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# In His Time: The Historical Context of Dr. Jose P. Laurel ## Description Dr. Jose Laurel is one of the brilliant minds who helped shape up our country and indeed left an indelible mark in our history. He made a lot of contributions not just as a Public Servant but also as one of the most admirab...

# In His Time: The Historical Context of Dr. Jose P. Laurel ## Description Dr. Jose Laurel is one of the brilliant minds who helped shape up our country and indeed left an indelible mark in our history. He made a lot of contributions not just as a Public Servant but also as one of the most admirable statesmen of the Philippines. But what makes Dr. Laurel think and act like Dr. Laurel? What are the historical contexts during the American and Japanese Period by which shaped up Dr. Laurel as a nation builder? What are the trending issues in the country in his post World War 2 life that he was so concerned about? In this chapter, we will lay out the setting and the existing trends and issues that occurred during the time of Dr. Laurel that definitely contributed in molding his character and mindset. ## Table of Contents 1. American Rule in the Philippines 2. Japanese Occupation 3. Post War 4. Watch and learn! ## 1. American Rule in the Philippines ### The Period of US Influence The juxtaposition of U.S. democracy and imperial rule over a subject people was sufficiently jarring to most Americans that, from the beginning, the training of Filipinos for self-government and ultimate independence--the Malolos Republic was conveniently ignored--was an essential rationalization for U.S. hegemony in the islands. Policy differences between the two main political parties in the United States focused on the speed with which self-government should be extended and the date on which independence should be granted. In 1899 Pres. William McKinley sent to the Philippines a five-person fact-finding commission headed by Cornell University president Jacob G. Schurman. Schurman reported back that Filipinos wanted ultimate independence, but this had no immediate impact on policy. McKinley sent out the Second Philippine Commission in 1900, under William Howard Taft; by July 1901 it had established civil government. In 1907 the Philippine Commission, which had been acting as both legislature and governor-general's cabinet, became the upper house of a bicameral body. The new 80-member Philippine Assembly was directly elected by a somewhat restricted electorate from single-member districts, making it the first elective legislative body in Southeast Asia. When Gov.-Gen. Francis B. Harrison appointed a Filipino majority to the commission in 1913, the American voice in the legislative process was further reduced. Harrison was the only governor-general appointed by a Democratic president in the first 35 years of U.S. rule. He had been sent by Woodrow Wilson with specific instructions to prepare the Philippines for ultimate independence, a goal that Wilson enthusiastically supported. During Harrison's term, a Democratic-controlled Congress in Washington, D.C., hastened to fulfill long-standing campaign promises to the same end. The Jones Act, passed in 1916, would have fixed a definite date for the granting of independence if the Senate had had its way, but the House prevented such a move. In its final form the act merely stated that it was the "purpose of the people of the United States" to recognize Philippine independence "as soon as a stable government can be established therein." Its greater importance was as a milestone in the development of Philippine autonomy. Under Jones Act provisions, the commission was abolished and was replaced by a 24-member Senate, almost wholly elected. The electorate was expanded to include all literate males. Some substantial restrictions on Philippine autonomy remained, however. Defense and foreign affairs remained exclusive U.S. prerogatives. American direction of Philippine domestic affairs was exercised primarily through the governor-general and the executive branch of insular government. There was little more than one decade of thoroughly U.S. administration in the islands, however--too short a time in which to establish lasting patterns. Whereas Americans formed 51 percent of the civil service in 1903, they were only 29 percent in 1913 and 6 percent in 1923. By 1916 Filipino dominance in both the legislative and judicial branches of government also served to restrict the U.S. executive and administrative roles. By 1925 the only American left in the governor-general's cabinet was the secretary of public instruction, who was also the lieutenant governor-general. This is one indication of the high priority given to education in U.S. policy. In the initial years of U.S. rule, hundreds of schoolteachers came from the United States. But Filipino teachers were trained so rapidly that by 1927 they constituted nearly all of the 26,200 teachers in public schools. The school population expanded fivefold in a generation; education consumed half of governmental expenditures at all levels, and educational opportunity in the Philippines was greater than in any other colony in Asia. As a consequence of this pedagogical explosion, literacy doubled to nearly half in the 1930s, and educated Filipinos acquired a common language and a linguistic key to Western civilization. By 1939 some one-fourth of the population could speak English, a larger proportion than for any of the native dialects. Perhaps more important was the new avenue of upward social mobility that education offered. Educational policy was the only successful U.S. effort to establish a sociocultural basis for political