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Page 1 Southeast Asian political studies – generally being overlooked by Western academia, particularly American political science. ○ Southeast Asian politics has contributed to theory-building by blending area studies, comparative politics, and qualitative metho...

Page 1 Southeast Asian political studies – generally being overlooked by Western academia, particularly American political science. ○ Southeast Asian politics has contributed to theory-building by blending area studies, comparative politics, and qualitative methodology. American political science has a tendency to dominate world political science through its repeated attempts to establish a rigorously based academic discipline. Political studies that emanate from continental Europe have their own distinct traditions that are independent from Anglo-American influences. Page 2 Southeast Asia in Political Science: Theory, Region, and Qualitative Analysis (2008) edited by Erik Martinez Kuhonta, Dan Slater, and Tuong Vu. Point of Argument ○ the study of Southeast Asian politics has contributed to three areas of knowledge accumulation in particular, namely: causal arguments, conceptual improvements, and interpretivist analysis. The study of politics in Southeast Asia: the Philippines in Southeast Asian political studies (2014) by Julio C. Teehankee. Point of Argument ○ the study of politics in Southeast Asia was a product of the historical process of state-making and nation-building. Scholars from within and outside Southeast Asia have taken the initiative of forming “epistemic communities” such as the Asian Political and International Studies Association (APISA) to promote studies about Asia. The Philippine Political Science Association (PPSA) has managed to promote a vibrant and pluralist approach to the study of politics through the Philippine Political Science Journal (PPSJ). The development of political studies in Southeast Asia is instructive in paving an alternative path toward knowledge accumulation that builds on complementary, instead of contradictory, interplay among area studies, qualitative methodology, and comparative theory. Knowledge accumulation is an iterative process in which conventional theories and even received facts are challenged and amended by new empirical findings and theoretical and methodological advances. ○ It entails an effort to better understand political phenomena through intensive conversation within and across research communities (Kuhonta, Slater, and Vu 2008, 9). Origins of Southeast Asian political studies ○ Five founding member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)  ○ Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, and the Philippines. Singapore ○ proud of the “structured study of Political Science” at the National University of Singapore (NUS) which has raised its academic standards of teaching and research to the level of a global university, as reflected by its high ranking in the Times Higher Education Supplement (Lee and Singh 2008). ○ has been heralded as the paragon of the Weberian (if not Confucian) administrative state in the region. ○ The Department of Political Science at NUS became one of the primary agents for the propagation of Singaporean norms and values. Page 3 Point of Arguments (Singapore) ○ Max Weber – critiques the Oriental cultures including Confucianism. ○ Chang (2003, 87) – Singapore provides an empirical model that integrates both Weberian and Confucian models. ○ Hamilton-Hart (2000) – political power in Singapore is controlled by a tightly knit coalition of politicians, bureaucrats, and business officials bonded by institutionalized bureaucratic structures and shared norms emanating from rational-legal ideals of meritocracy, pragmatism, and performance-based indicators of achievement. ○ Quah (2001) – “shared values” form the basis of national ideology that underpins Singapore’s “controlled democracy,” that is a republic with a parliamentary system of government based on the British Westminster model, but which has been adapted to suit the local conditions. ○ Lee and Singh (2008) – the moment Singapore achieved full self-government in 1959, the ruling elites began to pay greater emphasis on the need and importance of Political Science in Singapore as there was an urgent need to educate the populace on political developments in Singapore and the surrounding region. Malaysia ○ During the 1950s the term “political science” was initially banned from usage in the University of Malaya since it was considered “too political" and there were fears it might be mistakenly seen to be a threat or danger to national interests. prejudice = the subject was smuggled into the Public Administration division and the Department of History. early Malaysian scholars provided a strong emphasis to the rationality, efficiency, and high standards of the bureaucracy (Kuhonta 2008).  to avoid causing any political controversy and to keep the government neutral and stable during an important time in the country's development. ○ During the late 1960s and early 1970s the discipline of political science attained mainstream status in Malaysia with its introduction at the Universiti Sains Malaysia (Science University of Malaysia) and the Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (National University of Malaysia). ○ Malaysian educational system was deeply influenced by the British but the subject of political science was originally an American import – drawn from the vision of deputy prime minister Abdul Razak’s plan to reform Malaysia’s bureaucracy under the tutelage or guidance of the Americans. The American political scientist tasked to initiate this process was Milton J. Esman of Pittsburgh and subsequently of Cornell University. ○ Montgomery-Esman Report Milton Esman and John