LSD U1 & U2 PDF

Case Study: On Sabrina’s eleventh birthday, her friend Joyce gave her a surprise party, but Sabrina seemed somber during the celebration. Although Sabrina and Joyce had been close friends since third grade, their relationship was faltering. Sabrina was a head taller and some 20 pound...

Case Study: On Sabrina’s eleventh birthday, her friend Joyce gave her a surprise party, but Sabrina seemed somber during the celebration. Although Sabrina and Joyce had been close friends since third grade, their relationship was faltering. Sabrina was a head taller and some 20 pounds heavier than most girls in her sixth- grade class. Her breasts were well-developed, her hips and thighs had broadened, and she had begun to menstruate. In contrast, Joyce still had the short, lean, flat-chested body of a school-age child. Ducking into the bathroom while the other girls put candles on the cake, Sabrina frowned at her image in the mirror. “I’m so big and heavy,” she whispered. At church youth group on Sunday evenings, Sabrina broke away from Joyce and joined the eighth-grade girls. Around them, she didn’t feel so large and awkward. Once a month, parents gathered at Sabrina’s and Joyce’s school to discuss child-rearing concerns. Sabrina’s parents, Franca and Antonio, attended whenever they could. “How you know they are becoming teenagers is this,” volunteered Antonio. “The bedroom door is closed, and they want to be alone. Also, they contradict and disagree. I tell Sabrina, ‘You have to go to Aunt Gina’s on Saturday for dinner with the family.’ The next thing I know, she’s arguing with me.”  Sabrina has entered adolescence, the transition between childhood and adulthood. In industrialized societies, the skills young people must master are so complex and the choices confronting them so diverse that adolescence is greatly extended. But around the world, the basic tasks of this period are much the same. Sabrina must accept her full-grown body, acquire adult ways of thinking, attain greater independence from her family, develop more mature ways of relating to peers of both sexes, and begin to construct an identity—a secure sense of who she is in terms of sexual, vocational, moral, ethnic, religious, and other life values and goals. The beginning of adolescence is marked by puberty, a flood of biological events leading to an adult-sized body and sexual maturity. As Sabrina’s reactions suggest, entry into adolescence can be an especially trying time for some young people  Why is Sabrina self-conscious, argumentative, and in retreat from family activities? Historically, theorists explained the impact of puberty on psychological development by resorting to extremes— either a biological or a social explanation. Today, researchers realize that biological and social forces jointly determine adolescent psychological change The Biological Perspective Ask several parents of young children what they expect their sons and daughters to be like as teenagers, and you will probably get answers like these: “Rebellious and irresponsible,” “Full of rages and tempers.” This widespread storm-and-stress view dates back to major early-twentieth-century theorists. The most influential, G. Stanley Hall (1904), who based his ideas on Darwin’s theory of evolution, described adolescence as a period so turbulent that it resembled the era in which humans evolved from savages into civilized beings. The storm and stress theory describes the decreased levels of self-control and increased levels of sensitivity adolescents experience during puberty. Puberty is defined as the stage when a child transitions from childhood to adulthood. Freud’s psychosexual theory, sexual impulses reawaken in the genital stage, triggering psychological conflict and volatile behavior. As adolescents find intimate partners, inner forces gradually achieve a new, mature harmony, and the stage concludes with marriage, birth, and child rearing. In this way, young people fulfill their biological destiny: sexual reproduction and survival of the species. The Social Perspective Contemporary research suggests that the storm-and-stress notion of adolescence is exaggerated. Certain problems, such as eating disorders, depression, suicide, and lawbreaking, do occur more often than earlier. But the overall rate of serious psychological disturbance rises only slightly from childhood to adolescence, reaching 15 to 20 percent (Merikangas et al., 2010). Though much greater than the adulthood rate (about 6 percent), emotional turbulence is not a routine feature of the teenage years  The first researcher to point out the wide variability in adolescent adjustment was anthropologist Margaret Mead (1928). She returned from the Pacific islands of Samoa with a startling conclusion: Because of the culture’s relaxed social relationships and openness toward sexuality, adolescence “is perhaps the pleasantest time the Samoan girl (or boy) will ever know” (p. 308). In Mead’s alternative view, the social environment is entirely responsible for the range of teenage experiences, from erratic and agitated to calm and stress-free. Later researchers found that Samoan adolescence was not as untroubled as Mead had assumed (Freeman, 1983). Still, she showed that to understand adolescent development, researchers must pay greater attention to social and cultural influences A Balanced Point of view The biological, psychological, and social forces combine to influence adolescent development (Hollenstein & Lougheed, 2013). Biological changes are universal—found in all primates and all cultures. These internal stresses and the social expectations accompanying them—that the young person give up childish ways, develop new interpersonal relationships, and take on greater responsibility—are likely to prompt moments of uncertainty, self-doubt, and disappointment in all teenagers. Adolescents’ prior and current experiences affect their success in surmounting these challenges.  At the same time, the length of adolescence and its demands and pressures vary substantially among cultures. Most tribal and village societies have only a brief intervening phase between childhood and full assumption of adult roles (Lancy, 2008). In industrialized nations, young people face prolonged dependence on parents and postponement of sexual gratification while they prepare for a productive work life. As a result, adolescence is greatly extended—so much so that researchers commonly divide it into three phases  Early adolescence (11 to 14 years): This is a period of rapid pubertal change. Middle adolescence (14 to 16 years): Pubertal changes are now nearly complete. Late adolescence (16 to 18 years): The young person achieves full adult appearance and anticipates assumption of adult roles. Physical Development The biological changes of puberty, which signal the end of childhood, include rapid growth in height and weight, changes in body proportions and form, and attainment of sexual maturity. These dramatic physical changes are part of a long, complex process of maturation that began before birth, and their psychological ramifications continue into adulthood. How Puberty Begins: Hormonal Changes Puberty results from heightened production of sex-related hormones and takes place in two stages: adrenarche, the maturing of the adrenal glands, followed a few years later by gonadarche, the maturing of the sex organs. First, sometime around age 7 or 8 (Susman & Rogol, 2004), the adrenal glands, located above the kidneys, secrete gradually increasing levels of androgens, principally dehydroepiandrosterone (DHEA). DHEA plays a part in the growth of pubic, axillary (armpit), and facial hair, as well as in faster body growth, oilier skin, and the development of body odor. By age 10, levels of DHEA are 10 times what they were between ages 1 and 4 (McClintock & Herdt, 1996).  The precise time when this rush of hormonal activity begins seems to depend on reaching a critical amount of body fat necessary for successful reproduction. Thus, girls with a higher percentage of body fat in early childhood and those who experience unusual weight gain between ages 5 and 9 tend to show earlier pubertal development (Davison, Susman, & Birch, 2003; Lee et al., 2007). Studies suggest that an accumulation of leptin, a hormone in the bloodstream identified as having a role in obesity, may stimulate the hypothalamus to signal the pituitary gland, which in turn may signal the sex glands to increase their secretion of hormones (Chehab, Mounzih, Lu, & Lim, 1997; Clément et al., 1998; O’Rahilly, 1998; Strobel, Camoin, Ozata, & Strosberg, 1998; Susman & Rogol, 2004). Scientists have identified a gene, GPR54, on chromosome 19 that is essential for this development to occur (Seminara et al., 2003). Timing, Signs, and Sequence of Puberty and Sexual Maturity Changes that herald puberty now typically begin at age 8 in girls and age 9 in boys (Susman & Rogol, 2004), but a wide range of ages exists for various changes. The primary sex characteristics are the organs necessary for reproduction. In the female, the sex organs include the ovaries, fallopian tubes, uterus, clitoris, and vagina. In the male, they include the testes, penis, scrotum, seminal vesicles, and prostate gland. During puberty, these organs enlarge and mature. The secondary sex characteristics are physiological signs of sexual maturation that do not directly involve the sex organs, for example, the breasts of females and the broad shoulders of males. Other secondary sex characteristics are changes in the voice and skin texture, muscular development, and the growth of pubic, facial, axillary (underarm), and body hair The Adolescent Growth Spurt The adolescent growth spurt —a rapid increase in height, weight, and muscle and bone growth that occurs during puberty—generally begins in girls between ages 9½ and 14½ (usually at about 10) and in boys, between 10½ and 16 (usually at 12 or 13). It typically lasts about two years; soon after it ends, the young person reaches sexual maturity. Both growth hormone and the sex hormones (androgens and estrogen) contribute to this normal pubertal growth pattern Because girls’ growth spurt usually occurs two years earlier than that of boys, girls between ages 11 and 13 tend to be taller, heavier, and stronger than boys the same age. After their growth spurt, boys are again larger. Girls typically reach full height at age 15 and boys at age 17. The rate of muscular growth peaks at age 12½ for girls and 14½ for boys  Boys and girls grow differently, not only in rates of growth, but also in form and shape. A boy becomes larger overall: his shoulders wider, his legs longer relative to his trunk, and his forearms longer relative to his upper arms and his height. A girl’s pelvis widens to make childbearing easier, and layers of fat accumulate under her skin, giving her a more rounded appearance. Fat accumulates twice as rapidly in girls as in boys (Susman & Rogol, 2004). Because each of these changes follows its own timetable, parts of the body may be out of proportion for a while Signs of Sexual Maturity: Sperm Production and Menstruation The maturation of the reproductive organs brings the beginning of menstruation in girls and the production of sperm in boys. The principal sign of sexual maturity in boys is adolescent growth spurt Sharp increase in height and weight that precedes sexual maturity. Most girls experience a growth spurt two years earlier than most boys, so between ages 11 and 13 girls tend to be taller, heavier, and stronger than boys the same age. the production of sperm. The first ejaculation, or spermarche, occurs at an average age of 13. A boy may wake up to find a wet spot or a hardened, dried spot on the sheets— the result of a nocturnal emission, an involuntary ejaculation of semen (commonly referred to as a wet dream ). Most adolescent boys have these emissions, sometimes