salary that was lower than some of his cabinet ministers. → He banned tribalism and Tanzania is the only African country that has come closest to separating tribe and state. → Although the population of Tanzania consisted of around 120 ethnic groups, no single group was large enough to attempt domination of the others. However, and most importantly, the Kiswahili language spoken by the majority of the population helped to provide unity among ethnic groups. Kiswahili became the official language of Tanzania at independence, and this helped the country’s ethnic groups and minorities to develop a shared identity. Nyerere hated the colonial legacy of artificial boundaries but insisted that there was little that independent countries could do about them. He made it clear that fighting over ethnicity would prove that many people in the West thought of Africa: that 31 it was backward, territorial and violent. Nyerere also pointed out that ethnic rivalries would keep Africa weak and likely to be exploited by stronger continents. In this way, some political stability was achieved. → Nyerere showed wisdom in managing tribal matters and did not believe exploiting differences would bring stability. → He created a republic with an executive president. A Photograph of Julius Nyerere https://www.thoughtco.com/julius -kambarage-nyerere-43589 Date Accessed: 26 May 2021 Criticisms launched against Nyerere His experiment in African socialism was overly ambitious and did not achieve its aims. The inefficient state marketing boards that he introduced led to great dependence on foreign assistance. The top-down approach became a distinct characteristic of his rule. He did lead like a tyrant and was accused of not believing in the people below him to manage the economy. In 1965: Constitution amended to make Tanzania a one-party state and on 7 February 1967 Nyerere issued Arusha Declaration → The 1965 Constitution stated the following: TANU membership was open to anyone who was willing to accept its ideals. Any TANU member could be nominated for election to the government. Elections were held in which citizens could vote for ministers and officials. This meant that ministers were accountable to the people as they could be voted out. TANU candidates were not allowed to spend money on campaigning or to use tribal, racial or religious language. The state was based on: - African socialism - A centralised government - Nationalised industries - Rural reform. 32 The Arusha Declaration of 1967 President Julius Nyerere’s official political ideology was contained in the Arusha Declaration. A source taken from Black Past outlining the emphasis and focus of the Arusha Declaration. The Arusha Declaration, which was passed on January 29, 1967, summarized Tanzania’s commitment to socialism and the significant role that it was to play in the country’s development. The document was originally written by Julius K. Nyerere, who served as the first president of Tanzania between 1964 and 1985. The Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), the major political party before and after independence, also helped establish the principles which guided the Declaration. TANU’s leaders, who were mostly civil servants, teachers, farmers, or traders, welcomed the statement. In fact, there were few capitalists in Tanzania in the early 1960s to challenge the document supporting a socialist model of economic development. This declaration emphasised self-reliance, frugality, and self-denial. It stated that everyone in the state, whatever his or her actual occupation, was a worker and that all means of production would be nationalised for the people. The concept of Ujamaa was the centre piece of the social and economic development program. Here groups of village families worked together on communal farms for the common good. The Declaration also included a Leadership Code to promote equality among all Tanzania citizens. This code was one of numerous attempts to prevent party leaders and well-to-do individuals from forming privileged, exploitative groups. The Arusha Declaration as a whole sought to reduce the income inequality among all citizens and shift development efforts towards rural areas. It argued that the country was involved in a war against poverty and oppression. In addition to aiming for a self-sustaining economy, it reformed the education system. The three significant changes that it made, were putting more emphasis on primary education rather than secondary education, commending practical knowledge more than book knowledge, and gearing education more towards agricultural skills. The Arusha Declaration is one of the most important political and economic decrees in Tanzania’s history. It formally outlined how resources for development can be mobilized. All of these changes, motivated by the declaration, were aimed at creating a more self-reliant society. Because the declaration emphasized the simultaneous act of increasing the extraction of domestic resources while distributing goods and services in a more equal fashion, it called for harder work from all the citizens across the nation. The shift from relying on capital to relying on human resources depended on the state’s assumption that all workers would respond to their call for ‘harder work.’ Despite its intentions, the Declaration did not generate the expected development and in fact increased bribery and collection as state monopolies, created by the nationalisation of the economy, grew more powerful. By the early 1970s, many Tanzanian farmers resisted the seizure of their lands by government cooperatives. When Operation Dodoma in 1974 called for the collectivisation of all farming in the country, many of the farmers resisted. The Arusha Declaration was abandoned by the Tanzanian government in 1975. https://www.blackpast.org/global-african-history/arusha-declaration-1967-2/ Date Accessed: 26 May 2021. 33 The document outlined the goal of creating a much more equal society in Tanzania through the methods of socialism. TANU, Nyerere’s ruling party, adopted the Arusha Declaration in February 1967. Nyerere was concerned that leaders in Tanzania would become part of an elite and challenge his ideal of an equal society. In Nyerere’s opinion, as soon as there is inequality between people, there is political instability. This ideal of being a nation of equals would apply very strictly to the leaders of Tanzania. Nyerere’s Arusha Declaration included a section called the Leadership Code. This code explained that all senior government ministers and party officials had to be peasants or workers. They were not allowed to have any connection to the practice of capitalism. The Arusha Declaration Monument in Tanzania https://www.blackpast.org/glo bal-african-history/arusha- declaration-1967-2/ Date Accessed: 26 May 2021 They were not allowed to: - Own shares in a company. - Earn more than one salary. - Own houses that they rented to other people. Nyerere was deeply concerned about the wide differences between the poor masses of Tanzania and the country’s wealthy elite. To prevent government ministers and officials from exploiting privileges in order to become wealthy elite, as government ministers did in Mobutu’s Zaire, Tanzania’s leaders received very few benefits other than their government salary. Nyerere also placed limits on the number of luxury goods they could import. Nyerere exercised strict control over his leadership system because he wanted his socialist state to work and remain peaceful. The Arusha Declaration aimed to root out corruption and create accountable leaders and bureaucrats. Tanzania was often called an “oasis of peace” in a continent of instability. This can be explained partly through the sense of unity and peace TANU was able to create. During the struggle against colonial rule, the party had developed a strong nationwide membership and Nyerere argued very strongly for a non-racial country. TANU was highly inclusive, which meant that it was made up of members who came from a variety of ethnic, racial and religious backgrounds. Finally, TANU worked particularly hard to include peasants, workers and traders in its membership. 34 However, Tanzania was not always peaceful. A few months after the Zanzibar revolution, in early 1964, the Tanganyika Armed Forces mutinied. As was the case in the Congo, the Tanganyika army consisted of a majority of ordinary African soldiers and a small group of foreign (in this case British) officers. The rebelling soldiers made it clear that they did not want to take over the government in a coup d’état but that they simply wanted higher wages and African officers instead of British ones. Nyerere and TANU prevented the mutiny from turning violent, but it was only with the help of British soldiers that the incident was brought to an end. A Photograph of the Tanganyika Armed Forces soldiers in 1964 https://www.britishempire.co.uk/a rticle/johnokello.htm Date Accessed: 26 May 2021 Nyerere also had to deal with resistance to his policies. Although Tanzania enjoyed relative peace and Nyerere never oppressed his country as Mobutu oppressed the Congo, Nyerere nevertheless did use force to control resistance to his rule. In 1962, he passed the Preventative Detention Act and used his legislation to imprison those people who opposed him. In the 1970s, Amnesty International, the international human rights organisation, believed that there were nearly 140 political prisoners in Tanzania. Successes and challenges under Nyerere’s leadership Successes Challenges Nyerere and other officials used their Racial tensions continued to exist after experience gained under the rule of independence. Britain to create stability in the country TANU abolished the multi-party post-independence. democracy shortly after assuming Tanganyika and Zanzibar merged to power Political critics and opponents form a unified Tanzania despite the were imprisoned. diversity. Economic policies were enforced and Discrimination was discouraged, and were not successful. equality was a driving goal. Despite Nyerere’s actions to avoid Tanzania paid compensation when elitism; it did exist, civil servants nationalising companies, which helped became a kind of elite, but the wealth maintain foreign relations. differences were by no means the As a member of the Non-Aligned same as existed in other African Movement, Tanzania had good foreign countries. 