Montgomery of Harvard University wrote this report that recommended the training of civil service officers and the creation of a Development Administration Unit (DAU) under the Prime Minister’s Department. Esman was also appointed senior adviser to the DAU and was responsible for the design of the curriculum of the Division of Public Administration ○ Esman’s study of the administrative state in 1972 he lauded the Malaysian bureaucracy for its elite decision-making and autonomy from social forces (Kuhonta 2008). Malaysia’s Political Science (similar to Singapore) ○ served to legitimize the country’s single-minded drive toward development that paved the way for its modernization under the “semi-democratic” rule of Mahathir Mohamad (Funston 2001). Thailand ○ one of the first countries in the Southeast Asian region to embrace the study of politics in support of state-making. ○ the study of politics in Thailand has been known as “ratthasart” or “state science.” since its introduction in the 19th century refers to a focus on understanding the structure and functions of the state, highlighting the formal and institutional aspects of political life in Thailand. The growth of Thai political studies can be divided into three distinct periods: ○ the early period of state-building mandated by King Chulalongkorn’s 1892 administrative reform of the civil service; ○ the transitional period marked by the promotion of law and politics as a foundation for democratization;  ○ and the modern period characterized by the separation of political science from allied fields like public law and history (Limmanee 2005). Two dominant themes in Thai political studies ○ bureaucratic polity ○ Democratization Page 4 Bureaucratic polity (Fred W. Riggs) ○ Thailand: The Modernization of a Bureaucratic Polity published in 1966 first applied the concept of “bureaucratic polity” to Thailand. ○ it emerged from the perspective of modernization theory and structural functionalism refers to a system of government in which public officials exercise all political powers, not only rule execution but also rule making and rule adjudication. ○ bureaucratic polity flourishes in a political environment where political institutions outside of government bureaucracy are not sufficiently developed to exercise effective control over bureaucrats” (Kim and Ziring 1985, 295). ○ a theoretical model and a description of Thai politics bureaucratic polity was conceived to be a “transitional polity” in between traditional and modern society, and an account of the tight grip on power by the Thai civil and military bureaucracy (Kuhonta 2008, 36). Democratization ○ a recurring theme in Thai political studies given the country’s turbulent history. ○ 17 years after the founding of Chulalongkorn University: University of Moral and Political Sciences was created in 1934 by Pridi Phanomyong, civilian leader of the 1932 Siam Revolution that ushered constitutional monarchy in Thailand. later renamed “Thammasat University,” – the first to teach law and politics in pursuit of democratization. the site of the pro-democracy protests of October 1973 and the bloody massacre of student protesters in October 1976. ○ Limmanee (2005, 120) of Chulalongkorn University – the development of political studies in Thailand “had seemingly paralleled Thailand’s democratization process as it always took place under democratic rule.” as Thailand moved towards a more democratic system of government, the study of politics has also progressed, occurring primarily during periods of democratic governance. Indonesia  ○ the largest country in the region in terms of population and physical size – has not received its “deserved and proportional share of attention within the spheres of political science and Asian studies” ○ Indonesian political studies was initially influenced by the Dutch legal studies taught in the Rechtshogeschool. the precursor of the Faculty of Law of the University of Indonesia. Books ○ Indonesian Political Thinking: 1945–1965 (Herbert and Lance) The body of political thought that emerged in Indonesia during its first 20 years of independence was chronicled by two Australian scholars in this book published in 1970. Herbert Feith Lance Castles development of political thought in Indonesia can be divided into the period of armed revolution (1945–1949) articulated by Indonesia’s anti-colonial fighters Sukarno, Hatta, Sjahrir, Natsir, and Tan Malaka; the “liberal” period (1950–1959) wracked by deep ideological divisions and inter-party conflicts; and the period of Sukarno’s “Guided Democracy” (1960–1965). ○ Political Science in Indonesia (Alfian) Indonesian political scientist Alfian wrote this book which was published by the Gadjah Mada University in 1979. ○ Researching Indonesia: A Guide to Political Analysis (Gerald L. Houseman) recent attempt at mapping the state of the art in Indonesian political studies by an American, which was published in 2004. Houseman adequately covers the period after 1965, narrating the: destruction of the Indonesian Communist Party (1965–1966) and the rise and fall of Suharto’s New Order (1966–1998). ○ Foreign political scientists like Benedict Anderson, Herbert Feith, Don Emmerson, and John Bresnan, have explored the intricacies of Indonesian politics. opted to write in an “ideographic style,” rather than translate their arguments into the formal models preferred by American political science. They have pitched their writings to a multidisciplinary audience” (Hefner 2006, 655). write in a more descriptive and detailed manner which allows them to reach a broader audience by incorporating insights from multiple disciplines, making their work accessible and relevant to various fields of study. Page 5 Philippines ○ Philippine political science older than most other countries in the region (depending how one defines “political science”). more “Americanized” (despite a strong nationalist voice), and more highly developed than most other Southeast Asian countries, except for the wealthy Singapore (tends to be more “statist”). ○ Fathers of Philippine political science Agpalo (1992, 313) – founding president of the PPSA although major “ilustrados” or intellectuals of the Propaganda Movement and the Philippine Revolution during the period 1880 - 1901 of Philippine history did not regard themselves as practitioners of political science, they are actually the fathers of Philippine political science. ○ 1915 the Department of Political Science was established, with American George A. Malcolm as the first head of department. later appointed as the first dean of UP’s College of Law and Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the Philippines. Malcolm’s approach to the study of politics focused on the juridical concept of the state. ○ First two Filipinos who made an initial impact in the development of the discipline: Teodoro Kalaw (elder) Teodoro was the first Filipino to author a textbook on political science in 1918, entitled Manual de Ciencia Politica. Maximo Kalaw (younger) Maximo became the first Filipino head of the UP Department of Political Science and author of early classic works such as The Development of Philippine Politics, 1872 - 1920 (1926) and Philippine Government (1948). ○ Post-independence era the focus of political science in the Philippines shifted from the state, with its emphasis on sovereignty and rights, to modernization of the nation (Agpalo 1992). during the 1950s and early 1960s – Filipino political science was mirroring the Western trend toward modernization theory and the behavioral revolution engulfing the discipline. hopes of political science facilitating modernization in the Philippines were quashed with the declaration of martial law by President Ferdinand Marcos in 1972.  ○ opposition and dissent were suppressed under authoritarian rule, so was critical and academic investigation of politics in the universities. Dubsky (1974) – it was also a time of danger since “students of politics may be permitted to indulge only in ‘constructive’ criticism or in ‘constructive theoretic activities,’ that is, those activities that reflect the prevailing (and only officially advocated) ideological position.” students studying politics were only allowed to engage in "constructive" criticism or activities. their ideas or critiques had to align with the government's official ideology because any political thought or criticism that challenged the accepted views was likely discouraged or even suppressed, limiting academic freedom and open political debate. Subsequently, the restoration of democracy in 1986 opened the floodgates for the study of forbidden or politically dangerous topics, particularly around the issues of: the Philippine state and society, democratization, civil society, agrarian reform, local government and politics, and the Mindanao peace process” (Mikamo 2008, 26). The historical review suggests a "path-dependent" understanding of how political studies developed as an academic discipline in Southeast Asia, meaning its growth was shaped by historical events and choices. ○ All the countries mentioned, except for Thailand, experienced extended periods of colonization. ○ Each fought an anti-colonial and nationalist struggle to gain freedom and independence. ○ All of them faced the challenge of development, amidst the internal and external threats of communism. ○ Most eschewed or turned away from democracy in favor of dictatorship in pursuit of the promise of modernization or faster progress. Some have succeeded; others have failed in their respective national projects. ○ The study of politics in these countries has originated mainly from state universities, signifying its importance in the national state-building project. National University of Singapore, University of Malaya, Chulalongkorn University, University of Indonesia, and University of the Philippines  The state of political studies in these countries is much more a product and often a reflection of its collective national experience than anything else. ○ Despite the colonial experience common among the Southeast Asian countries, national particularities preclude a unifying thread that can characterize the nature of political studies in the region. ○ Each country has its own distinct political history, challenges, and paths of development, making it difficult to find one common characteristic that defines political studies across Southeast Asia. Philippines VS. Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, and Indonesia ○ same colonial experience but there is a significant difference in the outcomes Philippines adopting formal democratic institutions that allow for a greater degree of “academic freedom” in the practice of formal disciplinal studies. On the other hand, a much stronger authoritarian tradition was embedded in the political life of Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, and Thailand. Page 6 “Epistemic community” ○ general “neglect” of Southeast Asia by “mainstream” Western political science – efforts have been made through the years to form an “epistemic community” of academics, scholars, and practitioners to study politics within and about Asia. “epistemic community” was defined by Haas (1992, 3) to refer to “a network of professionals with recognized expertise and competence in a particular domain and an authoritative claim to policy relevant knowledge within that domain or issue-area.” Building an Asian epistemic community in political studies ○ Southeast Asia is currently underrepresented in the major political science journals. Munck and Snyder (2007) – only 4.3% of articles recently published in the top three comparative politics journals