Readings in Philippine History Topics 4-6 Midterm Exam Coverage PDF

## Lesson 4: Customs of the Tagalogs ### Learning Outcomes At the end of this lesson, you should be able to: 1. Examine the context and perspective of the document 2. Explain the relationship among the members of a barangay 3. Discuss the religious and spiritual practices and beliefs of early Fili...

## Lesson 4: Customs of the Tagalogs ### Learning Outcomes At the end of this lesson, you should be able to: 1. Examine the context and perspective of the document 2. Explain the relationship among the members of a barangay 3. Discuss the religious and spiritual practices and beliefs of early Filipinos. 4. Determine the significance of the document to Philippine history ### Historical Context During the first century of Spanish rule, the colonial government had difficulty in running local politics because of the limited number of Spaniards who wanted to live outside of Intramuros. This situation forced Spanish officials to allow Filipinos to hold the position of *gobernadorcillo*. To ensure that the *gobernadorcillos* would remain loyal to the Crown, the friars assigned in the parishes were instructed to supervise and monitor the activities of the former. Hence, the friars ended up performing the administrative duties that colonial officials should have been doing at the local level. They supervised the election of the local executives, helped in the collection of taxes, were directly involved in educating the youth, and performed other civic duties. Consequently, the friars became the most knowledgeable and influential figure in the pueblo. The friars who were assigned in mission territories were required periodically to inform their superiors of what was happening in their respective areas. They prepared reports on the number of natives they converted, the people's way of life, their socio-economic situation, and the problems they encountered. Some of them submitted short letters while others who were keen observers and gifted writers wrote long dispatches. On top of the regular reports they submitted, they also shared their personal observations and experiences. *Plasencia's Relacion de las Costumbres de Los Tagalogs* (Customs of the Tagalogs, 1589) is an example of this kind of work. It contains numerous information that historians could use in reconstructing the political and socio-cultural history of the Tagalog region. His work's a primary source because he personally witnessed the events and his account contained his observations. There were other friars and colonial officials who also wrote about the Filipinos which could further enrich our knowledge of Philippine history during the early part of the Spanish period. For example, Miguel de Loarca, an encomendero of Panay wrote his *Relación de las Islas Filipinas* (1582) and described the Filipinos' way of life in the Western Visayas area. Lieutenant Governor Antonio de Morga wrote *Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas* which provides information about the state of the Philippines in the latter part of the 16th century. The other Spanish missionaries who continued the historiographical tradition were Fr. Pedro Chirino S.J., *Relación de las Islas Filipinas* (1604), Fr. Juan Delgado S.J., *Historia General* (1751), Fr. Francisco Colin S.J., *Labor Evangelica* (1663), and Fr. Francisco Ignacio Alcina S.J., *Historia natural del sitio, fertilidad y calidad de las Islas e Indios de Bisayas* (1668). Most of what we know about Philippine history during the first century of the Spanish period were derived from the accounts of the Spanish friars. ### About the Author *Fray Juan de Plasencia* (Joan de Portocarrero, real name) was a member of the Franciscan Order who came together with the first batch of missionaries to the Philippines in 1578. He and a fellow, Franciscan *Fray Diego de Oropesa*, were assigned to do mission works in the Southern Tagalog area. Plasencia also helped in the foundation and organization of numerous towns in Quezon, Laguna, Rizal, and Bulacan. His continuous interaction with the people he converted to Christianity enabled him to write a work titled *Relacion de las Costumbres de Los Tagalogs* (Customs of the Tagalogs, 1589) where he vividly described the political, social, economic, and cultural practices of the Filipinos before they were Christianized. Plasencia did not limit himself to the task of administering the sacraments and baptizing new converts. He believed that catechism or explaining the basic tenets of Catholic faith's another very important function of a missionary. His biggest challenge at that time was how to make the articles of faith comprehensible to people who have never heard of Christ or the Catholic Church. He wrote the *Doctrina Christiana en Lengua Española y Tagala* which later became the first printed book in the Philippines in 1593. He used it as a reading material for those Filipinos who wished to deepen their faith in the newly-accepted religion. Plasencia died in Liliw, Laguna in 1590. ### About the Text The original document of *Customs of the Tagalogs* is currently kept in the *Archivo General de Indias (A.G.I.)* in Seville, Spain. A duplicate copy of it is kept in the *Archivo Franciscano Ibero-Oriental (A.F.I.O.)