democracy. American attempts to create equality of economic opportunity were more modest and less successful. In a predominantly agricultural country the pattern of landownership is crucial. The trend toward greater concentration of ownership, which began in the 19th century, continued during the American period, despite some legal barriers. Vast American-owned plantations were forestalled, but legal restrictions had little effect on those politically well-connected Filipinos who were intent on amassing fortunes. The percentage of farmers under share tenancy doubled between 1900 and 1935, and the frustration of the tenants erupted in three small rebellions in central Luzon during the 1920s and '30s. Nor was U.S. trade policy conducive to the diffusion of economic power. From 1909 the Payne-Aldrich Tariff Act allowed free entry of Philippine products into the U.S. market, at the same time U.S. products, mostly manufactured, were exempted from tariff in the Philippines. The free flow of U.S. imports was a powerful deterrent to Philippine industrial growth. Export agriculture, especially sugar, prospered in the protected U.S. market. Owners of mills and large plantations profited most, thus reinforcing the political dominance of the landed elite. American preparation of the Philippines for democratic self-government suffered from an inherent contradiction, perhaps not recognized at the time. Transferring governmental responsibility to those capable of undertaking it was not consistent with building a social and economic base for political democracy. Self-government meant, of necessity, assumption of power by those Filipinos who were already in positions of leadership in society. But those men came for the most part from the landed elite; preservation of their political and economic position was incompatible with equalizing opportunity. Even the expansion of an educated middle class did not necessarily result in a transformation of the pattern of power. Most middle-class aspirants for political leadership adjusted to the values and the practices of the existing power elite. Filipino leaders quickly and skillfully utilized the opportunities for self-government that the Americans opened to them. The Filipino political genius was best reflected in an extralegal institution--the political party. The first party, the Federal Party, was U.S.-backed and stressed cooperation with the overlords, even to the point of statehood for the Philippines. But when openly nationalist appeals were allowed in the 1907 election, the Nacionalista Party, advocating independence, won overwhelmingly. The Federalists survived with a new name, Progressives, and a new platform, ultimate independence after social reform. But neither the Progressives nor their successors in the 1920s, the Democrats, ever gained more than one-third of the seats in the legislature. The Nacionalista Party under the leadership of Manuel Quezon and Sergio Osmeña dominated Philippine politics from 1907 until independence. More significant than the competition between the Nacionalistas and their opposition was the continuing rivalry between Quezon and Osmeña. In fact, understanding this personality conflict provides more insight into the realities of prewar Philippine politics than any examination of policy or ideology. In 1933 the U.S. Congress passed the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act, which set a date for Philippine independence. The act was a fulfillment of the vague pledge in the Jones Act; it was also responsive to the demands of a series of "independence missions" sent to Washington by the Philippine legislature. But this unprecedented transfer of sovereignty was decided upon in the dark days of the Great Depression of the 1930s--and with the help of some incongruous allies. The Depression had caused American farm interests to look desperately for relief, and those who suffered real or imaginary hurt from the competition of Philippine products sought to exclude those products. They had already failed in a direct attempt to amend the tariff on Philippine imports but found that the respectable cloak of the advocacy of independence increased the effectiveness of their efforts. Tied to independence was the end of free entry into American markets of Philippine sugar, coconut oil, rope, and other less important items. That those economic interests were able to accomplish what they did is partly explainable by the fact that their political clout was great compared with that of the small group of American traders and investors in the Philippines. The Philippine legislature rejected the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act, apparently as a result of the Osmeña-Quezon feud, much to the displeasure of American officialdom. But, when Quezon came to Washington the following year to work for a new bill, the same alliance of forces in the U.S. Congress obliged by producing the almost identical Tydings-McDuffie Act. Endorsed by Quezon and accepted with alacrity by the Manila legislature, it provided for a 10-year commonwealth during which the U.S. would retain jurisdiction over defense and foreign affairs. Filipinos were to draft their own constitution, subject to the approval of the U.S. president. A constitutional convention was quickly elected and a constitution (which bore a strong resemblance to its U.S. model) framed and approved by plebiscite and by Pres. Franklin D. Roosevelt. The last governor-general, Frank Murphy, became the first high commissioner, with more of a diplomatic than a governing role. The commonwealth was inaugurated on November 15, 1935. The Nacionalista Party patched up its internal quarrels and nominated Quezon for president