in connection with an erotic dream Menarche The principal sign of sexual maturity in girls is menstruation, a monthly shedding of tissue from the lining of the womb. The first menstruation, called menarche, occurs fairly late in the sequence of female development; its normal timing can vary from age 10 to 16½. The average age of menarche in U.S. girls fell from greater than 14 years before 1900 to 12½ years in the 1990s. On average, black girls experience menarche six months earlier than white girls (S. E. Anderson, Dallal, & Must, 2003). Influences on and Effects of Timing of Puberty On the basis of historical sources, developmental scientists have found a secular trend —a trend that spans several generations—in the onset of puberty: a drop in the ages when puberty begins and when young people reach adult height and sexual maturity. The trend, which also involves increases in adult height and weight, began about 100 years ago. It has occurred in such places as the United States, Western Europe, and Japan (S. E. Anderson et al., 2003). One proposed explanation for the secular trend is a higher standard of living. Children who are healthier, better nourished, and better cared for might be expected to mature earlier and grow bigger (Slyper, 2006). Individual differences in Pubertal Growth Heredity contributes substantially to the timing of pubertal changes. Identical twins are more similar than fraternal twins in attainment of most pubertal milestones (Eaves et al., 2004; Jahanfar, Lye, & Krishnarajah, 2013). Nutrition and exercise also make a difference. In females, a sharp rise in body weight and fat may hasten sexual maturation. Fat cells release a protein called leptin, which is believed to signal the brain that the girl’s energy stores are sufficient for puberty—a likely reason that breast and pubic hair growth and menarche occur earlier for heavier and, especially, obese girls. In contrast, girls who begin rigorous athletic training at an early age or who eat very little (both of which reduce the percentage of body fat) usually experience later puberty (Kaplowitz, 2008; Rubin et al., 2009).  Variations in pubertal growth also exist among regions of the world and among SES and ethnic groups. Physical health plays a major role. In poverty-stricken regions where malnutrition and infectious disease are common, menarche is greatly delayed, occurring as late as age 14 in parts of Africa and Asia. Within developing countries, girls from higher-income families reach menarche 6 to 18 months earlier than those living in economically disadvantaged homes. Family Experiences Early family experiences may also affect pubertal timing. One theory suggests that humans have evolved to be sensitive to the emotional quality of their childhood environments. When children’s safety and security are at risk, it is adaptive for them to reproduce early. Research indicates that girls and (less consistently) boys with a history of family conflict, harsh parenting, parental separation, or single mothers tend to reach puberty early. In contrast, those with warm, stable family ties reach puberty relatively late (Belsky et al., 2007a; Boynton-Jarrett et al., 2013; Ellis & Essex, 2007; Ellis et al., 2011; Webster et al., 2014). For girls, two longitudinal studies confirm this chain of influence from adverse childhood family environments to earlier pubertal timing to increased adolescent sexual risk taking (Belsky et al., 2010; James et al., 2012). Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TlnR oPNvAcU The Adolescent Brain Most scientists believed that the brain was fully mature by puberty. Now imaging studies reveal that the adolescent brain is still a work in progress. Dramatic changes in brain structures involved in emotions, judgment, organization of behavior, and self-control take place between puberty and young adulthood. The immaturity of the adolescent brain has raised questions about the extent to which adolescents can reasonably be held legally responsible for their actions (Steinberg & Scott, 2003), prompting the U.S. Supreme Court in 2005 to rule the death penalty unconstitutional for a convicted murderer who was 17 or younger when the crime was committed (Mears, 2005).  Risk taking appears to result from the interaction of two brain networks: (1) a socioemotional network that is sensitive to social and emotional stimuli, such as peer influence, and (2) a cognitive-control network that regulates responses to stimuli. The socioemotional network becomes more active at puberty, whereas the cognitive-control network matures more gradually into early adulthood. These findings may help explain teenagers’ tendency toward emotional outbursts and risky behavior and why risk taking often occurs in groups (Steinberg, 2007) Research The way in which adolescents process information about emotions differs from that of adults. A study was conducted where researchers examined the brain activity of adolescents while they identified emotions conveyed by facial expressions displayed on a computer screen. It was observed that early adolescents (aged 11 to 13) predominantly relied on the amygdala, a small structure located deep within the temporal lobe that plays a crucial role in emotional and instinctual responses. On the other hand, older adolescents (aged 14 to 17) exhibited patterns more similar to adults, utilizing the frontal lobes responsible for functions such as planning, reasoning, judgment, emotional regulation, and impulse control. Consequently, this contrast may elucidate why early adolescents often make imprudent decisions such as engaging in substance abuse and risky sexual behaviors. The immaturity in brain development might allow emotions to override rationality, leading some adolescents to disregard warnings that appear logical and persuasive to adults (Baird et al., 1999; Yurgelun-Todd, 2002).  The underdevelopment of frontal cortical systems associated with motivation, impulsivity, and addiction could also contribute to the inclination of adolescents to seek thrills and novelty while struggling to focus on long-term goals (Bjork et al., 2004; Chambers, Taylor, & Potenza, 2003). To understand the immaturity of the adolescent brain, we also need to look at changes in the structure and composition of the frontal cortex. First, in adolescence, the increase in white matter typical of childhood brain development continues in the frontal lobes (ACT for Youth, 2002; Blakemore & Choudhury, 2006; Kuhn, 2006; NIMH, 2001b). Second, the pruning of unused dendritic connections during childhood results in a reduction in density of gray matter (nerve cells), increasing the brain’s efficiency. This process begins in the rear portions of the brain and moves forward. For the most part, however, it has not yet reached the frontal lobes by adolescence  A major spurt in production of gray matter in the frontal lobes begins around puberty. After the growth spurt, the density of gray matter declines greatly, particularly in the prefrontal cortex, as unused synapses (connections between neurons) are pruned and those that remain are strengthened (ACT for Youth, 2002; Blakemore & Choudhury, 2006; Kuhn, 2006; NIMH, 2001b). Thus, by mid- to late adolescence young people have fewer but stronger, smoother, and more effective neuronal connections, making cognitive processing more efficient (Kuhn, 2006). The ability to think abstractly has emotional implications, too. Whereas a young child could love a parent or hate a classmate, “the adolescent can love freedom or hate exploitation.... The possible and the ideal captivate both mind and feeling” (H. Ginsburg & Opper, 1979, p. 201).  Cognitive stimulation in adolescence makes a critical difference in the brain’s development. The process is bidirectional: A young person’s activities and experiences determine which neuronal connections will be retained and strengthened, and this development supports further cognitive growth in those areas (Kuhn, 2006). Adolescents who “exercise’ their brains by learning to order their thoughts, understand abstract concepts, and control their impulses are laying the neural foundations that will serve them for the rest of their lives” (ACT for Youth, 2002, p. 1). COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT: Most young people emerge from the teenage years with mature, healthy bodies and a zest for life. Their cognitive development has continued, too. Adolescents not only look different from younger children; they also think and talk differently. Although their thinking may remain immature in some ways, many are capable of abstract reasoning and sophisticated moral judgments and can plan more realistically for the future. Piaget’s Stage of Formal Operations Adolescents enter what Piaget called the highest level of cognitive development— formal operations —when they develop the capacity for abstract thought. This development, usually around age 11, gives them a new, more flexible, way to manipulate information. No longer limited to the here and now, they can understand historical time and extraterrestrial space. They can use symbols to represent other symbols (for example, letting the letter X stand for an unknown numeral) and thus can learn algebra and calculus. They can better appreciate metaphor and allegory and thus can find richer meanings in literature. They can think in terms of what might be, not just what is. They can imagine possibilities and can form and test hypothese Hypothetical-Deductive Reasoning To appreciate the difference formal reasoning makes, let’s follow the progress of a typical child in dealing with a classic Piagetian problem, the pendulum problem. The child, Adam, is shown the pendulum—an object hanging from a string. He is then shown how he can change any of four factors: the length of the string, the weight of the object, the height from which the object is released, and the amount of force he may use to push the object. He is asked to figure out which factor or combination of factors determines how fast the pendulum swings.  When Adam first sees the pendulum, he is not yet 7 years old and is in the preoperational stage. Unable to formulate a plan for attacking the problem, he tries one thing after another in a hit-or- miss manner. First, he puts a light weight on a long string and pushes it; then he tries swinging a heavy weight on a short string; then he removes the weight entirely. Not only is his method random, but he also cannot understand or report what has happened. Adam next encounters the pendulum at age 10, when he is in the stage of concrete operations. This time, he discovers that varying the length of the string and the weight of the object affects the speed of the swing. However, because he varies both factors at the same time, he cannot tell which is critical or whether both are.  Adam is confronted with the pendulum for a third time at age 15, and this time he goes at the problem systematically. He designs an experiment to test all the possible hypotheses, varying one factor at a time—first, the length of the string; next, the weight of the object; then, the height from which it is released; and finally, the amount of force used—each time holding the other three factors constant. In this way, he is able to determine that only one factor—the length of the string— determines how fast the pendulum swings. Hypothetical-Deductive Reasoning Adam’s solution of the pendulum problem shows that he has arrived at the stage of formal operations. He is now capable of hypothetical-deductive reasoning: He can develop a hypothesis and design an experiment to test it. He considers all the relationships he can imagine and tests them systematically, one by one, to eliminate the false and arrive at the true. Hypothetical-deductive reasoning gives him a tool to solve problems, from fixing the family car to constructing a political theory.  