have focused on the region. Kuhonta, Slater, and Vu (2008, 5) – “this imbalance reflects the simple fact that more comparativists study these other regions than study Southeast Asia. It may also be the case that Southeast Asianists have perceived leading journals as unwelcoming to qualitative analyses that cover only one or a small handful of countries.” ○ There have been initial attempts to bring Asia back in political studies with the short-lived organization of the Asian Political Science Association in the early 1980s (Ahn 2005). two major initiatives were simultaneously undertaken by Asian scholars to address this situation:  the organization of the Asian Political and International Studies Association (APISA) in 2001 and the Asian Consortium in Political Science (ACPR) in 2004. ○ APISA formally established in Malaysia in 2001, and held its founding congress in Singapore in 2003. was established “as an academic community for scholars working on Asia.” driven largely by Southeast Asian scholars the membership of APISA is largely Asian but the organization emphasizes Asia as a focus of study rather than the nationality of its members as the determinant of its identity. patterned after academic institutions in North America and Western Europe the organization seeks to promote theoretically informed comparative scholarships, based on the Asian experience in the fields of: ○ conflict and peace, ○ democracy and governance, ○ development, and area studies. governed by an Executive Committee (ExCo) elected by its members and endorsed by the biennial congress. formal meeting or assembly that takes place every two years. ExCo also elects a president and an executive secretary from among themselves. ○ April 2006 APISA has been incorporated as a non-profit organization under the Companies Ordinance (chapter 32) of Hong Kong CTS (Conflict Transformation Service) in 2007. APISA secretariat was based at the Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM) in Kuala Lumpur from 2001, but in 2010 was transferred to the International Studies Department, De La Salle University, Manila, Philippines. Page 7 APISA has convened several specialized regional workshops organized around specific themes in the realm of political science and international relations. ○ annually offered the “Capacity Building Workshop” ○ Since 2005, the Africa/Asia/Latin America Scholarly Collaboration Program, or South-South Program, has been launched by APISA and other organizations in Africa and Latin America.  The South-South Program “seeks to encourage knowledge production, knowledge sharing and networking in the South and to enhance the authoritative voice of the South in international scholarship”. most anticipated APISA event – biennial congress, held every two years on a rotational basis (sub-regions of Northeast Asia, Southeast Asia, and South Asia). ○ Congress represents a microcosm of APISA’s objectives of promoting teaching and research, disseminating research findings, and encouraging linkages among individual academics and institutions. Academics from Asia, especially those who feel marginalized within the dominant academic discourses in the West have a chance to present their research and disseminate it among participating individuals and institutions. First APISA congress – 2003 in Singapore ○ “Asia in the New Millennium: Development, Democracy and Security.” Second APISA congress – 2005 in the City University of Hong Kong ○ “Governance Dilemmas in Asia: Public Action in a Competitive and Insecure World.” Third APISA congress – University of Delhi in 2007 (India) ○ “Conceptions of Justice.” Fourth APISA congress – De La Salle University (Philippines) ○ “Asia in the Midst of Crises: Political, Economic, and Social Dimensions.” Fifth APISA congress – Taichung, Taiwan in 2011 ○ “Regional Integration in Asia and Europe in the 21st Century.” Sixth APISA congress – HK Institute of Education and the City University of HK in 2012 ○ “Policy and Politics in Changing Asia,” ○ first congress to be held outside the regular biennial schedule. Seventh APISA congress – Ankara, Turkey in 2013 ○ “People on the Move: Citizen Engagement and Collective Action within and across Asian Societies” ○ first to be held in West Asia. Eighth APISA congress – Chiang Mai University (CMU), Thailand in 2014. ○ “An Agenda for Asia: Human Security, Conflict Management, Security Sector Reform and Local Democratization” Page 8 ACPR ○ the initiative of senior academics from Northeast Asia. ○ launched at the Seoul National University in 2004. ○ Takashi Inoguchi (University of Tokyo) – Chair of the Executive Committee. ○ Chan Wook Park (Seoul National University) – Executive Director. ○ APISA co-president Lee Lai To of the National University of Singapore – founding member of the ACPR and was elected to its Executive Committee.  ○ ACPR aims “to promote political science research throughout Asia, a broader Asia encompassing East, Southeast, South, and Central Asia, through: networking various units of political science, jointly working to hold workshops, Executing joint research projects, and facilitating academic exchanges and services across various units of political science” ○ the Executive Committee organized a panel for the inaugural APISA congress in Singapore in 2003. ○ particularly active during the first two years of its organization. ○ held its founding conference in 2004 at the Seoul National University, South Korea. First joint workshops held at Chuo University, Japan in September 2005 on the topics ○ political science in Asia, ○ local governance, ○ and endurance of democracy. In 2006, the ACPR actively participated in the IPSA World Congress held in Fukuoka, Japan. Second joint workshop at the School of International Relations and Public Affairs of Fudan University in Shanghai, China (2006). ○ “Culture