35 relations with both the USA and USSR The push for economic self-reliance and their respective allies during the was not achieved as Tanzania had to Cold War period. accept foreign help which came with The government enjoyed widespread strings attached. support for many years. Nyerere was also one of few African leaders to willingly step down from power. His successor Mwinyi re-established a multi-party system in 1992 which led to democratic elections in 1994. Africanisation It was important to Nyerere that Tanzania broke free of the European influences so prevalent in the country. He wanted the country to celebrate and reaffirm their rich culture and identity. Nyerere was a patron of the arts and celebrated traditional Tanzanian arts and culture programmes. The removal of officials and administrators at the time of independence gave new opportunities to Tanzanians. Jobs were created in the government and civil service. Tanzania was the only African country to not continue the colonial ruler’s language: Swahili was introduced as the national language which was one way of promoting unity amongst the people. He believed that making Swahili the national language it would allow Tanzanians to communicate in a common language and he also aimed to reduce tribalism, religious discrimination and racism. Nyerere’s Economic Ideology The reconstruction of Tanzania’s economy was not easy. The economy was agrarian. Under colonialism cash crops had been grown and food had been imported. Nyerere’s aim was to make Tanzania self-sufficient. Tanzania lacked mineral resources and the economy was mainly based on agriculture. From the outset, Nyerere supported and proposed the merits of socialism but initially did not implement socialist policies. He promoted indigenous entrepreneurship. Cooperatives were set up so that peasants could control marketing of their crops. Tanzania depended on investment from Western countries. TANU’s development policies were close to the orthodoxy of Western economic experts, but Tanzania’s lack of natural resources made it an unattractive investment destination. Nyerere became increasingly concerned about low economic growth and direction of economy. The heavy dependence on foreign investment was draining wealth from Tanzania towards industrialised countries. The position of peasants had not improved, and the private greed of politicians and businessmen increased class divisions. The acquisitive elite was emerging and traditional communal values were being eroded. 36 The type of economy Tanzania adopted as a Third World country: African Socialism Nyerere soon decided to adopt a socialist path of development for Tanzania and so, under Nyerere’s African socialism, Tanzania’s banks and major industries were nationalised. Nyerere chose a socialist path of development because he believed that equality between all citizens was the most important goal an independent African country should have. Nationalisation was an important aspect of the way Tanzania decided to implement socialism. Under this system major sections of a country’s economy should be under the control of the working class, through the government. Some small-scale industries under state control were established in the towns. Another main reason why nationalisation was important was that it gave previously colonised states the sense that they were taking back ownership and control of these resources. This process started in late 1960 and it was Nyerere’s aim to stop the widening gap between the rich and the poor. In the late 1960s, Tanzania’s government began to nationalise banks, basic crop companies and the country’s insurance firms (Part of Ujamaa). This was done to curb the growing divide between Tanzania’s elite class and the masses of poor people. The government also bought majority shares in the country’s most important private industrial companies. In what Nyerere nicknamed a “mopping up” operation, buildings, apartments and houses valued at more £6000 were taken up as state property. Tanzania’s economy was dominated by the agricultural sector, which made up 45% of the country’s exports. Under colonialism, instead of being allowed to grow crops for food production, the country’s farmers were forced to grow crops such as coffee, tea and sugar. British and French companies owned these cash-crop farms. Food had to be imported, while profits from the country’s exports went to foreign powers. This legacy dominated Tanzania’s first few years of independence. Nyerere wanted Tanzania to be self-sufficient. In other words, he wanted to throw off Tanzania’s defining characteristic as Third World country – namely, a dependence on foreign countries. He began slowly to implement his policy of African socialism in September 1967. He planned the following three defining features of Tanzania’s African Socialist economy: 1. Ujamaa co-operative villages. Nyerere’s villages all consisted of a group of people who owned and worked on a farm, and who shared their produce with each other. In these ways, the Ujamaa villages were very similar to Stalin’s collective farms. 2. Tanzania’s scattered rural population would have improved access to water, primary schools, health clinics, farming tools and tractors. 3. Improved agricultural production would be a priority. Nyerere hoped to transform the Tanzanian economy by moving away from cash-crops for export and encouraging the growing of food for the people of Tanzania instead. His aim was to employ the 37 millions of subsistence farmers in Tanzania to achieve this. Ujamaa Tanzania’s version of African socialism was called Ujamaa. This is a Swahili word that Nyerere used to mean “working together as a family”. He believed that in time the values of family i.e. living, working and sharing together, would extend beyond individual villages to the entire country. Ujamaa also came to mean “self-reliance through mutual cooperation”. Nyerere set out his policy in the A famous photograph of women working in an Ujamaa Arusha Declaration of 5 February village https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p03w91cy 1967. He hoped that: Date Accessed: 26 May 2021 → Tanzania would become self-sufficient. → Agricultural production would improve and those rural areas would become developed areas. → Villages would become self – governing. → Equipment