What brings about the shift to formal reasoning? Piaget attributed it to a combination of brain maturation and expanding environmental opportunities. Both are essential: Even if young people’s neurological development has advanced enough to permit formal reasoning, they can attain it only with appropriate stimulation. As with the development of concrete operations, schooling and culture play a role, as Piaget (1972) ultimately recognized. When adolescents in New Guinea and Rwanda were tested on the pendulum problem, none was able to solve it. On the other hand, Chinese children in Hong Kong, who had been to British schools, did at least as well as U.S. or European children. Schoolchildren in Central Java and New South Wales also showed some formal operational abilities (Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2005)  Knowing what questions to ask and what strategies work are keys to hypothetical deductive reasoning. When 30 low-performing urban sixth graders were asked to investigate factors in earthquake risk, those who received a suggestion to focus on one variable at a time made more valid inferences than those who were not given the suggestion (Kuhn & Dean, 2005). This result demonstrates that hypothetical deductive reasoning can be taught and learn Propositional Thought A second important characteristic of Piaget’s formal operational stage is propositional thought—adolescents’ ability to evaluate the logic of propositions (verbal statements) without referring to real-world circumstances. In contrast, children can evaluate the logic of statements only by considering them against concrete evidence in the real world.  In a study of propositional reasoning, a researcher showed children and adolescents a pile of poker chips and asked whether statements about the chips were true, false, or uncertain (Osherson & Markman, 1975). In one condition, the researcher hid a chip in her hand and presented the following propositions: “Either the chip in my hand is green or it is not green.” “The chip in my hand is green and it is not green.”  In another condition, the experimenter made the same statements while holding either a red or a green chip in full view. School-age children focused on the concrete properties of the poker chips. When the chip was hidden, they replied that they were uncertain about both statements. When it was visible, they judged both statements to be true if the chip was green and false if it was red. In contrast, most adolescents analyzed the logic of the statements. They understood that the “either-or” statement is always true and the “and” statement is always false, regardless of the chip’s color  Although Piaget did not view language as playing a central role in children’s cognitive development, he acknowledged its importance in adolescence. Formal operations require language- based and other symbolic systems that do not stand for real things, such as those in higher mathematics. Secondary school students use such systems in algebra and geometry. Formal operational thought also involves verbal reasoning about abstract concepts. Jules was thinking in this way when he pondered relationships among time, space, and matter in physics and wondered about justice and freedom in philosophy An Information Processing View of Adolescent Cognitive Development Information-processing theorists refer to a variety of specific mechanisms, including components of executive function, as underlying cognitive gains in adolescence. As noted in previous chapters, each mechanism promotes advances in others (Keating, 2012; Kuhn, 2009, 2013; Kuhn & Franklin, 2006). Now let’s draw them together: Working memory increases, enabling more information to be held in mind at once and combined into increasingly complex, efficient representations, “opening possibilities for growth” in the capacities listed below and also improving as a result of gains in those capacities (Demetriou et al., 2002, p. 97). Inhibition—both of irrelevant stimuli and of well-learned responses in situations where they are inappropriate— improves, supporting gains in attention and reasoning.  Attention becomes more selective (focused on relevant information) and flexible—better-adapted to the changing demands of tasks. Planning on complex tasks with multiple steps improves, becoming better-organized and efficient. Strategies become more effective, enhancing storage, representation, and retrieval of information. Knowledge increases, easing strategy use. Metacognition (awareness of thought) expands, leading to new insights into effective strategies for acquiring information and solving problems. Cognitive self-regulation improves, yielding better moment by- moment monitoring, evaluation, and redirection of thinking. Consequences of Adolescent Cognitive Changes The development of increasingly complex, effective thinking leads to dramatic revisions in the way adolescents see themselves, others, and the world in general. But just as adolescents are occasionally awkward in using their transformed bodies, so they initially falter in their abstract thinking. Teenagers’ self-concern, idealism, criticism, and faulty decision making, though perplexing to adults, are usually beneficial in the long run.  Piaget’s followers suggest that two distorted images of the relation between self and other appear. The first is called the imaginary audience, adolescents’ belief that they are the focus of everyone else’s attention and concern (Elkind & Bowen, 1979). As a result, they become extremely self-conscious. The imaginary audience helps explain why adolescents spend long hours inspecting every detail of their appearance and why they are so sensitive to public criticism. To teenagers, who believe that everyone is monitoring their performance, a critical remark from a parent or teacher can be mortifying. A second cognitive distortion is the personal fable. Certain that others are observing and thinking about them, teenagers develop an inflated opinion of their own importance—a feeling that they are special and unique Moral Reasoning: Kohlberg’s Theory As children attain higher cognitive levels, they become capable of more complex reasoning about moral issues. Their tendencies toward altruism and empathy increase as well. Adolescents are better able than younger children to take another person’s perspective, to solve social problems, to deal with interpersonal relationships, and to see themselves as social beings. All of these tendencies foster moral development. Lawrence Kohlberg’s groundbreaking theory of moral reasoning, at Carol Gilligan’s influential work on moral development in women and girls, and at research on prosocial behavior in adolescence. Heinz Dilemma Heinz’s Dilemma A woman is near death from cancer. A druggist has discovered a drug that doctors believe might save her. The druggist is charging $2,000 for a small dose—10 times what the drug costs him to make. The sick woman’s husband, Heinz, borrows from everyone he knows but can scrape together only $1,000. He begs the druggist to sell him the drug for $1,000 or let him pay the rest later. The druggist refuses, saying, “I discovered the drug and I’m going to make money from it.” Heinz, desperate, breaks into the man’s store and steals the drug. Should Heinz have done that? Why or why not? (Kohlberg, 1969). Heinz’s problem is the most famous example of Lawrence Kohlberg’s approach to studying moral development. Starting in the 1950s, Kohlberg and his colleagues posed hypothetical dilemmas like this one to 75 boys ages 10, 13, and 16 and continued to question them periodically for more than 30 years. At the heart of each dilemma was the concept of justice. By asking respondents how they arrived at their answers, Kohlberg, like Piaget, concluded that the way people look at moral issues reflects cognitive development. Kohlberg’s Levels and Stages Moral development in Kohlberg’s theory bears some resemblance to Piaget’s , but Kohlberg’s model is more complex. On the basis of thought processes shown by responses to his dilemmas, Kohlberg (1969) described three levels of moral reasoning, each divided into two stages: Level I: Preconventional morality: People act under external controls. They obey rules to avoid punishment or reap rewards, or they act out of self interest. This level is typical of children ages 4 to 10.  Level II: Conventional morality (or morality of conventional role conformity). People have internalized the standards of authority figures. They are concerned about being “good,” pleasing others, and maintaining the social order. This level is typically reached after age 10; many people never move beyond it, even in adulthood.  Level III: Postconventional morality (or morality of autonomous moral principles). People recognize conflicts between moral standards and make their own judgments on the basis of principles of right, fairness, and justice. People generally do not reach this level of moral reasoning until at least early adolescence, or more commonly in young adulthood, if ever.  Some adolescents and even some adults remain at Kohlberg’s level I. Like young children, they seek to avoid punishment or satisfy their needs. Most adolescents and most adults seem to be at level II, usually in stage 3. They conform to social conventions, support the status quo, and “do the right thing” to please others or to obey the law. Stage 4 reasoning (upholding social norms) is less common but increases from early adolescence into adulthood. Often adolescents show periods of apparent disequilibrium when advancing from one level to another (Eisenberg & Morris, 2004) or fall back on other ethical systems, such as religious prescriptions, rather than on Kohlberg’s justice-based system  Kohlberg proposed a transitional level between Level II and Level III of moral development, where individuals no longer feel bound by society's moral standards but have not yet reasoned out their own principles of justice. At this stage, moral decisions are based on personal feelings rather than principled reasoning. Before reaching Level III, individuals must recognize the relativity of moral standards. Many young people question their earlier moral views when they encounter diverse values, cultures, and backgrounds in high school, college, or the workforce. However, only a few individuals reach a level where they can choose among differing moral standards. Kohlberg even questioned the validity of Stage 6, which is morality based on universal ethical principles, due to its rarity. Later, he proposed a seventh stage known as the "cosmic" stage, where individuals consider the impact of their actions not only on other people but also on the universe as a whole. Moral Reasoning and Moral Identity Moral identity—the degree to which morality is central to self-concept—also affects moral behavior (Hardy & Carlo, 2011). In a study of low-SES African-American and Hispanic teenagers, those who emphasized moral traits and goals in their self descriptions displayed exceptional levels of community service (Hart & Fegley, 1995). And when 10- to 18-year-olds rated moral traits on the basis of whether each reflected the kind of person they wanted to be, those with a stronger moral ideal self were viewed by their parents as more ethical and altruistic Evaluating Kohlberg’s Theory Kohlberg, building on Piaget, inaugurated a profound shift in the way we look at moral development. Instead of viewing morality solely as the attainment of control over self-gratifying impulses, investigators now study how children and adults base moral judgments on their growing understanding of the social world. Initial research supported Kohlberg’s theory. The American boys whom Kohlberg and his colleagues followed through adulthood progressed through Kohlberg’s stages in sequence, and none skipped a stage. Their moral judgments correlated positively with age, education, IQ, and socioeconomic status (Colby, Kohlberg, Gibbs, & Lieberman, 1983). More recent research, however, has cast doubt on the delineation of some of Kohlberg’s stages (Eisenberg & Morris, 2004). A study of children’s judgments about laws and lawbreaking suggests that some children can reason flexibly about such issues as early as age 6 (Helwig & Jasiobedzka, 2001).  