*, in Madrid, Spain. An English translation appeared in Volume VII of the Blair and Robertson's *The Philippine Islands*. Another English translation was published as part of the volume for precolonial Philippines in the second series of the Filipiniana Book Guild. The excerpts presented below is from the latter version. ### Excerpts from Customs of the Tagalogs This people always had chiefs, called by them *datos*, who governed them and were captains in their wars, and whom they obeyed and reverenced. The subject who committed any offense against them, or spoke but a word to their wives and children, was severely punished. These chiefs ruled over a few people; sometimes as many as a hundred houses, sometimes even less than thirty. This tribal gathering is called in Tagalog a *barangay*. It was inferred that the reason for giving themselves this name rose from the fact (as they are classed, by their language, among the Malay nations) that when they came to this land, the head of the barangay, which is a boat, thus called—as is discussed at length in the first chapter of the first ten chapters-became the *dato*. And so, even at present day, it is ascertained that the barangay in its origin was a family of parents, children, relations and slaves. There were many of these barangays in each town, or at least, on account of wars, they did not settle far from one another. They were not, however, subject to one another, except in friendship and relationship. The chiefs, in their various wars, helped one another with their respective barangays. In addition to these chiefs, who corresponded to our knights, there were three castes: *nobles*, *commoners*, and *slaves*. The *nobles* were the freeborn whom they call *maharlica*. They did not pay tax or tribute to the dato, but must accompany him in war, at their own expense. The chief offered them beforehand a feast, and afterward they divided the spoils. Moreover, when the dato went upon the water those whom he summoned rowed for him. If he built a house, they helped him, and had to be fed up for it. The same was true when the whole barangay went to clear up his lands for tillage. The lands which they inhabited were divided among the whole barangay, especially the irrigated portion, and thus each one knew his own. No one belonging to another barangay would cultivate them unless after purchase or inheritance. The lands on the *tingues*, or mountain ridges, are not divided, but owned in common by the barangay. Consequently, at the time of the rice harvest, any individual of any particular barangay, although he may have come from some other village, if he commences to clear any land may sow it, and no one can compel him to abandon it. There are some villages (as, for example, Pila de Laguna) in which these nobles, or *maharlicas*, paid annually to the dato a hundred gantas of rice. The reason of this was that, at the time of their settlement there, another chief, upon his arrival, bought with his own gold; and therefore the members of his barangay paid him for arable land, and he divided it, among those whom he saw fit to reward. But now, since the advent of the Spaniards, it is not so divided. The commoners are called *aliping namamahay*. They are married, and serve their master, whether he be a dato or not, with half of their cultivated lands, as was agreed upon in the beginning. They accompanied him wherever he went beyond the island, and rowed for him. They live in their own houses, and are lords of their property and gold. Their children inherit it, and enjoy their property and lands. The children, then, enjoy the rank of their fathers, and they cannot be made slaves (*sa guiguilir*), nor can either parents or children be sold. If they should fall by inheritance into the hands of a son of their master who was going to dwell in another village, they could not be taken from their own village and carried with him; but they would remain in their native village, doing service there and cultivating the sowed lands. The slaves are called *aliping sa guiguilir*. They serve their master in his house and on his cultivated lands, and may be sold. The master grants them, should they see fit, and providing that he has profited through their industry, a portion of their harvests, so that they may work faithfully. For these reasons, servants who are born in the house of their master are rarely, if ever, sold. That is the lot of captives in war, and of those brought up in the harvest fields.... The difference between the *aliping namamahay* and the *aliping sa guiguilir*, should be noted; for, by a confusion of the two terms, many have been classed as slaves who really are not. The Indians seeing that the alcaldes-mayor do not understand this, have adopted the custom of taking away the children of the aliping namamahay, making use of them as they would of *aliping sa guiguilir*, as servants in their households, which is illegal, and if the aliping namamahay should appeal to justice, it is proved that he is an alipin as well as his father and mother before him and no reservation is made as to whether he is *aliping namamahay* or *aliping sa guiguilir*. He is at once considered an alipin, without further declaration. In this way he becomes a *sa guiguilir*, and is even sold. Consequently, the alcaldes-mayor should be instructed to ascertain, when anyone asks for his alipin, to which class he belongs, and to have the answer put in document that they give him. In these three classes, those who are *maharlicas* on both father's and