and Democracy: Comparing East Asian Experiences” Third joint workshop held at Keio University, Tokyo, Japan on the topics ○ (1) international relations research in Japan and Korea, ○ and (2) comparative analysis of civil society. ACPR launched its official journal – Political Science in Asia (PSA). ○ The ACPR has managed to release only two issues of the PSA since 2005. ACPR suddenly went on hiatus as most of its executive members retired from their university positions or transferred to other academic institutions. APISA VS. ACPR ○ APISA – organized around individual member scholars ○ ACPR – consortium-type community or an institution of institutions (departments, institutes, and universities). ○ APISA – patterned after academic institutions in North America and Western Europe. ○ ACPR – patterned after the European Consortium Political Research (ECPR) and the US-based Inter University Consortium for Political Science Research (ICPSR). ○ APISA – seeks to promote theoretically informed comparative scholarships, based on the Asian experience in the fields of: conflict and peace, democracy and governance, development, and area studies.  ○ ACPR – aims to serve as the regional center of networking and collaborative consortium for Asian political science researchers. ○ APISA – young scholars ○ ACPR – the active members of the ACPR are more senior. founding members were in fact already retired when the ACPR was organized. the institutional nature of membership of the ACPR worked to its disadvantage as it hindered the immediate recruitment of younger scholars and academics to replenish its ranks. Final analysis ○ any effort to sustain a regional epistemic organization boils down to the issue of funding. large part of funding is required for organizing meetings, workshops, and congresses. ○ APISA a large share of funds was allocated to research collaboration and capacity-building activities that entailed flying participants around the region and beyond. greatly benefitted for 10 years from the general funding support of the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA), especially for its South-South program. Since 2012, APISA has largely been independently funded through the efforts of its partner institutions and networks. Page 9 The study of politics in the Philippines ○ Philippine Political Science Association (PPSA) was founded in 1962, mostly by members of the Department of Political Science at the University of the Philippines. ○ Remigio Agpalo (then chair of the department) – elected charter president of the association. ○ held its first national conference on “Democracy” in 1963, attended by faculty members from the University of the Philippines, Ateneo de Manila University, and the University of the East. went on an extended hiatus for the next 13 years as its charter president and founding members got tied down with other commitments. ○ the association held its second national conference in 1976. became active in holding national and regional conferences until 1982. ○ By 1983, the PPSA went into its second period of inactivity for the next 10 years. did not hold any conferences from 1984 to 1988. ○ After an initial attempt to revive the association from 1989 to 1990, the PPSA resuscitated itself with the organization of its national conference in 1993.  with the close cooperation of other universities, such as DLSU, UST, and ADMU, the PPSA managed to restore itself as one of the most active professional organizations in the field of social sciences in the Philippines. has also been able to regularly conduct its annual conference. ○ Since 1993, the association has expanded the scope of its annual conferences, making them international academic events that attract a number of foreign scholars and graduate students from the Asia Pacific region and the rest of the world. ○ In 2012, the PPSA celebrated its 50th anniversary. PPSA managed to avoid the problem of organizational funding by institutionalizing the collection of membership fees and astute financial investments. ○ challenge of opening its membership beyond the major universities in Metro Manila to attract more academics, scholars, and practitioners from within and outside the Philippines. ○ leadership and governance structure should strive to be more inclusive and participatory. ○ 13 out of the 14 presidents came from UP. Political studies across the region primarily emerged from state universities as part of the postcolonial state-making and nation-building project. However, in order for the discipline to develop, its professional organization must grow beyond the confines of the state university. ○ another clear demonstration of the successful revival of the PPSA is the recent inclusion of its official journal, the Philippine Political Science Journal (PPSJ) into the exclusive listing of the Social Science Citation Index (SSCI). PPSJ is the only Southeast Asian political science journal to be listed in the SSCI. Page 10 Adopted the instrument of Munck and Snyder (with some modifications) ○ 222 articles from 34 volumes of the PPSJ published in the past 39 years were coded based on scope, objectives, and methods. ○ scope of the articles – subject matter of the articles that were published in the journal through the years. ○ objectives – kind of knowledge that is produced and for what purpose it is produced. The type of knowledge can be divided into two broad categories: theory (what ought to be) ○ pure theory ○ generation (normative, philosophical, or formal), ○ empirical analysis (statistical), ○ or a combination of both. and description (what is). ○ descriptive studies (what is the state of the world?)  ○ causal studies (what explains the outcomes we see in the world?), ○ or a combination of both. ○ methods – distinguish between the methods of theory generation and the methods of empirical analysis. Munck and Snyder (2007) ○ theory generation refers to a proposition or a set of propositions about how or why the world is as it is. ○ empirical analysis consists of an inquiry based on observable manifestation of a concept or concepts. ○ In terms of analytical methods, a distinction is also made between quantitative methods that rely on numbers and qualitative methods that rely on words. The maiden issue of the PPSJ was launched in 1974. ○ “Political Science in the Philippines.” ○ regularly published the scholarly outputs of Filipino political scientists until 1983. ○ PPSA inactivity = the PPSJ failed to publish from 1983 to 1988 (Caoili 2005). revived in 1989 as an annual journal, under the editorship of Olivia Caoili. ○ By 1993, Temario Rivera, former chair of the UP Department of Political Science, assumed the journal’s editorship. journal instituted a peer review process beginning with its 1999 issue. journal has been published regularly as an annual internationally peer reviewed academic journal. ○ In 2012, the Taylor & Francis Group, under its Routledge imprint, entered into a co-publishing partnership with the Philippine Political Science Association, and became the international publisher of the PPSJ. journal became a biannual publication beginning with Volume 33 (June 2012). Datas ○ Political scientists in the Philippines have been predominantly male. Male contributors account for 67% while female authors constitute only 33% of articles published in almost four decades. ○ bulk of the authors published in the journal are affiliated with: University of the Philippines (59%), faculty members of De La Salle University (11%). Ateneo de Manila University (2% of articles to the journal) Articles (official reports) by government officials (7% total manuscripts printed). local authors (82%) Foreign contributions from the USA (6%), followed by academic institutions from Northeast Asia (5%), Southeast Asia (1%), and Canada (1%). The remaining articles were authored by foreign scholars from various parts of Europe and the rest of the world.  ○ In terms of the scope of subject matter: 29% of the articles published for 40 years can be broadly classified under the topic “democratic and state institutions” include articles on local government and decentralization (8%), democratic institutions (executive and legislative branches of government) (5%), policy making in general (4%), the military and police (3%), Elections, voting, and election rules (2%), the bureaucracy (3%), and political parties (2%). Page 11 Rest of the articles published in the PPSJ are distributed under the following categories: ○ economic and extra-national processes (28%); ○ social actors (20%); ○ Political order (14%); ○ political regimes (6%); ○ and other topics (7%). The high percentage of articles published on topics of democratization and development mirrors the overall issues and concerns that faced the Philippine polity in the period of democratic transition from authoritarianism and its attempted drive toward social and economic development. In terms of objectives and method of articles published in the PPSJ: ○ 28% were mostly combinations of theory generation and empirical analysis; ○ 22% concentrated largely on theory generation; ○ while 50% were empirical, albeit mostly descriptive articles. The percentage of articles devoted to pure “theory generation” is quite low compared to the combined figures for “theory generation with empirical analysis” and “empirical analysis.” ○ A majority of the articles that can be considered empirical, however, were largely descriptive. ○ Following Munck and Snyder, the term “descriptive” here is not taken in a pejorative way; rather it refers to “what is the state of the world?” ○ On the other hand, causation seeks to explain “why is the state of the world as it is?” ○ Theory generation has also largely relied on inductive, qualitative methodology focusing on the use of open-ended interviews, observation, analysis of primary and secondary materials rather than dataset mining (which is primarily used in some empirical analysis). ○ A purely deductive and formal article (e.g. game theory) is yet to be published in the journal. Page 12 Majority of the articles published in the journal utilized a mixed method, albeit dominantly qualitative, approach. ○ Only 1% of the total articles published in the journal can be considered to utilize a purely quantitative (e.g. statistical regression) approach. effort at generating “theoretical” articles in the early issues of the journal published in the 1970s = reflective of the predominant “formal-legal” or “normative-philosophical” approach to the study of politics. ○ Articles were primarily focused on the legal structures, rules, and ethical or philosophical principles that govern political systems, rather than more empirical or practical studies of political behavior and institutions. Under the dark cloud of authoritarian rule, political scientists who were largely based at the University of the Philippines dissected the meaning of: ○ liberty and legitimacy, ○ the deceptive promise of national development under martial law, ○ and the continuing revolutionary challenge of Marxist political thought. Reynaldo Ileto ○ In 2001, historian Reynaldo Ileto’s polemical public lecture on “Orientalism and the Study of Politics in the Philippines” was published as the lead article in Volume 22, Issue 45. Ileto’s critique ○ Adapted Edward Said’s major arguments in the book Orientalism criticized American political scientists for their treatment of Philippine politics as “colonial knowledge” that is “caught up in ideas of evolutionary development, racial difference and hierarchy, and superiority of ‘the West’ compared to ‘the East’.” They looked at the Philippines through a lens of colonialism, meaning they believed