One reason the ages attached to Kohlberg’s levels are so variable is that people who have achieved a high level of cognitive development do not always reach a comparably high level of moral development. Some investigators suggest that moral activity is motivated, not only by abstract considerations of justice, but also by such emotions as empathy, guilt, and distress and the internalization of prosocial norms (Eisenberg & Morris, 2004; Gibbs, 1991, 1995; Gibbs & Schnell, 1985).  Furthermore, there is not always a clear relationship between moral reasoning and moral behavior. People at postconventional levels of reasoning do not necessarily act more morally than those at lower levels. Other factors, such as specific situations, conceptions of virtue, and concern for others contribute to moral behavior (Colby & Damon, 1992; Fischer & Pruyne, 2003). Adolescents who are more advanced in moral reasoning do tend to be more moral in their behavior as well as better adjusted and higher in social competence, whereas antisocial adolescents tend to use less mature moral reasoning (Eisenberg & Morris, 2004). Influence of Parents, Peers, and Culture Neither Piaget nor Kohlberg considered parents important to children’s moral development, but more recent research emphasizes parents’ contribution in both the cognitive and the emotional realms. Adolescents with supportive, authoritative parents who stimulate them to question and expand on their moral reasoning tend to reason at higher levels (Eisenberg & Morris, 2004). Peers also affect moral reasoning by talking with each other about moral conflicts. Having more close friends, spending quality time with them, and being perceived as a leader are associated with higher moral reasoning (Eisenberg & Morris, 2004). Kohlberg’s system does not seem to represent moral reasoning in non-Western cultures as accurately as in the Western culture in which it was originally developed (Eisenberg & Morris, 2004). Older people in countries other than the United States do tend to score at higher stages than younger people. However, people in non-Western cultures rarely score above stage 4 (Edwards, 1981; Nisan & Kohlberg, 1982; Snarey, 1985), suggesting that some aspects of Kohlberg’s model may not fit the cultural values of these societies. The Psychological Impact of Pubertal Event Think back to your late elementary and middle school days. As you reached puberty, how did your feelings about yourself and your relationships with others change? Research reveals that pubertal events affect adolescents’ self-image, mood, and interaction with parents and peers. Some outcomes are a response to dramatic physical change, whenever it occurs. Others have to do with pubertal timing. Reactions to Pubertal Changes Two generations ago, menarche was often traumatic. Today, girls commonly react with “surprise,” undoubtedly due to the sudden onset of the event. Otherwise, they typically report a mixture of positive and negative emotions (Chang, Hayter, & Wu, 2010; DeRose & Brooks-Gunn, 2006). Yet wide individual differences exist that depend on prior knowledge and support from family members, which in turn are influenced by cultural attitudes toward puberty and sexuality  For girls who have no advance information, menarche can be shocking and disturbing. And cultural or religious views of menstruation as unclean, embarrassing, or a source of weakness requiring restriction of activities also promote distressed reactions (Marván & Alcalá- Herrera, 2014). Unlike 50 to 60 years ago, today few girls in developed countries are uninformed, a shift that is probably due to parents’ greater willingness to discuss sexual matters and to the spread of health education classes (Omar, McElderry, & Zakharia, 2003). Almost all girls get some information from their mothers.  And some evidence suggests that compared with European- American families, African American families may better prepare girls for menarche, treat as an important milestone, and express less conflict over girls reaching sexual maturity—factors that lead African-American girls to react more favorably (Martin, 1996). Like girls’ reactions to menarche, boys’ responses to spermarche reflect mixed feelings. Virtually all boys know about ejaculation ahead of time, but many say that no one spoke to them before or during puberty about physical changes (Omar, McElderry, & Zakharia, 2003).  Usually they get their information from reading material or websites. Even boys who had advance information often say that their first ejaculation occurred earlier than they expected and that they were unprepared for it. Whereas almost all girls eventually tell a friend that they are menstruating, far fewer boys tell anyone about spermarche (DeRose & Brooks-Gunn, 2006; Downs & Fuller, 1991). Overall, boys get much less social support than girls for the changes of puberty. They might benefit, especially, from opportunities to ask questions and discuss feelings with a sympathetic parent or health professional.  Many tribal and village societies celebrate the onset of puberty with an initiation ceremony, a ritualized announcement to the community that marks an important change in privilege and responsibility. Consequently, young people know that reaching puberty is a significant milestone in their culture. In contrast, Western societies grant little formal recognition to movement from childhood to adolescence or from adolescence to adulthood. Ceremonies such as the Jewish bar or bat mitzvah and the quinceañera in Hispanic communities (celebrating a 15-yearold girl’s sexual maturity and marriage availability) resemble initiation ceremonies, but only within the ethnic or religious subculture. They do not mark a significant change in social status in the larger society  Instead, Western adolescents are granted partial adult status at many different ages—for example, an age for starting employment, for driving, for leaving high school, for voting, and for drinking. And in some contexts (at home and at school), they may still be regarded as children. The absence of a widely accepted marker of physical and social maturity makes the process of becoming an adult more confusing Pubertal Change, Emotion and Social Behaviour Adolescent Moodiness Higher pubertal hormone levels are linked to greater moodiness, but only modestly so (Graber, Brooks-Gunn, & Warren, 2006). What other factors might contribute? In several studies, the moods of children, adolescents, and adults were monitored by having them carry electronic pagers, beeping them at random intervals, and asking them to write down what they were doing, whom they were with, and how they felt.  As expected, adolescents reported less favorable moods than school- age children and adults (Larson & Lampman-Petraitis, 1989; Larson et al., 2002). But negative moods were linked to a greater number of negative life events, such as difficulties with parents, disciplinary actions at school, and breaking up with a boyfriend or girlfriend. Negative events increased steadily from childhood to adolescence, and teenagers also reacted to them with greater emotion than children (Larson & Ham, 1993). Compared with the moods of older adolescents and adults, those of younger adolescents (ages 12 to 16) were less stable, often shifting between cheerful and sad. These mood swings were strongly related to situational changes. High points of adolescents’ days were times spent with peers and in self-chosen leisure activities. Low points tended to occur in adult-structured settings—class, job, and religious services  Furthermore, emotional highs coincided with Friday and Saturday evenings, especially in high school. Going out with friends and romantic partners increases so dramatically during adolescence that it becomes a “cultural script” for what is supposed to happen (Larson & Richards, 1998). As a result, adolescents who choose to spend their weekend evenings at home often experience a deep sense of loneliness. However, there is a glimmer of hope as studies indicate that the frequency of negative moods tends to stabilize during late adolescence (Natsuaki, Biehl, & Ge, 2009). Parent–Child Relationships: Case let Sabrina’s father noticed that as his children entered adolescence, they kept their bedroom doors closed, resisted spending time with the family, and became more argumentative. Sabrina and her mother squabbled over Sabrina’s messy room (“It’s my room, Mom. You don’t have to live in it!”). And Sabrina protested the family’s regular weekend visit to Aunt Gina’s (“Why do I have to go every week?”).  Research shows that puberty is related to a rise in intensity of parent– child conflict, and to fluctuations between positive and negative parent– child interaction, that persists into middle adolescence (Gure, Ucanok, & Sayil, 2006; Marceau, Ram, & Susman, 2015; McGue et al., 2005). Why should young teenagers’ more adultlike appearance trigger these disputes? The association may have adaptive value. Among nonhuman primates, the young typically leave the family group around the time of puberty. The same is true in many village and tribal cultures (Lancy, 2008; Schlegel & Barry, 1991). Departure of young people discourages sexual relations between close blood relatives. But adolescents in industrialized nations, who are still economically dependent on parents, cannot leave the family. Consequently, a substitute seems to have emerged: psychological distancing.  As children become physically mature, they demand to be treated in adultlike ways. And as we will see, adolescents’ new powers of reasoning may also contribute to a rise in family tensions. Parent–adolescent disagreements focus largely on everyday matters such as driving, dating partners, and curfews (Adams & Laursen, 2001). The other disputes lie serious concerns: parental efforts to protect teenagers from substance use, auto accidents, and early sexual activity. The larger the gap between parents’ and adolescents’ views of teenagers’ readiness for new responsibilities, the more they quarrel (Deković, Noom, & Meeus, 1997).  