Midterm 2 Study Guide PDF

Limits of Substantivist/Formalist Positions Limits of Substantivist Position: The substantivist view argues that economic behavior is embedded within social and cultural contexts, but it can be critiqued for sometimes failing to recognize the utility-driven choices in all societies...

Limits of Substantivist/Formalist Positions Limits of Substantivist Position: The substantivist view argues that economic behavior is embedded within social and cultural contexts, but it can be critiqued for sometimes failing to recognize the utility-driven choices in all societies. This approach may overlook individual decision-making, particularly in modern contexts where market logic increasingly impacts various societies. Limits of Formalist Position: Formalists focus on the universality of rational choice and utility maximization, but this approach can be overly reductionist, ignoring the influence of social and cultural factors that shape economic behavior. It may also impose Western economic logic on non-market economies, missing the nuances of traditional systems where social relations are prioritized over profit. Karl Marx & Eric Wolf Karl Marx: Marx’s economic theory emphasizes class struggle, the alienation of labor, and the centrality of production in shaping social relations. He critiques capitalism for commodifying all aspects of life, including labor, which creates a system of exploitation and inequality. Marx's analysis extends to the idea of surplus value—profit derived from the difference between the value of labor and its compensation. Eric Wolf: Wolf builds on Marx by applying the concept of modes of production to anthropology. He explores how different modes of production (kin-ordered, tributary, and capitalist) structure economic and social life and contribute to inequality. Wolf critiques traditional anthropological methods for failing to account for the historical impact of capitalism on local economies and cultures. The Labor Process Organization of Labor in Production: In all societies, labor is organized to meet subsistence needs through specific tasks and who performs them. In capitalist systems, this organization is structured around the employer’s control, with a clear division of labor aimed at maximizing productivity and profit. In other modes, such as kin-ordered, labor is organized based on family and social roles. Mode of Production 1. Forces of Production: This includes labor, technology, raw materials, and knowledge used in production. Marx emphasizes that these forces develop historically, transforming society as they evolve. 2. Means of Production: Refers to the tools, land, factories, and other resources needed for production. Ownership or control of these means is central to the organization of any economic system. 3. Relations to the Means of Production & the Organization of Labor: In capitalist systems, relations to the means of production divide society into classes, where the bourgeoisie control the means and the proletariat sells labor. In kin-ordered or tributary modes, control is often based on kinship or social rank. 4. Ideologies & Cultural Representation: Ideologies justify the existing relations of production, influencing how people view inequality and the economic system. For example, capitalist ideology emphasizes individual success, while feudal ideologies emphasized divine rights of kings and nobility. Wolf’s Typology of Modes of Production 1. Kin-Ordered Mode of Production: ○ Example - Maasai: Among the Maasai, kinship structures production. Cattle, as the primary means of production, are controlled by elder men within patrilineal lineages, while labor organization follows family roles and responsibilities. 2. Tributary Mode of Production: ○ Example - 11th & 12th Century England: In feudal England, the elite controlled land and demanded surplus (tribute) from the serfs. This system combined feudal and Asiatic elements, creating a continuum where local elites and central authority shared control. 3. Capitalist Mode of Production: ○ Logic of Reinvestment and Accumulation: Capitalism is defined by a continual reinvestment of profits, fueling endless accumulation. Capital is invested in production to generate more capital. ○ Capital & Means of Production: In capitalism, the means of production are owned by capitalists who profit from the labor of others. ○ Commodification of Means of Production & Labor Power: Both the means of production and labor become commodities, available for sale in the market. Workers sell their labor power, becoming “proletariat,” while capital owners (bourgeoisie) profit. ○ Marxist Class Analysis: Class struggle emerges as capitalists and workers have conflicting interests, rooted in the ownership of production means and exploitation of labor. Labor Theory of Value Marx: Theory of Surplus Value: Marx argues that the value of a commodity is determined by the socially necessary labor time required to produce it. Surplus value is created when the labor produces more value than it receives in