that the U.S. (as the colonizer) knew best and that their understanding of Philippine politics was based on that power dynamic. These scholars believed that countries like the U.S. were more advanced politically, and that the Philippines was still "developing" or "catching up" in a linear path that followed the West's example. They also saw a clear divide between the West and the East, where Western countries were seen as superior, and non-Western ones (like the Philippines) were thought of as inferior. Page 13 Rebuttal of Ileto’s critique. ○ Lande ́ (2002, 127) – “Political Clientelism, Developmentalism, and Postcolonial Theory” protested that an “inherent weakness of any ideologically-driven, politically engaged approach, such as Critical Theory or  Postcolonial theory, is that it commits the true believer to finding what his theory expects him to find and thus may lead him to misunderstand or distort reality.” can make its advocates biased. These approaches may push the researcher or thinker to see what their theory predicts, rather than objectively examining reality. ○ As a result, they might misinterpret or distort the actual situation in order to fit their preconceived theoretical framework. This criticism highlights the risk of losing objectivity when one's commitment to a particular ideology or theory shapes how they analyze and understand the world. ○ Sidel (2002, 138) – “Response to Ileto: Or, Why I Am Not an Orientalist” Ileto’s crude and unconstructive portrayal of scholarly efforts to understand and expose the nature of domination, exclusion, and exploitation under democratic guise in the Philippines. If in the course of this research, I and others working in the same spirit have overlooked important aspects such as language, legitimacy, audience, and consent, as Ileto points out, our efforts to avoid "blaming the victims" should not be confused with cultural essentialism (the notion that cultures have fixed, unchanging traits) or American-style Orientalism. Orientalism refers to a Western perspective that distorts and stereotypes Eastern societies by portraying them as exotic, backward, or inferior compared to the West. ○ Azurin (2002, 140) criticized Ileto for his “daredevil tactic to entrap some of the eminent names in Philippine Studies by pulling them down....” ○ For the last word in the debate, Ileto (2002, 151) chose to focus his attention on Sidel with an essay entitled “On Sidel’s Response and Bossism in the Philippines” based on “Sidel’s agreement with me on some basic issues.” Page 14 Pangulo Regime ○ Another important theoretical contribution to Filipino political science emanated from the PPSA’s founding president Remigio Agpalo. ○ In 1999, Agpalo reiterated the major arguments of his theory of the Philippine presidency that he had articulated for many decades. the “pangulo regime” is distinguishable from the British parliamentary and American presidential regimes since it “operates on the principle of the supremacy of the executive and it puts premium on the value of pagdamay (sharing with and caring for fellow persons).”  pangulo regime is a distinct form of governance in the Philippines, the president or "pangulo" holds dominant authority in this regime, regime emphasizes a strong sense of solidarity, compassion, and shared responsibility among people, with the leader acting as a caretaker for the well-being of all. the “pangulo” serves as an appropriate metaphor for the body politic such that “ang sakit ng kalingkingan ay damdam ng buong katawan” He traced the roots of his “pangulo regime” model to Philippine political history, particularly in the writings of anti-colonial leaders Jose Rizal, Andres Bonifacio, and Emilio Jacinto. maintained that his “pangulo regime” was institutionalized in Emilio Aguinaldo’s first Philippine Republic wherein Aguinaldo played the role of “pinakaulo” (one who serves as the head). ○ Agpalo believed that only three Filipino presidents successfully established his concept of “pangulo regime” in the Philippines after Aguinaldo: Manuel L. Quezon, Jose P. Laurel, and Ferdinand E. Marcos ○ These three presidents exercised authoritarian powers at critical junctures of Philippine history which reinforce the suspicions that Agpalo sought to provide a legitimizing framework for the Marcos dictatorship. Page 15 early influence of American political science = development of the discipline in the Philippines has not followed the same positivistic path toward statistical analysis or formal modeling. ○ majority of the articles published in the PPSJ were inductive, qualitative studies that rely on understanding and thick description derived from open-ended interviews, observation, and analysis of primary and secondary materials. ○ there were limited attempts to publish empirical, statistical, and quantitative studies in the early issues of the journal published in the 1970s. Examples ○ Elsa Jurado contributed two quantitative articles: “The Filipino Experts’ Views on the World in the Year 2000: A Delphi Study,” in 1975; and “Political Indicators: An Attempt at the Quantification of Political Information” in 1977. ○ In 1976, Loretta Makasiar Sicat wrote an article entitled “Political Socialization in the Philippines Today: An Empirical Study,” which can be considered the very first survey-based research published by the journal. ○ In Volume 33, Issue 1, published in 2012, Joseph Capuno and Marian Panganiban utilized econometric methodology in their article entitled “The Ties  That Do Not Bind: Party Affiliations and the Delivery of Devolved Health Services in the Philippines.” ○ Later, a group of economists from the Asian Institute of Management (AIM) and Ateneo de Manila University led by Ronald Mendoza and Edsel Beja Jr. also used regression analysis to support its main findings on the impact of political