and Osmeña for vice president. They were elected overwhelmingly. The commonwealth period was intended to be devoted to preparation for economic and political independence and perfection of democratic institutions. But even before the tragic events of World War II, the transition did not run smoothly. ## 2. Japanese Occupation On December 8, 1941, Japan invaded the Philippines. Clark Air Base in Pampanga was first attacked and also Nichols Field outside Manila was attacked, then on December 22, The Japanese forces landed at the Lingayen Gulf and continued on to Manila. General Douglas MacArthur declared Manila an open city on the advice of commonwealth President Manuel L. Quezon to avoid its destruction. Manila was occupied by the Japanese on January 2, 1942. MacArthur retreated with his troops to Bataan while the commonwealth government withdrew to Corregidor island before proceeding to the United States. The joint American and Filipino soldiers in Bataan finally surrendered on April 9, 1942. MacArthur escaped to Corregidor then proceeded to Australia. The 76,000 captured soldiers were forced to embark on the infamous "Death March" to a prison camp more than 100 kilometers north. An estimated 10,000 prisoners died due to thirst, hunger and exhaustion. In the midst of fear and chaos, some farmers of Pampanga banded together and created local brigades for their protection. Luis Taruc, Juan Feleo, Castro Alejandrino, and other leaders of organized farmers held a meeting in February 1942 in Cabiao, Nueva Ecija. In that meeting, they agreed to fight the Japanese as a unified guerrilla army. Another meeting was held the following month, wherein representatives from Tarlac, Pampanga, and Nueva Ecija threshed out various details regarding their organization, which they agreed to call "Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa mga Hapon" or HUKBALAHAP. Taruc was chosen to be the leader of the group, with Alejandrino as his right-hand man. The members were simply known as Huks. In accordance with the instructions of President Manuel Quezon to Jorge Vargas, the Filipino officials in Manila were told to enter into agreements and compromises with the Japanese to mitigate the sufferings of the people under the iron-clad rule of the Japanese. On January 23, 1942 the Philippine Executive Commission was established, with Vargas as chairman. The following was appointed as department heads: Benigno Aquino, Sr., interior; Antonio de las Alas, finance; Jose P. Laurel, justice; Claro M. Recto, education, health, and public welfare; and Quintin Paredes, public works and communication; Jose Yulo was named Chief Justice of the Supreme court. The following month, an election was held for members of The Preparatory Commission for Philippine Independence (PCPI). The purpose of PCPI is to draw up a constitution for a free Philippines. Jose Laurel became its head. Against the will of the PCPI delegates the new Constitution was finalized on July 10, 1943. Two months later it was ratified by the KALIBAPI, which was the only political party allowed to exist at that time. KALIBAPI is the acronym for "Kapisanan sa Paglilingkod sa Bagong Pilipinas". The new constitution, which noticeably lacked a bill of rights contained 12 articles lifted from the 1935 constitution that fitted the wishes of the Japanese. It was meant to be in effect only temporarily, while the Philippines still in chaos. After the war, a new constitution would again be drafted for the new Philippine Republic. On September 20, 1943, the KALIBAPI--under the leadership of its director general, Benigno Aquino Sr.--held a party convention to elect 54 members of the National Assembly. The Assembly was actually made up of 108 members; but half of this number was composed of incumbent governors and city mayors. Jose P. Laurel was elected as president of the second republic (the first republic was Aguinaldo's Malolos Republic) and both Benigno Aquino Sr. & Ramon Avancena as vice-presidents. The new republic was inaugurated on October 14, 1943, on the front steps of the legislative building in Manila. The Philippine flag was hoisted as the national anthem was played. Meanwhile, the Japanese started using propaganda to gain the trust and confidence of Filipinos who refused to cooperate with them. They hung giant posters and distribute their materials that contains such slogans as "the Philippines belong to the Filipinos." They also used newspapers, movies, and others to publicize the same idea. Promoting Japanese propaganda was one of the main objectives of the KALIBAPI, but still Japanese failed to gain the trust of the Filipinos. From Australia, Allied forces slowly advanced toward the Philippines, bombing several Japanese strongholds until they regained control of areas previously occupied by the enemy. The bombings began on September 21, 1944, and barely a month later, on October 20, 1944, the Americans landed triumphantly in Leyte. Once ashore, General Douglas MacArthur said; "I have Returned." Sergio Osmeña was part of MacArthur's group. He had taken over Manuel L. Quezon as president after the latter passed away at Saranac Lake, New York on August 1944. From October 23 to October 26, 1944, the Americans engaged Japanese forces in the Battle of Leyte Gulf. Consider as the biggest naval battle in World History, this historic encounter almost destroyed the entire Japanese fleet and rendered in incapable of further attack. The US victory in the battle of Leyte Gulf is said to have signaled the beginning of Philippine liberation from the Japanese. By mid-December, the American soldiers had reached Mindoro. The Japanese, meanwhile, secured other areas where they thought other American