As children become physically mature, they demand to be treated in adultlike ways. And as we will see, adolescents’ new powers of reasoning may also contribute to a rise in family tensions. Parent–adolescent disagreements focus largely on everyday matters such as driving, dating partners, and curfews (Adams & Laursen, 2001). But beneath these disputes lie serious concerns: parental efforts to protect teenagers from substance use, auto accidents, and early sexual activity. The larger the gap between parents’ and adolescents’ views of teenagers’ readiness for new responsibilities, the more they quarrel (Deković, Noom, & Meeus, 1997). The Role of Physical Attractiveness Flip through your favorite popular magazine. You will see evidence of our society’s view of an attractive female as thin and long-legged and of a good- looking male as tall, broad-shouldered, and muscular. There are gender-specific ideals of body image. The female ideal favors a girlish shape that is more favorable for late developers, while the male ideal fits early- maturing boys. Early-maturing European-American girls often have a less positive body image compared to their peers who mature on time or late. They are more likely to internalize the cultural ideal of a thin female body. In contrast, early-maturing boys are generally more satisfied with their physical characteristics, although this varies. Body image strongly influences young people's self-esteem. Negative effects on body image and emotional adjustment due to pubertal timing are intensified when combined with other stressors. The Importance of Fitting in with Peer Early-maturing adolescents, regardless of their gender, often feel like they don't fit in physically with their peers. This feeling leads them to seek out older companions who may expose them to activities they are not yet ready to handle. Furthermore, the hormonal influences of puberty on the brain's emotional and social network are stronger for early maturers, making them more susceptible to engaging in sexual activity, drug and alcohol use, and delinquent behaviors. Consequently, early maturers, both male and female, are more likely to experience emotional stress and a decline in academic performance. These findings have been supported by various studies (Ge et al., 2002; Steinberg, 2008; Mendle, Turkheimer, & Emery, 2007; Natsuaki, Biehl, & Ge, 2009). Long-Term Consequences Do the effects of pubertal timing last? Follow-up research reveals that early-maturing girls, especially, are at risk for lasting difficulties. In one study, depression and frequently changing sexual partners persisted into early adulthood among early-maturing girls, with depression evident mainly in those who had displayed the severest adolescent conduct problems (Copeland et al., 2010). In another study, which followed young people from age 14 to 24, early- maturing boys showed good adjustment. But early maturing girls reported poorer-quality relationships with family and friends, smaller social networks, and lower life satisfaction in early adulthood than did their on- time counterparts (Graber et al., 2004) Life Span Development II Unit 1- Session 8 Dr. Sindhu Vasanth B Assistant Professor Department of Psychology Session Agenda Psychosocial- Erikson- identity vs identity confusion This face in the mirror stares at me demanding Who are you? What will you become? And taunting, You don’t even know. Chastened, I cringe and agree and then because I’m still young, I stick out my tongue. —Eve Merriam, “Conversation with Myself,” 1964 Erikson- Identity vs Identity confusion Erikson (1950, 1968) was the first to recognize identity as the major personality attainment of adolescence and as a crucial step toward becoming a productive, content adult. Constructing an identity involves defining who you are, what you value, and the directions you choose to pursue in life. One expert described it as an explicit theory of oneself as a rational agent— one who acts on the basis of reason, takes responsibility for those actions, and can explain them (Moshman, 2011). This search for what is true and real about the self drives many choices— vocation, interpersonal relationships, community involvement, ethnic-group membership, and expression of one’s sexual orientation, as well as moral, political, and religious ideals  Although the seeds of identity formation are planted early, not until late adolescence and early adulthood do young people become absorbed in this task. According to Erikson, in complex societies, young people often experience an identity crisis—a temporary period of distress as they experiment with alternatives before settling on values and goals. They go through a process of inner soul-searching, sifting through characteristics that defined the self in childhood and combining them with emerging traits, capacities, and commitments. Then they mold these into a solid inner core that provides a mature identity—a sense of self continuity as they move through various roles in daily life. Once formed, identity continues to be refined in adulthood as people reevaluate earlier commitments and choices  Erikson called the psychological conflict of adolescence identity versus role confusion. He believed that successful psychosocial outcomes of infancy and childhood pave the way toward a positive resolution. If young people’s earlier conflicts were resolved negatively or if society limits their choices to ones that do not match their abilities and desires, they are likely to appear shallow, directionless, and unprepared for the challenges of adulthood. Current theorists agree with Erikson that questioning of values, plans, and priorities is necessary for a mature identity, but they no longer describe this process as a “crisis.”  In fact, Erikson himself did not believe that the adolescent’s inner struggle need be severe to form a clear, unified identity (Kroger, 2012). For most young people, identity development is not traumatic and disturbing but, rather, a process of exploration followed by commitment. As young people try out life possibilities, they gather important information about themselves and their environment and move toward making enduring decisions (Moshman, 2011). In the following sections, we will see that adolescents go about the task of defining the self in ways that closely match Erikson’s description. Self Understanding Recall that by the end of middle childhood, children describe themselves in terms of personality traits. In early adolescence, they unify separate traits (“smart” and “curious”) into more abstract descriptors (“intelligent”). But these generalizations are not interconnected and are often contradictory. For example, 12- to 14-year-olds might mention opposing traits—“intelligent” and “clueless,” “extrovert” and “introvert.” These disparities result from the expansion of adolescents’ social world, which creates pressure to display different selves in different relationships. As adolescents’ awareness of these inconsistencies grows, they frequently agonize over “which is the real me”  By late adolescence, cognitive changes enable teenagers to combine their traits into an organized system. Their use of qualifiers (“I have a fairly quick temper,” “I’m not thoroughly honest”) reveals an increasing awareness that psychological qualities can vary from one situation to the next. Older adolescents also add integrating principles that make sense of formerly troublesome contradictions. “I’m very adaptable,” said one young person. “When I’m around my friends, who think what I say is important, I’m talkative; but around my family I’m quiet because they’re never interested enough to really listen to me” (Damon, 1990, p. 88). Compared with school-age children, teenagers place more emphasis on social virtues, such as being friendly, considerate, kind, and cooperative—traits that reflect adolescents’ increasing concern with being viewed positively by others. Among older adolescents, personal and moral values also appear as key themes. As young people revise their views of themselves to include enduring beliefs and plans, they move toward the unity of self that is central to identity development Changes in Self Esteem Self-esteem, the evaluative side of self-concept, continues to differentiate in adolescence. Teenagers add several new dimensions of self-evaluation—close friendship, romantic appeal, and job competence—to those of middle childhood. Level of general self-esteem also changes. Though some adolescents experience temporary or persisting declines after school transitions, self-esteem rises from mid- to late adolescence for most young people, who report feeling especially good about their peer relationships, physical appearance, and athletic capabilities (Birkeland et al., 2012; Cole et al., 2001; Impett et al., 2008).  Teenagers often assert that they have become more mature, capable, personable, and attractive. With greater independence and opportunities to emphasize pursuits in which they experience success, older adolescents are better able to discount the importance of doing well in areas in which they feel inadequate Paths to Identity Adolescents’ well-organized self-descriptions and differentiated sense of self-esteem provide the cognitive foundation for forming an identity. Using a clinical interviewing procedure devised by James Marcia (1980) or briefer questionnaire measures, researchers commonly evaluate progress in identity development on two key criteria derived from Erikson’s theory: exploration and commitment. Identity Status and Psychological Well Being A wealth of research verifies that both identity achievement and moratorium are psychologically healthy routes to a mature selfdefinition. Long-term foreclosure and diffusion, in contrast, are maladaptive Although young people in moratorium are at times anxious and depressed about finding commitments, they resemble identity achieved individuals in using an active, information-gathering cognitive style to make personal decisions and solve problems: They seek out relevant information, evaluate it carefully, and critically reflect on their views (Berzonsky, 2011). Individuals who are identity-achieved or exploring tend to have higher self-esteem, are more open to alternative ideas and values, feel more in control of their lives, are more likely to view school and work as feasible avenues for realizing their aspirations, and are more advanced in moral reasoning and more concerned with social justice (Berzonsky et al., 2011; Crocetti et al., 2013). But an exception to these favorable outcomes exists: If exploration becomes ruminative—excessively concerned with making the right choice so the young person makes no choice at all—it is associated with distress and poor adjustment (Beyers &  Because foreclosure involves commitment, it offers a sense of security in the face of important life choices (Meeus et al., 2012). Although typically low in anxiety and highly satisfied with life, foreclosed individuals display a dogmatic, inflexible cognitive style, internalizing the values and beliefs of parents and others without deliberate evaluation and resisting information that threatens their position (Berzonsky, 2011; Berzonsky et al., 2011). Most fear rejection by people on whom they depend for affection and self-esteem. A few foreclosed teenagers who are alienated from their families and society may join cults or other extremist groups, uncritically adopting a way of life different from their past.  Long-term diffused individuals are the least mature in identity development. They typically use a diffuse-avoidant cognitive style in which they avoid dealing with personal decisions and problems and, instead, allow current situational pressures to dictate their reactions (Berzonsky, 2011; Crocetti et al., 2013). Taking an “I don’t care” attitude, they entrust themselves to luck or fate and tend to go along with the crowd. As a result, they often experience time management and academic difficulties, are low in self-esteem and prone to depression, and, of all young people, are the most likely to commit antisocial acts and to use and abuse drugs (Meeus et al., 2012). Often at the heart of their apathy is a sense of hopelessness about the future Influences on Identity Development Adolescent identity formation begins a lifelong, dynamic process in which a change in either the individual or the context opens up the possibility of reformulating identity. A wide variety of factors influence identity development. Identity status, as we have just seen, is both cause and consequence of personality characteristics. Adolescents who assume that absolute truth is always attainable tend to be foreclosed, while those who doubt that they will ever feel certain about anything are more often identity-diffused. Young people who are curious, open-minded, and persistent in the face of obstacles, and who appreciate that they can use rational criteria to choose among alternatives, are likely to be in a state of moratorium or identity achievement  Identity development is enhanced when families serve as a “secure base” from which adolescents can confidently move out into the wider world. Young people who feel attached to their parents but also free to voice their own opinions tend to have committed to values and goals and are on their way to identity achievement (Crocetti et al., 2014; Luyckx, Goossens, & Soenens, 2006). Foreclosed teenagers often have close bonds with parents but lack opportunities for healthy separation. And diffused young people report the lowest levels of parental support and of warm, open communication (Arseth et al., 2009). Interaction with diverse peers through school and community activities encourages adolescents to explore values and role possibilities (Barber et al., 2005).  