mother's side continue to be so forever; and if it happens that they should become slaves, it's through marriage, as I shall soon explain. If these maharlicas had children among their slaves, the children and their mothers became free; if one of them had children by a slave-woman of another, she was compelled, when pregnant, to give her master half of the gold tael, because of her risk of death, and for her inability to labor during the pregnancy. In such case half of the child was free-namely, the half belonging to his father, who supplied the child with food. If he did not do this, he showed that he did not recognize him as his child, in which case the latter was wholly a slave. If a free woman had children by a slave, they were all free, provided he were not her husband. If two persons married, of whom one was a maharlica and the other a slave, whether namamahay or sa guiguilir, the children were divided; the first, whether male or female, belonged to the father, as did the third and fifth; the second, the fourth, and the sixth fell to the mother, and so on. In this manner, if the father were free, all those who belonged to him were free; if he were a slave, all those who belonged to him were slaves; and the same applied to the mother. If there should not be more than one child he was half free and half slave. The question here concerned the division, whether the child were male or female. Those who became slaves fell under the category of servitude which was their parent's, either namamahay or sa guiguilir. If there were an odd number of children, the odd one was half free and half slave. I have not been able to ascertain with certainty when or what age the division of children was made, for each one suited himself in this respect. Of these two kinds of slaves the *sa guiguilir* could be sold, but not the *namamahay* and their children, nor could they be transferred. However, they could be transferred from the barangay by inheritance, provided they remained in the same village. The *maharlicas* could not, after marriage, move from one village to another, or from one barangay to another, without paying a certain fine in gold, as arranged among them. This fine was larger or smaller according to the inclination of the different villages, running from one to three taels and a banquet to the entire barangay. Failure to pay the fine might result in a war between the barangay where the person left and the one which he entered. This applied equally to men and women except that when one married a woman of another village, the children were afterwards divided equally between the two barangays. This arrangement kept them obedient to the dato, or chief, which is no longer the case-because if the dato's energetic and commands what the religious fathers enjoin him, they soon leave him and go to other villages and other datos, who endure and protect them and do not order them about. This is the kind of dato that they now prefer, not him who has the spirit to command. There is a great need of reform in this, for the chiefs are spiritless and faint-hearted. Investigations made and sentences passed by the dato must take place in the presence if those in his barangay. If any of the litigants felt himself aggrieved, an arbiter was unanimously selected from another village or barangay, whether he were a dato or not; since they had for this purpose some reasons, known as fair and just men, who were said to give true judgment according to their customs. If the controversy lay between two chiefs, when they wished to avoid war, they also convoked judges to act as arbiters; they did the same if the disputants belonged to two different barangays. In this ceremony they always had to drink, the plaintiff inviting the others. They had laws by which they condemned to death a man of low birth who insulted the daughter or wife of chief; likewise witches of the same class. They condemned no one to slavery, unless he merited the death penalty. As for the witches, they killed them, and their children and accomplices became slaves of the chief, after he had made some recompense to the injured person. All other offenses were punished by fines in gold, which, if not paid with promptness, exposed the culprit to serve, until the payment should be made, the person was aggrieved, to whom the money was paid. This was done in the following way: Half the cultivated lands and all their produce belonged to their master. The master provided the culprit with food and clothing, thus enslaving the culprit and his children until such time as he might amass enough money to pay the fine. If the father should by chance pay his debt, the master then claimed that he has fed and clothed his children, and should be paid therefor. In this way he kept possession of the children if the payment could not be met. This last was usually the case, and they remained slaves. If the culprit had some relative or friend who paid for him, he was obliged to render the latter half his service until he was paid-not, however, service within the house as *aliping sa guiguilir*, but living independently, as *aliping namamahay*. If the creditor were not served in this wise, the culprit had to pay double of what was lent him. In this way slaves were made by debt; either *sa guiguilir*, if they served the master to whom the judgment applied; or *aliping namamahay*, if they served the person who lent them