and facilities for farming would be brought together by the rural population, and that the farming community would be able to distribute seeds and fertilizers easily. → A good level of education could be provided to the people and that these villages would have increased access to medical facilities and treatments. → That the problems of tribalisation would be ended through the villagisation. → That corruption would be ended with the introduction and enforcement of the Leadership Code The implementation of Ujamaa The focus of African Socialism was the development of the rural areas. In September 1967, Nyerere issued a paper entitled “Socialism and Rural Development”. It set out proposals for self-sufficient collectivised villages called Ujamaa (Swahili word meaning “familyhood”). The Ujamaa policy asserted that land was to be owned communally, and leaders were to be elected. By bringing together scattered rural population into villages, Nyerere hoped to achieve various objectives including improving agricultural productivity, giving peasants access to modern cultivation techniques and equipment, mechanisation, providing services such as roads, schools, clinics and water supplies, reversing trend towards development of unequal classes: private enterprise was seen as inherently exploitative Nyerere stressed that villages would be introduced on voluntary basis. 38 Ujamaa from 1967 - 1973 The process started slowly and was voluntary, by the end of the 1960s there were only 800 or so collective settlements. Tanzanians were not compelled to move to the villages. Most people wanted to stay in their homes and were reluctant to change their ways. Many did not want to leave the urban areas and engage in farming. The Ujamaa campaign made slow progress. By the end of 1968, only 180 villages had been created. In 1971 200 000 Wagogo peasants in the Dodoma region decided to abandon the traditional way of life and move to ujamaa villages. By the end 1971, 800 000 peasants were living in 3200 ujamaa villages. But, by 1972, still only 15% of the rural population were concentrated in villages. In the 1970s, Nyerere's reign became more oppressive, and the move to collective settlements, or villages, was enforced. A woodcut print made by artist Francis Kiure Msangi in 1967. It is entitled “Ujamaa”. This image reflects Nyerere’s policy of social development and the idea of ‘working together as a family’ https://www.vijana.fm/ujamaa/ Date Accessed: 27 May 2021 Ujamaa From 1973 When it became clear that progress on his Ujamaa villages was slow, Nyerere's reign became more oppressive, and he made the villages compulsory instead of voluntary. This process of moving had to take place within three years. From 1973-1977 11 million people were resettled in 8000 new villages. Although Nyerere claimed that this occurred overwhelmingly on a voluntary basis, there were many reports of forcible relocation. Although Nyerere maintained that “eleven million people could not have been moved by force in Tanzania; we do not have the physical capacity for such”, it has since become clear that this movement of people was in fact achieved through the use of force. To make sure that people moved into Ujamaa villages, TANU commanders often destroyed people’s homes. They kicked out the doors and windows and set the grain stores on fire. By the end of the 1970s, there were over 2500 of these 'villages'. By 1979, 90% of peasants had been moved to communal villages. Some villages were overcrowded and situated on unproductive land. This, together with mismanagement and serious drought in early 1970s, led to decline in agricultural productivity, severe food shortages and fewer cash crops for export. Only 5% of agricultural output came 39 from communal villages; 95% came from traditional peasant sector. The urban industrial economy also experienced decline in 1970s. Government then had set up over 300 state corporations (banks, industries, marketing boards and shops). These were overstaffed and often inefficient, incurring huge losses. Income levels also dropped and between 1975-1983 living standards fell by 40%. Not all problems were caused by socialist policies or manner of their implementation. The economy was badly affected by world economic crisis caused by massive increase in oil prices in the1970s due to the Middle East Yom Kippur War. Having no oil of its own, Tanzania spent 60% of its export earnings on importing oil in 1982. Prices for cash crops collapsed on world markets. Thus by 1981, it became clear that Ujamaa villages had failed miserably. Nyerere was forced to admit that “We are poorer now than in 1972”. Tanzania was neither socialist nor self-reliant (foreign aid had increased significantly) but Nyerere believed that his policies had prevented the worst excesses of capitalism, especially emergence of rich and powerful elite. Tanzanian peasants were being forced into Ujamaa villages because, despite what Nyerere had originally believed, the people of Tanzania did not want to give up their land or the security that it provided. Ujamaa villages were not managed properly and thus production fell. Thirdly, not enough money was invested in the villages to keep them going. Between 1974 and 1977, Tanzania was short of cereals grain crops by more than 1 million tonnes. Nyerere in an Ujamaa Village https://thepanafricanistdiary.com/ujamaa-a-promising- philosophy-preyed-by-the- system/ Date Accessed: 27 May 2021 Positive and Negative Aspects of Ujamaa Positive Aspects Negative Aspects Literacy levels of primary school Agricultural production fell