units would land. Nevertheless, US liberation forces successfully docked at Lingayen Gulf on January 9, 1945. The news alarmed the Japanese. Lt. Gen. Tomoyuki Yamashita, supreme commander of the Japanese troops in Manila, mobilize his kamikazes (Japanese suicide pilots); but they failed to stop Americans. The Japanese also deployed MAKAPILI units to defend Manila but neither succeeds. On December 8, 1944, President Laurel and his cabinet moved to Baguio upon orders of Yamashita, who is also known as the tiger of Malaya. The Japanese forces retreated to Yamashita line a jungle battlefront stretching along the Sierra Madre Mountains from Antipolo, Rizal to Appari Cagayan. The Japanese in Manila would not give up easily. In fact, it took 3 weeks of intense fighting before they finally surrendered on February 23. Gen. MacArthur continued to liberate other parts of the country. And finally, proclaim general freedom from the Japanese on July 4, 1945. ## 3. Post War ### Bell Trade Act of 1946 AN ACT TO ACCEPT THE EXECUTIVE AGREEMENT TO BE ENTERED INTO BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT OF THE PHILIPPINES AND THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES PURSUANT TO TITLE IV OF PUBLIC 371 79TH CONGRESS APPROVED ON APRIL 30, 1946, ENTITLED "AN ACT TO PROVIDE FOR THE TRADE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND THE PHILIPPINES, AND FOR OTHER PURPOSES" AND TO AUTHORIZE THE PRESIDENT OF THE PHILIPPINES TO FORMALLY EXECUTE THE SAME ON OR AFTER JULY 4, 1946; TO ENACT THE PROVISIONS OF PARTS 2, 3, 4, AND 5 OF TITLE III OF THE SAID ACT OF CONGRESS AS LAWS OF THE PHILIPPINES DURING THE EFFECTIVENESS OF THE SAID EXECUTIVE AGREEMENT; AND TO IMPLEMENT THE PENAL CLAUSES OF SAID AGREEMENT IN ORDER TO CARRY OUT TITLE OF THE PHILIPPINE REHABILITATION ACT OF 1946. WHEREAS, pursuant to Title IV of Public Law 371 - 79th Congress, approved on April thirty, nineteen hundred forty-six, entitled "An Act to Provide for the Trade Relations Between the United States and the Philippines, and for other purposes," the President of the United States and the President of the Philippines have agreed to enter into an executive agreement “AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE REPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINES CONCERNING TRADE AND RELATED MATTERS DURING A TRANSITIONAL PERIOD FOLLOWING THE INSTITUTIONAL PERIOD FOLLOWING THE INSTITUTION OF PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE. ### Military Bases Agreement On March 14, 1947, the Military Bases Agreement was signed by President Manuel A. Roxas and Paul V. McNutt, the United States high commissioner in the Philippines and concurred in by the Philippine Senate on March 26, 1947, and accepted and ratified by the US on January 21, 1948. There were 18 Philippine senators who voted in favor of the treaty and none opposed. Three senators were recorded as absent for the vote, presumably as a protest. Three other senators had been barred from the body on the grounds of vote fraud in the April 1946 election, a concocted charge engineered by the Roxas administration. In the United States, the administration decided to consider the bases pact an executive agreement, thus requiring no Senate approval. The agreement provides principally for the granting by the Philippines to the United States the right to retain the use of the bases in the Philippines listed in Annex A (see below), the Philippines also agreeing “to permit the United States, upon notice to the Philippines, to use such of those bases listed in Appendix B (see below) as the United States determines to be required by military necessity”. The Philippines further agreed “to enter into negotiations with the United States at the latter's request, to permit the United States to expand such bases, to exchange such bases for other bases, to acquire additional bases, or relinquish rights to bases, as any of such exigencies may be required by military necessity”. As to mutual cooperation, the Agreement states: It is mutually agreed that the armed forces of the Philippines may serve on United States bases and that the armed forces of the United States may serve on Philippine military establishments whenever such conditions appear beneficial as mutually determined by the armed forces of both countries. Joint outlined plans for the development of military bases in the Philippines may be prepared by military authorities of the two Governments. The Agreement was set for a period of 99 years subject to extension thereafter as agreed by the two Governments. This agreement would undergo amendments over the years. Notably in the 1966 amendment, the agreement was cut down to 25 years of the unexpired portion of the 99 years, expiring in 1991. The 1979 amendments would reaffirm Philippine sovereignty over the bases and provided for a thorough review of the agreement every five years. The first review, in 1983, resulted in several further concessions to Philippine demands for increased sovereignty. The United States also pledged its best efforts to provide the Philippines with US$900 million in economic and military aid over the next five years (1984-88), up from US$500 million over the previous five years. On September 16, 1991, in a vote of 12-11, the Philippine Senate rejected a negotiated treaty that would allow an extension of the stay of the U.S. bases in the country. The 11 senators who voted in favor of the new treaty were 5 short of the two-thirds majority needed for ratification. ## 4. Watch and learn! Please watch the following videos for further understanding of the topic: * American Period in the Philippines * Japanese Propaganda in the Provinces * Philippines After War