wages, which the capitalist retains as profit. This exploitation is the foundation of capitalist accumulation. Polanyi - Fictitious Commodities Fictitious Commodities: Polanyi describes land, labor, and money as “fictitious commodities” because they are not produced for sale yet are traded as such in capitalist markets. He argues that treating these essentials of life as commodities leads to social dislocation and inequality. Articulation of Modes of Production Articulation: Wolf and Marx describe how multiple modes of production can coexist and interact within a society. For instance, capitalism may coexist with kin-ordered production, where wage labor is supplemented by subsistence activities performed by family members. This articulation allows the capitalist system to reduce wages, relying on the kin-ordered mode to support the worker’s basic needs. Issues with Classic Marxism 1. Teleological View of History: Marxism is often critiqued for suggesting a deterministic view of history, where societies inevitably progress through stages toward communism. 2. Utopian: Critics argue that Marx’s vision of communism is idealistic, underestimating the challenges of achieving a classless society. 3. Totalizing: Classic Marxism can be overly reductionist, focusing on class struggle and economic factors as the primary forces in society, potentially overlooking other social and cultural influences. 4. Complexity of Change & Class Conflict: Marxist theory may simplify the dynamics of social change and class conflict, underestimating the roles of ideology, culture, and individual agency in shaping historical outcomes. Feminism & Economic Anthropology What Traditional Analyses Have Missed: Traditional economic anthropology often overlooked women's roles in production and social power, focusing instead on men’s activities. This created an incomplete picture of economic systems, especially in societies where women’s labor and social influence were integral, such as in the Trobriand Islands. Feminist anthropologists argue that recognizing women’s contributions can reveal the broader dynamics of economic and social power, often challenging male-centered interpretations of economic value and control. Trobriand Islands: Matrilineal Matrilineal Structure: The Trobriand Islanders have a matrilineal society where lineage and inheritance pass through the mother’s line. This system grants women significant influence within family structures and broader social organization, particularly in relation to land and resources. Trobriand Yam Transfers 1. Malinowski’s Account of Yam Transfers: ○ Malinowski documented how yams were central to the Trobriand economy and social relations. He described yam exchanges primarily as gifts given between men—especially from a man to his sister’s husband—as a means to create alliances and display generosity. Yams were grown by men, but the exchanges upheld male social status and connections. 2. Weiner’s Account of Yam Transfers: ○ Annette Weiner re-evaluated yam transfers and highlighted the critical role of women. She observed that while men grow yams, the distribution often serves to reinforce women’s status and alliances as well. Women, as sisters and wives, indirectly control these transfers, utilizing them to strengthen matrilineal ties. This dynamic reveals a dual structure of power where women exercise influence through kinship and resource management. 3. Political Implications for Women & Men: ○ The yam transfer system in the Trobriands enables both men and women to hold political power. While men may use yams for social standing, women’s control over the distribution of yams within the matrilineal lineage underscores their ability to influence kinship ties and, by extension, political alliances. Trobriand Mortuary Exchanges (Sagali) Banana Leaf Bundles and Skirts: In Trobriand mortuary ceremonies, known as sagali, women distribute banana leaf bundles and skirts as part of the ritual to honor the deceased and support the matrilineage. These items, representing women’s wealth, are crucial in demonstrating the lineage’s strength and maintaining social bonds. Weiner’s research highlighted that these exchanges reinforce women’s roles and responsibilities within the lineage and broader society. Cash, Bundles, Yams, and Male-Female Relations Male and Female Wealth Forms: Yams, typically managed by men, symbolize male wealth, while banana leaf bundles and skirts represent female wealth. Both forms of wealth are essential to the Trobriand economy and social structure, reflecting a reciprocal interdependence where each gender relies on the other for maintaining social order and reinforcing kinship ties. Male & Female Interdependence Husbands, Wives, Brothers, Sisters: Trobriand society embodies an interdependent structure where husbands grow yams to support their wives’ matrilineal kin, while sisters provide their brothers with yams for social ceremonies. This mutual dependence reinforces social cohesion, as both male and female roles are vital for the maintenance of