with the learners increased. yield of crops like sisal and cashews More adults could read and write decreasing by 50% compared to other African countries. Food became scarce. In 1967 clothing was not produced in Peasant farmers did not fully support 40 Tanzania, but by 1975 eight major collectivisation and therefore returned textile mills had been built. to subsistence farming by 1985 Rural clinic numbers had trebled. The 330 companies that had been nationalised went bankrupt. Exports dropped: In 1970 Tanzania exported 540 000 tons of surplus maize, but by 1974, Tanzania had to import 300 000 tons to feed the people. Some of the reasons why Ujamaa failed: - The people who were tasked with implementing the policy of Ujamaa did not understand what they were doing and did not understand the policy. The people were not convinced of the benefits of the policy despite the positive propaganda used by the government. - The use of force resulted in the people rejecting and resisting the policy. - There was insufficient focus and planning for the villages: the villages rejected their homes being destroyed and being placed in the middle of nowhere where they had to rebuild their homes and lives. In many instances the planning was not near water resources which added further complications. - The promised schools and clinics were never built. - The farms were forced to sell their produce at very low prices to parastatals. These parastatals exploited the people. They sold the crops at huge profit to the multinational companies. - The peasants thus remained poor as they had no say in the prices of the crops. Prices were determined by the foreign capitalists who aimed to make a profit and not develop the Tanzanian economy. - Neo-colonialism was a problem because many foreign capitalists still remained in control of the economy and exploitation continued. An extract describing the implementation of Ujamaa Following World War II, Tanzania (called Tanganyika at the time) was placed under the indirect rule of Great Britain. Spearheaded by Julius Nyerere, Tanganyika became an independent nation in 1961 and later united with the newly independent Zanzibar to form the United Republic of Tanzania. Nyerere became the first president of Tanzania and, if gaining independence wasn’t tricky enough, he then had to figure out how to restructure the entire economy so that the country could thrive on its own.(aim to achieve self-reliance). So, Nyerere developed a system of socialism. He called this system ujamaa, a Swahili word meaning “familyhood.” It was built around the idea of villagisation, the relocation of rural populations to villages that were maintained collectively. However, ujamaa didn’t quite work out the way he expected it to: “Nyerere’s socialist outlook required Tanzania’s leaders to reject capitalism and all its trimmings, showing restraint over salary and perks. But it was rejected by a significant fraction of the population. When the main foundation of ujamaa, villagisation, failed 41 — productivity was supposed to be increased through collectivisation, instead, it fell to less than 50% of what was achieved on independent farms — towards the end of Nyerere’s rule, Tanzania had become one of Africa’s poorest countries, dependent on international aid.” Though well-intended, this attempt at “familyhood” led to extreme economic decline for Tanzania. But despite its failure, the concept of ujamaa has become an important part of the nation’s spirit. Even after being replaced by a more capitalistic system in 1985, the essence of collectivism and unity still remains. Villagisation united Tanzanians across ethnic lines and allowed the country to avoid political tensions that affected the rest of Africa. The economy of Tanzania suffered while the people were, in some ways, brought closer together. https://thesummerday.wordpress.com/2016/07/28/the-meaning-of-ujamaa/ Date Accessed: 26 May 2021 Reasons for the failure of the Tanzanian economy by mid-1970s Many claim that Nyerere’s policies were ambitious and unrealistic. Despite the push for self-reliance, Tanzania remained reliant on foreign aid. The economy reached a crisis where it could no longer pay back its debts. Nyerere refused to abandon socialist strategies and the economic crisis deepened with a rapid decline in exports and Tanzania’s inability to import basic commodities. Tanzania had also suffered the negative effects of neo-colonialism. After independence, the country had been left with almost no reserves in capital, or money to spend on development. Nyerere’s aim with Ujamaa was to avoid becoming dependent on Western powers for aid as he believed that borrowing foreign aid meant that a country was failing to take responsibility for its own development. However, this aim failed, and Tanzania was eventually forced to borrow large amounts of money from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). This foreign aid not only increased a country’s debt, but also came with terms and conditions. To receive the foreign aid, Tanzania had to put into place some of the following: Free trade by lifting restrictions on imports. Allow individuals to buy (i.e., privatise) state-owned businesses. Allow foreign investors more rights in the operation of their businesses. These conditions are part of structural adjustment programmes. What they do is force countries to allow foreign private companies to make greater profits. They forced capitalist policies on countries who took these loans. Also, the general population

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