dynasties on socio-economic outcomes. Their research project report, entitled “Inequality in Democracy: Insights from an Empirical Analysis of Political Dynasties in the 15th Philippine Congress,” was published in Volume 33, Issue 2 of the PPSJ. Bringing Southeast Asia back in ○ According to Benedict Anderson (1998), Southeast Asia for the West was seen as “meaningful imaginary,” remote, heterogeneous, and imperially segmented. Southeast Asia: ○ was not understood in its own right, but rather constructed as an image in the minds of Westerners. This image was shaped by various cultural, historical, and political factors, often reflecting Western interests and perceptions rather than the realities of the region. ○ was viewed as far away and exotic. Its geographical distance from the West contributed to a sense of otherness, making it seem less accessible and less understood. ○ characterized by a rich diversity of cultures, languages, ethnic groups, and social structures. This complexity often led to oversimplified representations in Western narratives, where the unique characteristics of different societies were overlooked or generalized. ○ was not viewed as a unified whole but rather as a collection of segments, each shaped by different colonial influences and governance due to the impact of colonialism, where different Western powers controlled various parts of Southeast Asia. This segmentation contributed to a fragmented understanding of the region’s political and social realities. roughly 593 million individuals occupying roughly 5,000,000 square kilometers rarely ever think of themselves as “Southeast Asian.” ○ however, those involved in the production and reproduction of knowledge from within and outside the region have contributed much to “imagining” Southeast Asia. has been the locus for theory building in comparative politics through a complementary dialog among theory, area studies, and qualitative methods (Kuhonta, Slater, and Vu 2008). ○ the region has followed a path toward knowledge that is diverse from its Western counterparts, particularly the United States.  southeast Asian political studies have accumulated theoretical as well as empirical knowledge, although not in the positivist language of behavioralism, nor the formal theory of rational choice. ○ Southeast Asian political studies do not strictly follow this framework. Instead, they may utilize more qualitative or context-specific approaches that reflect the complexities of the region's politics. ○ Southeast Asian political studies do not primarily rely on rational theory method either, suggesting that the political realities in the region may be better understood through other frameworks. Page 16 Southeast Asian political studies have contributed to knowledge accumulation (Kuhonta, Slater, and Vu; 2008, 1– 29) ○ First, scholarly outputs from Southeast Asia have demonstrated that it is possible to derive causal arguments from single-country studies by providing detailed description and locally specific knowledge that accounts for continuity and change over time. these studies provide detailed descriptions and localized knowledge that help explain how and why political conditions change or remain stable over time. by examining specific contexts, researchers can identify unique factors that influence political outcomes. ○ Second, conceptual analysis and typological frameworks have been effectively utilized by Southeast Asian scholars in advancing knowledge accumulation through a rigorous mix of abstraction (theoretical generalizations), case descriptions (specific examples), and comparative analysis (contrasting different cases). ○ Lastly, interpretivist analysis has sought to accumulate insights of human behavior in order to understand the context and variations of such behavior rather than explain them. focuses on understanding human behavior in its context rather than simply explaining it through objective measures. Interpretivist scholars aim to gather insights about the meanings and motivations behind actions, acknowledging that human behavior is influenced by cultural, social, and historical factors. This approach emphasizes the variability of human experiences and the importance of context in shaping political actions and beliefs. The significance of the development of political studies in Southeast Asia ○ First, the study of politics in the region emerged out of an almost common experience of colonialism and resistance, and the art and science of politics have been mobilized in the process of state-building, nation formation, and differentiated degrees of democratization. ○ Second, despite the apparent low exposure of Southeast Asian political studies in “mainstream” Western academia, there have been conscious efforts to form its own epistemic community or a regional network of knowledge-based professionals. Based on the experience of APISA and the ACPR, funding has been the major challenge in sustaining the activities of a regional epistemic community. The infusion of young blood into the organization of APISA has been the key to its longevity, unlike its counterpart, the ACPR, which folded after the retirement of its key leaders. ○ Lastly, a vibrant and pluralist approach has been evident in the scholarly output of members of the PPSA. The PPSA is a primary example of a successful national epistemic community. With the dawning of the ASEAN regional community, there is a need for a broader linkage among university-based academics and public intellectuals studying the intricacies of politics. Remigio Agpalo vigorously advocated in his inaugural speech as the first president of the PPSA in 1963, “we shall keep ourselves abreast of new developments in political science in different countries or universities, and we shall receive intellectual stimulation for further research and studies.”