And close friends, like parents, can act as a secure base, providing emotional support, assistance, and models of identity development. In one study, 15-year-olds with warm, trusting peer ties were more involved in exploring relationship issues (Meeus, Oosterwegel, & Vollebergh, 2002). They thought seriously about what they valued in close friends and in a life partner Identity development also depends on schools and communities that offer rich and varied opportunities for exploration.  Culture strongly influences an aspect of mature identity not captured by the identity-status approach: constructing a sense of self-continuity despite significant personal changes. In one study, researchers asked Native Canadian and cultural-majority 12- to 20-year-olds to describe themselves in the past and in the present and then to justify why they regarded themselves as the same continuous person (Lalonde & Chandler, 2005). Most cultural-majority adolescents used an individualistic approach: They described an enduring personal essence, a core self that remained the same despite change. In contrast, Native Canadian youths took an interdependent approach that emphasized a constantly transforming self, resulting from new roles and relationships. They typically constructed a coherent narrative in which they linked together various time slices of their life with a thread that explained how they had changed in meaningful ways. Eating Disorders “Vacuum Cleaner Effect": This is a figurative expression used to describe the boys' increased appetite and frequent eating during puberty. It suggests that they were eating a lot and quickly, much like a vacuum cleaner picking up debris. Nutritional Requirements during Puberty: The mentions that rapid body growth during puberty leads to a significant increase in nutritional requirements. This is because the body is undergoing substantial physical changes, including growth spurts and muscle development. Poor Adolescent Diets: It highlights that, unfortunately, many adolescents have poor dietary habits during this critical period. Specifically, it mentions that adolescents are more likely to:  Skip Breakfast: Skipping breakfast is associated with various health issues and is linked to overweight and obesity. Eat on the Run: This implies that adolescents might not have structured or balanced meals, often due to busy schedules or lack of time. Consume Empty Calories: Empty calories refer to foods and beverages that provide little to no nutritional value but are high in calories, such as sugary drinks and snacks. Fast-Food Restaurants and School Choices: Fast-food restaurants, popular gathering spots for teenagers, have started offering healthier menu options. Additionally, many schools have introduced more nutritious food choices. These changes aim to address the issue of unhealthy eating among adolescents (French & Story, 2013).  Need for Guidance: Despite the availability of healthier options, adolescents require guidance in making nutritious food choices. The teenagers may not always opt for these alternatives, and there is a continued consumption of sweets, soft drinks, pizza, and French fries, especially among those from low socioeconomic status (SES) backgrounds (Poti, Slining, & Popkin, 2014; Slining, Mathias, & Popkin, 2013). Iron Deficiency: Adolescents, particularly during growth spurts, are at risk of iron deficiency. Girls, in particular, have ongoing iron requirements due to iron loss during menstruation. The passage emphasizes that symptoms like tiredness and irritability in teenagers might be indicators of anemia, requiring medical attention. Other Nutritional Deficiencies: Many adolescents, especially girls, do not receive adequate amounts of calcium. Additionally, deficiencies in riboflavin (vitamin B2) and magnesium are noted, both of which play essential roles in metabolism (Rozen, 2012). However, it underscores the importance of guiding adolescents toward making nutritious choices, given the continued prevalence of less healthy options in their diets. Furthermore, it addresses specific nutritional concerns during adolescence, such as iron deficiency, calcium intake, and deficiencies in certain vitamins and minerals. Anorexia Nervosa Anorexia nervosa is a tragic eating disorder in which young people starve themselves because of a compulsive fear of getting fat. About 1 percent of North American and Western European teenage girls are affected. During the past half-century, cases have increased sharply, fueled by cultural admiration of female thinness. In the United States, Asian-American, European-American, and Hispanic girls are at greater risk than African-American girls, whose greater satisfaction with their body image may offer some protection (American Psychiatric Association, 2013; Martin et al., 2015; Ozer & Irwin, 2009). Boys account for 10 to 15 percent of anorexia cases; up to half of these are gay or bisexual young people, who may be uncomfortable with a strong, bulky appearance or influenced by the cultural ideal of a lean but muscular male body (Darcy, 2012; Raevuori et al., 2009).  Individuals with anorexia have an extremely distorted body image. Even after becoming severely underweight, they see themselves as too heavy. Most go on self-imposed diets so strict that they struggle to avoid eating in response to hunger. To enhance weight loss, they exercise strenuously.  The severe physical consequences of anorexia, an eating disorder characterized by a relentless pursuit of extreme slimness and severe food restriction: Extreme Weight Loss: Individuals with anorexia often lose a substantial amount of weight, typically ranging from 25 to 50 percent of their body weight. This dramatic weight loss is a key feature of the disorder. Menstrual Disruption: Anorexia can disrupt the menstrual cycle in females. A normal menstrual cycle requires about 15 percent body fat. Many girls with anorexia experience delayed menarche (the onset of menstruation) or irregular and disrupted menstrual cycles due to low body fat. Physical Signs of Malnutrition: Malnutrition resulting from anorexia leads to several physical signs, including: Pale skin Brittle and discolored nails The development of fine, dark hairs all over the body Extreme sensitivity to cold  Severe Health Complications: If left untreated, anorexia can lead to severe health complications, including: Shrinkage of the heart muscle Kidney failure Irreversible brain damage Loss of bone mass (osteoporosis) Mortality: About 5 percent of individuals with anorexia eventually die from the disorder. These deaths can result from physical complications related to extreme malnutrition or from suicide, highlighting the seriousness of anorexia as a mental health issue.  The complex factors contributing to anorexia nervosa, its associated characteristics, and treatment challenges: Multiple Factors Contributing to Anorexia: Anorexia nervosa arises from a combination of factors within the individual, the family, and the larger cultural context. Genetic influence is suggested by the higher prevalence of the disorder among identical twins compared to fraternal twins. Neurotransmitter abnormalities in the brain, linked to anxiety and impulse control, may increase susceptibility to anorexia.  Psychological Characteristics of Individuals with Anorexia: Many individuals with anorexia set unrealistically high standards for their own behavior and performance. They often exhibit emotional inhibition and tend to avoid forming intimate relationships outside the family. Despite their struggle with anorexia, they may excel academically and exhibit responsible and well-behaved behavior. Societal pressures, especially the idealization of thinness, contribute to poor body image, particularly affecting early-maturing girls. Parent-Adolescent Interactions: Parental factors also play a role, with mothers often having high expectations for physical appearance, achievement, and social acceptance while being overprotective and controlling. Fathers may exhibit controlling or uninvolved behaviors. These parental attributes may contribute to the anxiety and pursuit of perfection observed in affected individuals. It remains uncertain whether maladaptive parent-child relationships precede the disorder, result from it, or are intertwined with it. Treatment Challenges Anorexia treatment is challenging because individuals with the disorder typically deny its seriousness. Hospitalization may be required to address life-threatening malnutrition. Effective treatment often involves family therapy and medication to reduce anxiety and address neurotransmitter imbalances. However, less than 50 percent of young people with anorexia achieve full recovery, and many continue to experience eating problems in less extreme forms. A subset may develop a related disorder called bulimia nervosa, which is less severe but still debilitating. Bulimia Nervosa Bulimia Nervosa. Characteristics of Bulimia Nervosa: Bulimia nervosa primarily affects young people, mainly girls, but it can also impact gay and bisexual boys. It is characterized by recurrent episodes of binge eating, followed by compensatory behaviors aimed at avoiding weight gain. These behaviors include deliberate vomiting, purging with laxatives, excessive exercise, or fasting. Prevalence and Onset: 1. Bulimia typically emerges in late adolescence. 2. It is more common than anorexia nervosa and affects approximately 2 to 4 percent of teenage girls. 3. Interestingly, only a small percentage (5 percent) of those with bulimia had previously suffered from anorexia. Heredity and Risk Factors: 1. Heredity plays a role in the development of bulimia, similar to anorexia. 2. Overweight and early menarche (the onset of menstruation) increase the risk. 3. Some adolescents with bulimia exhibit perfectionistic tendencies, while most are impulsive and sensation-seeking, often engaging in risky behaviors like shoplifting and alcohol abuse when distressed. Family Dynamics: 1. Unlike anorexia, where parents are often seen as controlling, girls with bulimia may have experienced their parents as emotionally disengaged and unavailable. Emotional Aspects: 1. Individuals with bulimia typically feel depressed and guilty about their abnormal eating habits. 2. Many report experiencing suicidal thoughts. Treatment: 1. Bulimia is often easier to treat than anorexia because individuals affected by it often want help. 2. Treatment options may include support groups, nutrition education, training in changing eating habits, and the use of anti-anxiety, antidepressant, and appetite-control medications. Binge Eating Disorder Between 2 and 3 percent of adolescent girls and close to 1 percent of boys experience episodes of binge-eating disorder—binging at least once a week for three months or longer, without compensatory purging, exercise, or fasting (American Psychiatric Association, 2013; Smink et al., 2014). Binge-eating disorder, like bulimia, is unrelated to ethnicity. It typically leads to overweight and obesity, but binge eaters do not engage in the prolonged, restrictive dieting characteristic of anorexia and bulimia. As with other eating disorders, binge-eating disorder is associated with social adjustment difficulties, and many binge eaters—similar to individuals with bulimia— experience severe emotional distress and suicidal thoughts (Stice, Marti, & Rohde, 2013). Effective treatments resemble those used for bulimia. Case let At age 14, Louis waited until he was alone at home, took some cigarettes from his uncle’s pack, and smoked them. At an unchaperoned party, he and Cassie drank several cans of beer and lit up marijuana joints. Louis got little physical charge out of these experiences. A good student, who was well-liked by peers and got along well with his parents, he did not need drugs as an escape valve. But he knew of other teenagers who started with alcohol and cigarettes, moved on to harder substances, and eventually were hooked. Prevalence The prevalence of alcohol and drug use among teenagers in industrialized nations, with a focus on statistics from a recent U.S. survey: High Prevalence: Teenage alcohol and drug use is widespread in industrialized countries. A nationally representative survey of U.S. high school students reveals significant levels of substance experimentation. Tenth Graders: Among tenth graders in the U.S.: 20 percent have tried smoking. 