social and economic order. Jane Guyer Naturalism: Male & Female Economic Roles: Guyer critiques the naturalistic assumptions in models of African production that attribute economic roles to inherent gender traits. She argues that these roles are contextually defined and influenced by social organization rather than fixed natural tendencies. By examining African production systems, she highlights the fluidity and complexity of gender roles in economic activities. Root Crops vs Cereal Crops in Africa 1. Widely Accepted Theory: The prevailing theory posits that root crops are predominantly grown in matrilineal societies where women play significant roles, while cereal crops are associated with patrilineal societies with male-dominated agricultural practices. 2. Actual Data: Guyer’s research challenges this binary by showing that both root and cereal crops are cultivated across different social structures, depending on ecological and economic conditions rather than fixed cultural associations. 3. Guyer’s Alternative Distinctions: Instead of associating crop types strictly with gender roles or kinship structures, Guyer emphasizes understanding agricultural practices as adaptable responses to environmental and economic demands. Yoruba (Idere) vs Beti (Nkometou) Farming Crops, Gender, Agricultural Schedules, Market: In Yoruba (Idere) society, women have significant roles in the market economy and food production, including root crops. In contrast, Beti (Nkometou) society emphasizes male involvement in agriculture, with less reliance on market trade. These examples highlight regional variations in gendered agricultural practices and economic interactions. Mobilization of Labor Needs, Constraints, Institutionalization: The organization of labor reflects the needs and constraints specific to each society. In some societies, labor is organized around kinship, while in others, market demands or political systems drive labor mobilization. Differences for Men and Women: Labor mobilization often differs by gender, with women’s labor frequently focused on food production and household responsibilities, while men may engage more in market or wage labor. Domestic and Public (Political) Domains Implications for Value of Women’s Labor: In many societies, women’s labor is primarily situated within the domestic sphere, undervalued economically. However, feminist economic anthropology highlights the importance of women’s contributions to the household and kinship-based production, which often have political and social implications beyond the home. Guyer: Gender, Processes, & Power Chiefs: Chiefs often have authority over economic resources, but Guyer notes that women, especially in matrilineal societies, can influence chiefs through kinship ties and the control of specific resources. Calendars: The timing of agricultural and economic activities may differ by gender, as women’s roles often align with seasonal cycles for crops and markets, while men’s economic roles may follow broader trade or political cycles. A.V. Chayanov Russian Peasant Household Economy: Chayanov’s model highlights how peasant households adjust labor based on family needs rather than market demands, illustrating a flexible approach to work that prioritizes subsistence over profit. Drudgery of Labor: Peasant labor often involves hard, repetitive tasks, yet the intensity varies with the family’s life cycle, balancing between the needs of dependents and available labor. Labor Input and Consumer/Producer Ratios Over Household Life Cycle: Chayanov noted that the ratio of consumers (children, elderly) to producers (working-age adults) shifts over time. This affects the workload and productivity of the household, with labor requirements increasing as the number of dependents rises. Cotton Production by Turkish Small-Holders Issues for Female Labor: In Turkish small-holder cotton production, women’s labor is essential yet often undervalued. Women typically handle planting, harvesting, and processing, but their contributions are frequently seen as secondary to men’s roles, reflecting broader gender inequalities in agricultural labor valuation. Culturally Ordered Political Economy Contrasts with Earlier Substantivists: The culturally ordered political economy approach shifts from earlier substantivist views by integrating human agency and political interests within the framework of economic behavior. This perspective recognizes culture as contested and dynamic rather than a stable, cohesive force. It emphasizes how local economic actions are influenced by broader historical and global contexts, diverging from the substantivist focus on embedded economies as isolated from external influences. Theoretical Approach to Culture: This approach views culture as a dynamic field of interests and power relations rather than merely a set of practices or norms. It highlights the ways culture and economy interact, particularly in how individuals and groups negotiate value, labor, and resources, and adapt to changing socio-political landscapes. Paul Bohannan and Tiv Spheres of Exchange 1. 