wherewith to pay. Dowries are given by the men to the women's parents. If the latter are living, they enjoy use of it. At their death, provided the dowry has not been consumed, it is divided like the rest of the estate, equally among the children, except in the case the father should care to bestow something additional upon their daughter. If the wife, at the time of her marriage, has neither father, mother, nor grandparents, she enjoys her dowry-which in such a case, belongs to no other relative or child. It should be noticed that unmarried women can own no property, in land or dowry, for the result of all their labors accrues to their parents. In the case of a divorce before the birth of the children, if the wife left the husband for the purpose of marrying another, all her dowry and an equal additional amount fell to the husband; but if she left him, and did not marry another, the dowry was returned. When the husband left his wife, he lost half of the dowry, and the other half was returned to him. If he possessed children at the time of his divorce, the whole dowry and the fine went to the children, and was held for them by their grandparents or other responsible relatives. In the matter of marriage dowries which fathers bestow upon their sons when they are about to be married, and half of which is given immediately, even when they are only children, there is a great deal more complexity. There is a fine stipulated in the contract, that he who violates it shall pay a certain sum which varies according to the practice of the village and the affluence of the individual. The fine was heaviest if, upon the death of the parents, the son or daughter should be unwilling to marry because it had been arranged by his or her parents. In this case the dowry which the parents had received was returned and nothing more. But if the parents were living, they paid the fine, because it was assumed that it had been their design to separate the children. ## Worship of the Tagalogs In all the villages, or in other parts of the Filipinas Islands, there are no temples consecrated to the performing of sacrifices, the adoration of their idols, or the general practice of idolatry. It is true that they have the *simbahan*, which means a temple or place of adoration; but it is because, formerly, when they wished to celebrate a festival, which they called *pandot* or “worship,” they celebrated it in a large house of a chief. There they constructed, for the purpose of sheltering the assembled people, a temporary shed on each side of the house, with a roof called *sibi*, to protect people from the wet when it rained. They so constructed the house that it may contain people-dividing it after the fashion of ships, into three compartments. On the posts of the house they set small lamps, called *sorihile*; in the center of the house they placed one large lamp, adorned with leaves of the white palm, wrought into many designs. They also brought together many drums, large and small, which they beat successively while the feast lasted, which was usually four days. During this time the whole *barangay*, or family, united and joined in the worship which they called *nagaanitos*. The house, for the above-mentioned period of time, was called a temple. Among their many idols there was one called *Bathala*, whom they especially worshipped. The title, seems to signify “all powerful,” or “maker of all things.” They also worshipped the sun, which, on account of its beauty, is almost universally respected and honored by the heathens. They worshipped too, the moon, especially when it was new, at which time they had great rejoicings, adoring it and bidding it welcome. Some of them also adored the stars, although they did not know them by their names, as the Spaniards and other nations know the planets—with the exception of the morning star they called *Tala*. They knew, too, the “seven little goats” [The Pleiades]—as we call them-and, consequently, the change of seasons, which they call *Mapolon*; and *Balatic*, which is our Greater Bear. They possessed many idols called *lic-ha*, which were images with different shapes; and at times they worshipped any little trifle, in which they adored, as did the Romans, some particular dead man who was brave in war and endowed with special faculties, to whom they commended themselves for protection in their tribulations. They had another idol called *Dian Masalanta*, who was the patron of lovers and of generation. The idols called *Lacapati* and *Idianale* were patrons of the cultivated lands and of husbandry. They paid reverence to water-lizards called by them *buaya* or crocodiles, for fear of being harmed by them. They were even in the bait of offering these animals a portion of what they carried in their boats, by throwing it into the water, or placing it upon the bank. They were, moreover, very liable to find auguries in things they witnessed. For example, if they left their house and met on the way a serpent or rat, or a bird called *tigmamanuguin* which was singing in the tree, or if they chanced upon anyone who sneezed, they returned at once to their house, considering the incident as an augury that some evil might befall them if they should continue their journey-especially when the abovementioned bird sang. This song has two different forms: in the one case it was considered an evil omen; in the other, as a good omen, and then