47 percent have experimented with drinking. 37 percent have used at least one illegal drug, with marijuana being the most common choice.  End of High School: By the end of high school, the statistics evolve: 6 percent of students smoke cigarettes regularly. 17 percent engage in heavy drinking during the past month. 21 percent have used marijuana. Other Substance Use: Approximately 21 percent of high school students have tried at least one highly addictive and toxic substance, including amphetamines, cocaine, PCP, Ecstasy, inhalants, heroin, sedatives (including barbiturates), or OxyContin (a narcotic painkiller). The data cited is from Johnston et al. (2015), indicating that the information is based on a reputable research study.  Decline in Substance Use: Substance use among teenagers has significantly decreased since the mid-1990s, likely due to increased awareness and efforts by parents, schools, and the media to highlight the dangers of drug use. Exception of Marijuana: While overall substance use has declined, marijuana use started to rise in the mid-2000s but has recently stabilized. This trend may be influenced by changing laws, with some states legalizing medical and recreational marijuana, making it more accessible to young people. Influences on Teenage Drug Use: Teenagers are influenced by their natural inclination for sensation seeking during adolescence. They also live in cultures where adults often rely on substances like caffeine, alcohol, and cigarettes to manage daily stress and discomfort. Media, including TV, movies, and advertisements, often depict high rates of substance use. Additionally, today's doctors and parents are more likely to prescribe medication to address children's issues, potentially leading adolescents to "self-medicate" when stressed. Teenage Experimentation: Many teenagers who try alcohol, tobacco, or marijuana do not develop addiction problems. They are typically psychologically healthy, sociable, and curious individuals. However, it's essential not to underestimate the risks associated with adolescent drug experimentation. Most drugs can impair perception and cognitive function, even in a single heavy dose, potentially resulting in permanent harm or death. Furthermore, a concerning minority of teenagers transition from substance use to abuse, with escalating use that interferes with daily responsibilities. Correlates and Consequences The correlates and consequences of adolescent substance abuse: Adolescent drug abusers typically exhibit serious behavioral issues characterized by impulsivity, disruptiveness, and hostility. These traits may manifest in early childhood. They often express their unhappiness through antisocial behavior. Drug abuse tends to start at an earlier age among these individuals, and there may be a genetic predisposition involved (Patrick & Schulenberg, 2014). Longitudinal studies have shown that a significant imbalance between the brain's cognitive-control network and its emotional/social network predicts a rapid increase in alcohol, tobacco, and marijuana use during mid- adolescence. These high-risk teenagers display elevated sensation seeking but weaker cognitive control (Khurana et al., 2015). Environmental Factors Contributing to Substance Abuse: Environmental factors play a significant role in adolescent substance abuse. These factors include low socioeconomic status (SES), family mental health problems, a history of drug abuse in parents and older siblings, lack of parental warmth and involvement, experiences of physical and sexual abuse, and poor school performance. Teenagers facing family difficulties are particularly susceptible to substance abuse, especially when influenced by friends who use and provide drugs (Ohannessian & Hesselbrock, 2008; Patrick & Schulenberg, 2014). Effects of usage of drugs: The significant and lasting consequences of introducing drugs to the adolescent brain and the associated behavioral and developmental challenges: Impact on Developing Brain: Adolescence is a critical period of brain development, and introducing drugs during this phase can have profound and enduring effects. Drug use can impair neurons and disrupt the development of connective neural networks. Failure to Develop Skills: Teenagers who turn to substances to cope with daily stresses often miss the opportunity to learn responsible decision-making skills and healthier coping mechanisms. This lack of skill development can lead to serious long-term consequences. Adjustment Problems: Adolescents who engage in heavy drug use may experience a range of adjustment problems, including chronic anxiety, depression, and antisocial behavior. These problems can both result from and contribute to their drug-taking behavior. Negative Life Outcomes: Adolescents who misuse drugs may prematurely enter into adult responsibilities such as marriage, childbearing, and work. Unfortunately, they often struggle to meet these challenges successfully, which can further reinforce addictive behavior.  Research studies conducted by Kassel et al. (2005) and Luciana et al. (2013) to support these claims, suggesting that the information is based on scientific findings. In summary, introducing drugs to the developing adolescent brain can have long-lasting consequences, including impairments in neural development and a lack of essential life skills. This can result in a range of adjustment problems, contributing to chronic anxiety, depression, antisocial behavior, and difficulties in managing adult responsibilities, all of which can perpetuate a cycle of addictive behavior. Prevention and Treatment School and community programs that reduce drug experimentation typically combine several components: They promote effective parenting, including monitoring of teenagers’ activities. They teach skills for resisting peer pressure. They reduce the social acceptability of drug taking by emphasizing health and safety risks (Stephens et al., 2009) The Impact of Culture Diversity in Sex Education and Communication: The age at which individuals first learn about sex and the manner in which it is taught can vary significantly worldwide. Families and cultures have different approaches to exposing children and adolescents to sexual education, from open discussions to secrecy. Sexual Attitudes in North America: In North America, sexual attitudes tend to be relatively conservative and restrictive, especially concerning sexual education within families. Lack of Parental Communication: Parents in North America often provide little or no information about sex to their children. They may discourage sex play and rarely engage in conversations about sex in the presence of their children. When adolescents become curious about sex, only about half of them report receiving information from their parents regarding topics such as intercourse, pregnancy prevention, and sexually transmitted infections (STIs). 1.Barriers to Parental Communication: 1. Parents may avoid meaningful discussions about sex due to feelings of embarrassment or concerns that their adolescent children will not take them seriously. 2.Benefits of Open Communication: 1. Research suggests that warm, open, and interactive discussions about sex within families are associated with several positive outcomes for teenagers. 2. These outcomes include the adoption of parents' views on sexual health, discussions. Research studies conducted by Wilson et al. (2010), Commendador (2010), and Widman et al. (2014) to support its claims, indicating that the information is based on scientific findings. Sources of sexual education for adolescents : The impact of media exposure on their sexual behavior and attitudes Alternative Sources of Sexual Education: Adolescents who do not receive information about sex from their parents often turn to various sources for sexual education. These sources include friends, siblings, books, magazines, movies, TV shows, and the Internet. Media Portrayal of Sex: Many TV shows preferred by adolescents contain sexual content, with over 80 percent of them depicting partners as spontaneous and passionate, often without taking precautions against pregnancy or sexually transmitted infections. These media portrayals rarely show negative consequences associated with sexual behavior.  Effects of Sexualized Media: Adolescents' exposure to sexualized media is associated with increased sexual activity, higher rates of pregnancy, and engagement in sexual harassment behaviors. These effects persist even when controlling for other relevant factors. Link Between Media and Early Sexual Activity: Adolescents who are prone to engage in early sexual activity tend to consume more sexualized media. Hazards of Internet Pornography: The Internet, including online pornography, is a significant source of sexual information for adolescents. A survey of U.S. web users aged 10 to 17 found that 42 percent had viewed online pornographic content in the past year. A majority of those who encountered such content did so accidentally and did not wish to view it. Impact on Vulnerable Youths: 1. Adolescents who felt depressed, experienced peer bullying, or engaged in delinquent activities were more likely to encounter Internet pornography. 2. This exposure to explicit content may exacerbate their adjustment problems. Contradictory Messages: 1. Adolescents receive contradictory messages about sex. On one hand, adults often express disapproval of early or non-marital sex. On the other hand, the broader social environment often glorifies sexual excitement, experimentation, and promiscuity. 2. This conflicting messaging leaves American teenagers feeling confused, poorly informed about sexual facts, and lacking guidance on how to navigate their sexual lives responsibly. Adolescent Sexual Attitudes and Behavior Changing Sexual Attitudes: Over the past 50 years, both U.S. adolescents and adults have generally adopted more liberal sexual attitudes compared to previous generations. This shift includes greater acceptance of sexual intercourse before marriage. Recent Shift Towards Conservatism: In the past 15 years, there has been a slight return towards more conservative sexual beliefs among adolescents. This shift is largely attributed to concerns about sexually transmitted infections, especially AIDS, and the influence of teenage sexual abstinence programs promoted by schools and religious organizations. Correlation Between Attitudes and Behavior: Trends in adolescent sexual behavior correspond to their attitudes. While rates of nonmarital sex among U.S. youth had been increasing for decades, they have more recently declined. Onset of Sexual Activity: Despite these trends, a significant proportion of U.S. young people become sexually active by ages 15 to 16. The onset of sexual activity varies among individuals. Diverse Experiences: The quality of adolescent sexual experiences varies depending on individual circumstances. Approximately 70 percent of sexually active teenagers report that they first had sex with a steady dating partner, and many have only one or two sexual partners during high school.  