3 Spheres of Exchange: ○ The Tiv people of Nigeria recognize three distinct spheres of exchange: (1) local food items like yams and guinea corn; (2) prestige items such as cattle, brass rods, and slaves; and (3) rights in women, particularly through marriage exchanges. Each sphere has its own values, and items typically do not cross between spheres. 2. Conveyance & Conversion: ○ Conveyance refers to exchanges within the same sphere, maintaining social boundaries and values. Conversion involves crossing spheres, such as trading cattle for marriage rights, which is rare and typically requires significant justification, as it challenges social and moral norms. 3. Money and Its Impacts According to Tiv Elders and Bohannan: ○ British colonial influence introduced money, which disrupted the Tiv’s multi-centric economy by enabling the crossing of spheres. Money’s fungibility undermined traditional values, as it allowed for previously separate exchanges to merge, altering social relationships and power dynamics. 4. Multi-centric and Uni-centric Economies: ○ The Tiv economy is multi-centric, with distinct spheres that limit exchanges to preserve social structures. By contrast, uni-centric economies, common in Western societies, use money as a universal measure, facilitating free exchange across different domains. Changes Experienced by Tiv in the Colonial Era Long Distance Trade: Colonialism introduced new trade routes and commodities, expanding the Tiv’s economic interactions beyond their traditional system. Stability with Stop to Inter-Tribal Warfare: British colonial administration reduced inter-tribal conflicts, which altered the local power dynamics and the role of warfare in economic exchanges. Bridewealth Payments: The colonial system enforced bridewealth payments, often in cash, reshaping marriage transactions and influencing gender and family relations. Tiv Power Relations Interests, Contestation, Transformation: Power in Tiv society involves ongoing negotiation, as elders, family members, and colonial forces vie to maintain or shift control over resources. This contestation transformed traditional values and practices as money and colonial policies impacted kinship and economic roles. Cultural Diversity and Economy in Today’s World Economic systems today are shaped by cultural diversity, as local practices and values intersect with global capitalism. Understanding how cultural beliefs influence economic behavior allows for a nuanced view of globalization’s varied impacts across societies. Bovine Mystique African “Cattle Complexes”: In many African societies, cattle symbolize wealth, status, and social connections. Beyond material value, cattle represent power, political alliances, and cultural identity, illustrating the dual economic and symbolic functions of livestock in African societies. Lesotho, South Africa South African Native Homelands: Lesotho’s economy is intertwined with South Africa’s industrial and mining sectors. Migrant labor from Lesotho contributes significantly to South African industries, but the economic gains are balanced by social and familial strains. Reserve Army of Labor Many Basotho men participate in migrant labor to South Africa, functioning as a “reserve army of labor” to fill industrial and mining jobs. This migration impacts Basotho social structures, as women and older family members maintain household economies in their absence. Basotho Cattle 1. One-Way “Rule” Organizing Cattle-Money Transfers: Basotho society limits the conversion of cattle into cash, reflecting the cultural value placed on livestock as inalienable family wealth rather than as a tradable commodity. 2. Dualist and Utilitarian Theories: Dualist theories highlight cattle’s dual role as both economic and social capital, while utilitarian theories suggest cattle are maintained for practical use and wealth accumulation. Both perspectives illustrate the complex role of livestock in Basotho society. Uses of Cattle for Basotho Material and Social: Cattle provide material resources like milk and meat and serve as a form of wealth that supports social status, marriage negotiations, and kinship obligations. Basotho Economy/Livelihood Local Agricultural Production and Migrant Wage Labor: Basotho households depend on a combination of local agriculture and income from migrant labor, illustrating a hybrid economy where traditional and modern economic practices coexist. Positions with Different Interests Among Basotho Different groups within Basotho society—such as elders, young men, and women—hold varying economic interests, especially in decisions regarding livestock, land, and labor migration. Structure of Basotho Property Rights Zones of Contestation: Property rights in Basotho society are often contested, with different family members or social groups negotiating ownership, access, and control over resources like land and cattle. Strategies in the Field of Basotho Contestations Over Income and Property Negotiation and Adaptation: Basotho