they continued their journey. They also practiced divination, to see whether weapons, such as dagger or knife, were useful and lucky for their possessor whenever occasion should offer. These natives had no established division of years, months, and days; these are determined by the cultivation of soil, counted by moons, and the different effect produced upon the trees when yielding flowers, fruits, and leaves: all this helps them in making up a year. The winter and summer are distinguished as sun-time and water-time-the latter term designating winter in those regions, where there is no cold, snow, or ice. Their manner of offering sacrifice was to proclaim a feast, and offer to the devil what they had to eat. This was done in front of an idol, which they anoint with fragrant perfumes, such as musk and civet, or gum of the storax-tree and other odoriferous woods, and praise it in poetic songs sung by the *officiating priest, male or female, who is called catolonan*. The participants made responses to the song, beseeching the idol to favor them with those things of which they were in need, and generally, by offering repeated healths, they all become intoxicated. In some of the idolatries they were accustomed to place a good piece of cloth, doubled, over the idol, and over the cloth a chain or large gold ring, thus worshipping the devil without having sight of him. The devil was sometimes liable to enter into the body of the *catolonan*, and, assuming her shape and appearance, filled her with so great arrogance—he being the cause of it—that she seemed to shoot flames from her eyes; her hair stood on end, a fearful sight to those beholding, and she uttered words of arrogance and superiority. In some districts, especially the mountains, when in those idolatries the devil incarnated himself and took on the form of his minister, the latter had to be tied to a tree by his companions, to prevent the devil in his infernal fury from destroying him. This, however, happened but rarely. The objects of sacrifice were goats, fowls, and swine, which were flayed, decapitated, and laid bare before the idol. They performed another ceremony by cooking a jar of rice until the water was evaporated. After which they broke the jar, and the rice was left as an intact mass which was set before the idol; and all about it, at intervals, were placed a few *buyos*—which is a small fruit wrapped in a leaf with some lime, a food generally eaten in these regions—as well as fried food and fruits. All these above-mentioned articles were eaten by guests at the feast; the heads [of animals), after being "offered," as they expressed it, were cooked and eaten also. The reasons for offering this sacrifice and adoration were, in addition to whatever personal matters there might be, the recovery of a sick person, the prosperous voyage of those embarking on the sea, a good harvest in the sowed lands, a propitious result in wars, a successful delivery in childbirth, and a happy outcome in married life. If this took place among people of rank, the festivities lasted thirty days. The distinctions made among the priests of the devil were as follows: *The first*, called *catolonan*, as above stated, was either a man or woman. This office was an honorable one among the natives, and was held ordinarily by people of rank, this rule being general in all the islands. *The second* was called *mangagauay*, or witches who deceived by pretending to heal the sick. These priests even induced maladies by their charms, which in proportion to the strength and efficacy of witchcraft, are capable of causing death. In this way, if they wished to kill at once they did so; or they could prolong life for a year by binding to the waist a live serpent, which was believed to be the devil, or at least his substance. This office was general throughout the land. *The third* was called *manyisalat*, which is the same as mangagauay. These priests had the power of applying such remedies to lovers that they would abandon and despise their own wives, and in fact could prevent them from having intercourse with the latter. If the woman, constrained by these means, were abandoned, it would bring sickness upon her; and on account of the desertion she would discharge blood and matter. This office was also general throughout the land. *The fourth* was called *mancocolam*, whose duty it was to emit fire from himself at night, once or oftener each month. This fire could not be extinguished; nor could it be thus emitted except as the priest wallowed in the ordure and filth which falls from the houses; and he who lived in the house where the priest was wallowing in order to emit this fire from himself fell ill and died. This office was general. *The fifth* was called *hocloban*, which is another kind of witch, of greater efficacy than the *mangagauay*. Without use of medicine, and by simply saluting or raising the hand, they killed whom they chose. But if they desired to heal those whom they made ill by their charms, they did so by using other charms. Moreover, if they wished to destroy the house of the same Indian hostile to them, they were able to do so without instruments. This was in Catanduanes, an island off the upper part of Luzon. *The sixth* was called *silagam*, whose office it was, if they saw anyone clothed in white, to tear out his liver and eat it, thus causing his death. His, like the preceding, was in the