Concerns About Risk and Education: Concerns about the risks of sexually transmitted infections, including AIDS, have influenced some adolescents to adopt more conservative sexual behaviors. The impact of sexual education programs, including abstinence- focused programs, has played a role in shaping adolescent attitudes and behaviors. Characteristics of Adolescents Who Engage in Early Sexual Activity. Adverse Characteristics Linked to Early Sexual Activity: Early and frequent teenage sexual activity is associated with various adverse personal, family, peer, and educational characteristics. These characteristics include childhood impulsivity, a weak sense of personal control over life events, early puberty, parental divorce, single- parent and stepfamily households, large family size, limited religious involvement, weak parental monitoring, disrupted parent-child communication, having sexually active friends and older siblings, poor school performance, lower educational aspirations, and a tendency to engage in norm-violating behaviors, such as alcohol and drug use, and delinquency.  Association with Low-Income Families: Many of these factors are more common among adolescents growing up in low-income families. As a result, early sexual activity tends to be more prevalent among young people from economically disadvantaged backgrounds. Neighborhood Influence: Adolescents living in neighborhoods characterized by physical deterioration, high crime rates, and violence are more likely to engage in early sexual activity. Such neighborhoods often have weak social ties, limited adult oversight, negative peer influences, and teenagers who may not consider the consequences of early parenthood. Contraceptive Use: Increased Contraceptive Use: Adolescent contraceptive use has shown an overall increase in recent years. At-Risk Population: Despite the increase, approximately 14 percent of sexually active teenagers in the United States remain at risk for unintended pregnancy. This risk arises because they do not consistently use contraception. Reasons for Inconsistent Contraceptive Use: Many teenagers provide reasons for not using contraception consistently, such as waiting for a steady boyfriend or not planning to have sex. These responses suggest that adolescents may not always consider the potential consequences of their actions in everyday situations. Challenges of Adolescent Self- Regulation: Adolescents face difficulties in self- regulation, especially in situations involving peer pressure and heightened emotions. They often fail to fully consider the potential risks and consequences of risky behaviors. Factors Influencing Condom Use: Adolescents are less likely to use condoms in relatively new relationships where they feel a high level of trust or love and engage in frequent sexual activity. Sexual Orientation: 1.Sexual Orientation Definitions: 1. Sexual orientation refers to the consistent sexual, romantic, and affectionate interest in individuals of the opposite sex (heterosexual), the same sex (homosexual), or both sexes (bisexual). 2.Prevalence of Sexual Orientation: 1. Heterosexuality is the predominant sexual orientation in most cultures worldwide. 2. Rates of homosexual orientation vary widely, with estimates ranging from 1 to 21 percent of the U.S. population. 3.Adolescent Experiences: 1. Many adolescents may have occasional same-sex experiences or attractions, but these do not necessarily determine their sexual orientation. 2. Social stigma may lead to underreporting of same-sex experiences. 4.Origins of Sexual Orientation: Research suggests that sexual orientation has genetic components, with certain genes and DNA segments on chromosomes 7, 8, and 10 implicated. Environmental factors and prenatal hormone exposure may also play a role in sexual orientation. Birth order, specifically having older biological brothers, is associated with an increased likelihood of homosexuality in younger brothers. 5. Brain Structure and Function: Brain imaging studies have found similarities and differences in brain structure and function between homosexuals and heterosexuals of the opposite sex. These differences may be related to sexual orientation but are not necessarily a cause. 5. Homosexual and Bisexual Identity Development: Despite increased acceptance of homosexuality, many gay, lesbian, or bisexual adolescents face isolation, discrimination, and violence. Adolescents may struggle with disclosing their sexual orientation to parents and finding same-sex partners. There is no single path to developing a gay, lesbian, or bisexual identity, and identity confusion can be common. Sexual orientation is a complex and multifaceted aspect of human identity influenced by genetic, environmental, and social factors. Adolescence is a critical period for the exploration and development of one's sexual orientation and identity, and individuals may experience various challenges and forms of discrimination during this process. Peer Relations As adolescents spend less time with family members, peers become increasingly important. In industrialized nations, young people spend most of each weekday with agemates in school as well as much out-of-class time together. Peers serve as critical bridges between the family and adult social roles. But as with parent and sibling relationships, peer associations vary in quality and in their consequences for teenagers’ well-being and adjustment Friendships  Number of best friends declines from about four to six in early adolescence to one or two in adulthood (Gomez et al., 2011). At the same time, the nature of the relationship changes. Intimacy and Psychological Closeness: Adolescents emphasize the importance of intimacy in their friendships. This intimacy is characterized by a deep psychological closeness, where friends have a mutual understanding of each other's values, beliefs, and feelings. This aspect of friendship is considered the most crucial by teenagers. Loyalty: Loyalty is another significant characteristic of adolescent friendships. Teenagers want their friends to be loyal and supportive, sticking up for them and not abandoning the friendship for someone else. Loyalty is an essential foundation for trust and long- lasting relationships.  Importance of Friends for Social Support: Adolescents view their friends as their most important sources of social support. Friends play a critical role in providing emotional and social support during the challenging adolescent years. Self-Disclosure: As adolescents grow, the level of self-disclosure, which involves sharing private thoughts and feelings, increases among friends. This increased self-disclosure helps friends get to know each other better on a personal level. Similarities Between Friends: Adolescent friends tend to share similarities in various aspects, including identity status, educational aspirations, political beliefs, depressive symptoms, and even willingness to experiment with drugs or engage in lawbreaking acts. The more similar friends are in these respects, the more likely their friendships will be long-lasting  Exploring Differences Safely: While adolescents often seek friends with similar attitudes and values, they may also choose friends with differing perspectives. This diversity allows them to explore new viewpoints while maintaining the security of a compatible relationship. Increased Cooperation and Mutual Affirmation: As adolescents mature, they demonstrate increased cooperation and mutual affirmation in their friendships. They become more skilled at preserving the relationship and are more sensitive to their friends' needs and desires. Reduced Possessiveness: Adolescents tend to be less possessive of their friends compared to childhood. They recognize the importance of autonomy for themselves and understand that their friends also need a degree of independence. Gender differences in Friendships Emotional Closeness and Communication: Girls tend to prioritize emotional closeness in their friendships more than boys. They often gather to engage in conversations and "just talk." Interactions among girls typically involve more self- disclosure and mutually supportive statements. They share their thoughts, feelings, and personal experiences with each other. Activity-Oriented Gatherings for Boys: In contrast, boys' friendships often revolve around shared activities, with sports and competitive games being common choices. Boys' discussions tend to focus on achievements in sports and academics, and they may involve more elements of competition and conflict.  Gender-Role Expectations: These differences in friendship quality are influenced by gender- role expectations. Girls are often socialized to prioritize communal concerns and emotional connections, while boys may be encouraged to focus on achievement and status. Variability in Boys' Friendships: Boys do form close friendships, but the quality of these friendships can be more variable compared to girls. This variability can be influenced by cultural and ethnic factors.  Ethnic and Cultural Influences: Research has shown that ethnically diverse boys from low-income families may have different experiences in their friendships. African American, Asian American, and Hispanic boys often mention closeness, mutual support, and self-disclosure more frequently than their white counterparts when describing their friendships. Impact of Masculine Stereotypes: The passage notes that masculine stereotypes, which dictate that boys should be tough and unemotional, can interfere with the quality of friendships for some boys. As ethnic minority boys transition from mid- to late adolescence, some report a decline in friendship closeness, which may be related to conforming to these stereotypes.  Cultural Valuing of Emotional Expressiveness: Hispanic boys, in particular, may resist conforming to gender stereotypes related to emotional expressiveness among male friends. This resistance can allow boys to benefit from the supportiveness of intimate friendships and is consistently associated with better adjustment. Gender differences exist in the quality and focus of adolescent friendships. Girls tend to prioritize emotional closeness and communication, while boys often engage in activity-oriented gatherings. These differences are influenced by gender-role expectations and can be further shaped by cultural and ethnic factors. Recognizing these distinctions can help in understanding and supporting the diverse ways in which adolescents form and maintain their friendships. Friendship and Adjustment As long as adolescent friendships are high in trust, intimate sharing, and support and not characterized by relational aggression or attraction to antisocial behavior, they contribute to many aspects of psychological health and competence into early adulthood (Bagwell & Schmidt, 2011; Furman & Rose, 2015), for several reasons: 1. Close friendships provide opportunities to explore the self and develop a deep understanding of another. 2. Close friendships provide a foundation for future intimate relationships 3. Close friendships help young people deal with the stresses of adolescence. 4. Close friendships can improve attitudes toward and involvement in school. Cliques In early adolescence, peer groups become increasingly common and tightly knit. They are organized into cliques—groups of about five to seven members who are friends and, therefore, usually resemble one another in family background, attitudes, values, and interests (Brown & Dietz, 2009). At first, cliques are limited to same-sex members. Among girls but not boys, being in a clique predicts academic and social compet