individuals and families adopt various strategies to negotiate and adapt to economic challenges, balancing traditional customs with modern economic demands. Processual Approaches to Value Processual approaches examine how value is not fixed but is continually negotiated and redefined through social and economic practices, reflecting both material and symbolic aspects. Gift & Commodity A Dichotomy: Gifts are rooted in social relationships and often entail obligations, while commodities are generally seen as exchangeable goods with market-determined prices. This dualism highlights contrasting perspectives on economic transactions. Dualism and Its Problems: Rigid separation between gifts and commodities overlooks instances where the two intersect, such as when a gift takes on market value or when a commodity gains social significance. Life History (Processual) Approach The life history approach tracks how individuals’ economic practices and social values evolve over time, revealing the flexibility and complexity of value as people adapt to changing circumstances. Inalienable & Alienable Relation to Value, Price, Identity, & Hierarchy: Inalienable goods (like heirlooms or land) hold enduring value and identity for families or groups, while alienable goods are freely traded in markets. This distinction underscores how cultural beliefs shape perceptions of economic value. Strategies of Giving and Keeping Societies may value both giving (to foster relationships or fulfill obligations) and keeping (to maintain wealth or status), reflecting a balance between community ties and individual or family wealth retention. Cosmological Authentication (Annette Weiner) Annette Weiner discussed how objects and resources carry symbolic value and are embedded in cosmological beliefs, particularly focusing on the concept of inalienable possessions that hold ancestral or spiritual value. In this context, objects like banana leaves and skirts in the Trobriand Islands are not just material goods but are tied to identity, lineage, and social relations, making them “cosmologically authenticated” and resistant to commodification. New Institutional Economics (NIE) New Institutional Economics (NIE) examines how institutions, seen as the "rules of the game," structure economic outcomes by setting limits and opportunities for individual action. Unlike traditional models, NIE considers social pressures and the broader context, aspiring to create predictive models of economic behavior. Property rights are a major focus, examining how different systems like private property can internalize externalities and reduce transaction costs, but also recognizing limitations when private ownership cannot exclude others or manage resources sustainably. Garrett Hardin: Tragedy of the Commons Garrett Hardin’s “Tragedy of the Commons” highlights the conflict between individual and collective interests in the use of shared resources, such as grazing lands. Hardin argued that individuals acting in self-interest will ultimately deplete communal resources, leading to environmental degradation. His solution emphasized privatizing resources or implementing “mutual coercion mutually agreed upon,” such as regulatory frameworks, to control overuse and protect the commons. NIE: Berkes, Feeny, Acheson – Response to Garrett Hardin Berkes, Feeny, and Acheson critiqued Hardin’s assumptions by showing that local communities can self-regulate communal resources effectively. They suggested that externalities could be managed not only by privatization but also by alternative property regimes. These include communal property, where community rules govern usage, and state property, such as national parks, which the government controls to prevent overuse. 4 Property Regimes The four property regimes described by Berkes, Feeny, McCay, and Acheson are: 1. Open Access: No exclusive rights; resources are freely available to anyone. 2. Private Property: Individual ownership with rights to exclude others. 3. Communal Property: Rights are held by a defined community, which manages resource use. 4. State Property: The government holds rights and regulates access, as seen in national parks. Communal Property Regimes: Lobster Fishing in Maine In Maine, communal property practices are seen in the management of lobster fishing. Although the state issues licenses, local communities enforce norms and manage resources effectively. The system maintains a stable lobster population through local pressure and accepted limitations, demonstrating how communal regulation can be sustainable and responsive to environmental limits. Hann & Hart’s Critiques of NIE Hann and Hart argue that NIE models remain rooted in the rational actor model of “Homo Economicus,” which oversimplifies human behavior by focusing on self-interest and cost-benefit calculations. They emphasize the need for ethnographic research to capture local values and cultural meanings that influence economic decisions, arguing that NIE’s predictive power is limited without considering these cultural contexts.