island of Catanduanes. Let no one, moreover, consider this a fable; because in Calavan, they tore out in this way through the anus all the intestines of a Spanish notary, who was buried in Calilaya by father Fray Juan de Merida. *The seventh* was called *magtatangal*, his purpose was to show himself at night to many persons, without his head or entrails. In such wise the devil walked about, carried, or pretended to carry, his head to different places; and, in the morning, returned it to his body-remaining as before, alive. This seems to be a fable, although the natives affirm that they have seen it, because the devil probably caused them to believe. This occurred in Catanduanes. *The eighth* they called *osuang*, which is equivalent to a "sorcerer;" they say that they have seen him fly, and that he murdered men and ate their flesh. This was among the Visayas Islands; among the Tagalogs these did not exist. *The ninth* was another class of witches called *mangagayoma*. They made charms for lovers out of herbs, stones, and wood, which would infuse the heart with love. Thus did they deceive the people, although sometimes, through the intervention of the devil, they gained their ends. *The tenth* was known as *sonat*, which is equivalent to "preacher." It was his office to help one die, at which time he predicted the salvation or condemnation of the soul. It was not lawful for the function of this office to be fulfilled by others than people of high standing, on account of the esteem in which it was held. This office was general throughout the islands. *The eleventh*, *pangatahojan*, was a soothsayer, and predicted the future. This office was general in the islands. *The twelfth*, *bayoguin*, signified a “cotquean,” a man whose nature inclined toward that of a woman. Their manner of burying the dead was as follows: the deceased was buried beside his house; and, if he were a chief, he was placed beneath a little house or porch which they constructed for this purpose. Before interring him, they mourned him for four days; and afterward laid him on boat which served as a coffin or bier, placing him beneath the porch, where guard kept over him by a slave. In place of rowers, various animals were placed within the boat, each one being assigned a place at the oar by twos-male and female of each species being together-as for example two goats, two deer, or two fowls. It was the slave's care to see that they were fed. If the deceased had been a warrior, a living slave was tied beneath his body until in this way he died. In course of time, all suffered decay; and for many days the relatives of the dead man bewailed him, singing dirges, and praises of his good qualities, until they wearied of it. This grief was accompanied by eating and drinking. This was a custom of the Tagalogs.... These infidels said that they knew that there was another life of rest which they called *maca*, just as if we should say "paradise," or, in other words, "village of rest." They say that those who go to this place are the just, and the valiant, and those who lived without doing harm, or who possessed moral virtues. They said also, that in the other life and mortality, there was a place of punishment, grief, and affliction called *casanaan*, which was a "place of anguish;" they also maintained that no one would go to heaven, where there only dwelt Bathala, "the maker of all things," who governed from above. There were also other pagans who confessed more clearly to a hell, which they called, as I have said, *casanaan*; they said that all the wicked went to that place, and there dwelt the demons, whom they called *sitan*. There were also ghosts, which they called *vibit*; and phantoms, which they called *tigbalaang*. They had another deception-namely, if any woman died in childbirth, she and the child suffered punishment; and that, at night, she could be heard lamenting. This is called *patianac*. May honor and glory be to God our Lord, that among the Tagalogs not a trace of this is left; and that those who are now marrying do not even know what it is, thanks to the preaching of the holy gospel, which has banished it. ### Relevance Plasencia's *Customs of the Tagalogs* is a very popular primary source as it vividly describes the way of life of the Filipinos before Spanish and Christian influences. It also covers numerous topics that are relevant in many disciplines. Political scientists, for instance, find it useful because it contains information about the social classes, political stratifications, and legal system of the Tagalog region. Many of what we know about the duties and responsibilities of the datu, maharlika, and alipin came from Plasencia's account. Moreover, it tackles property rights, marriage rituals, burial practices, and the manner in which justice is dispensed. Plasencia's account also preserves and popularizes the unwritten customs, traditions, and religious and superstitious beliefs of the Filipinos. One can also say that our historical knowledge about the manananggal, aswang, hukluban, and gayuma, among others came from Plasencia's works. Priests and missionaries also read Plasencia's *Customs of the Tagalogs* and *Doctrina Christiana* because they contain insights that can help and inspire them to become effective evangelizers. The realization that one needs to master the local language and study the culture of the people to be a successful missionary is one insight from Plasencia. They also learned from Plasencia that preaching should be accompanied with reading materials that contain the basic elements of faith. These readings will serve as guide and reference when the missionaries are no longer around. All these insights from Plasencia are applicable not only to missionaries but to other professions as well. Plasencia's historical writings also disprove the claim of some Spaniards that when they arrived in the Philippines, Filipinos were still uncivilized and lacking in culture. It is clear in the excerpts quoted that at the time Plasencia was assigned in the Tagalog region, Filipinos were already politically and economically organized. They had a functioning government, tax system, set of laws, criminal justice system, indigenous calendar, and long-standing customs and traditions. Moreover, they had a concept of a supreme being (Bathala), practiced burial customs, and believed in life after death. Lastly, Plasencia mentioned that the people he met were wearing garments and gold ornaments, and their houses were decorated with idols. All of these lead to the conclusion that prior to the coming of the Spaniards, Filipinos were already civilized and maintained a lifestyle that was on a par with or even better than that of the people from other countries in Southeast Asia. ## Lesson 5: The Kartilya of the Katipunan ### Learning Outcomes At the end of this lesson, you should be able to: 1. Examine the context and perspective of the document 2. Determine the main teachings and guiding principles of the *Kartilya* 3. Recognize the importance of the *Kartilya* to the past and today's society ### Historical Context The first move towards independence began on July 7, 1892 when the Katipunan was established by **Andres Bonifacio**. This was a result of the failure of the Reform Movement in Spain in which Filipinos attempted to demand reforms for the Philippines from the Spanish government. Bonifacio saw the futility of the efforts of the Filipino propagandists and organized an underground movement against Spain. The *Kataastaasang Kagalang-galangang Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayan* or *KKK* was a revolutionary society that espoused independence and freedom for the Philippines through force of arms. Its main objective was separation of the Philippines from Spain and, at the same time, the development of the Filipinos as citizens of their own nation once independence was achieved. The latter was done through the written works by Bonifacio and fellow Katipunero, **Emilio Jacinto**, who wrote a number of poems and essays for the society members. The recruitment process of the Katipunan followed the Masonic initiation rites while its structure was said to be based on Rizal's aborted reformist organization, the *La Liga Filipina*. The new members of the society were indoctrinated with the Katipunan rules and its teachings that emphasized the value of the love of one's country and fellow Filipinos. ### About the Author *Emilio Jacinto* was born on December 15, 1875 in the district of *Trozo* in *Tondo*, Manila. He was the son of *Mariano Jacinto*, a bookkeeper, and *Josefa Dizon*. Living a life of poverty, Jacinto still managed to get a good education. He finished his elementary education in a private school then took up his secondary education at the *Colegio de San Juan de Letran*. He later studied law at the *University of Santo Tomas* where he developed a love of reading and improved his skills in Spanish. Unfortunately, he had to stop his studies when the Philippine Revolution began in 1896. Jacinto joined the Katipunan in 1894 at the age of 18 and took the symbolic name *Pingkian*. It was during this time that he developed his nationalistic ideals. Through his enthusiasm and ideas, Jacinto became a guiding light to the members of the society. He wrote the *Kartilya* as well as the oath of the Katipuneros. He also edited the Katipunan newspaper, *Kalayaan*, and was the author of several literary writings using the pen-name “*Dimas Ilaw*.” He served the Katipunan in different capacities such as secretary, fiscal, editor, and later was appointed General by Bonifacio in 1897. He also served as an adviser to the Supremo. After the death of Bonifacio in Cavite in 1897, Jacinto continued the fight against the Spaniards even after the truce following the Pact of Biak-na-Bato. He was wounded in a battle against the Spaniards in Magdalena, Laguna and was captured. Upon investigation, Jacinto was released after he managed to convince the Spanish soldiers he was a spy in their service when he showed them a military pass issued to a man he killed several months ago. Jacinto quickly went into hiding in Manila. There he sent a letter to *Apolinario Mabini* in Malolos, Bulacan stating his plan to continue his law studies at the newly-established Literary University of the Philippines. But this plan was discontinued when Jacinto had to go back to Laguna to lead his fellow patriots in the war against the new enemy, the Americans. He established his headquarters in the town of Majayjay where he, unfortunately, contracted malaria. He died on April 6, 1899. ### About the Text In his study of the Katipunan history and its documents, Jim Richardson said that "the Kartilya is the best known of all Katipunan texts" and that it is "the only document of any length set in print