Handbook of Black Studies PDF

Sage Reference Handbook of Black Studies For the most optimal reading experience we recommend using our website. A free-to-view version of this content is available by clicking on this link, which includes an easy-to-navigate-and-sea...

Sage Reference Handbook of Black Studies For the most optimal reading experience we recommend using our website. A free-to-view version of this content is available by clicking on this link, which includes an easy-to-navigate-and-search-entry, and may also include videos, embedded datasets, downloadable datasets, interactive questions, audio content, and downloadable tables and resources. Author: Daryl Zizwe Poe Pub. Date: 2010 Product: Sage Reference DOI: https://doi.org/10.4135/9781412982696 Keywords: Historically Black Colleges and Universities, black studies, negro, Afrocentricity, Lincoln University, pan-Africanism, Afrocentric schools Disciplines: Race & Ethnicity, Race, Ethnicity & Migration, Black Studies, Sociology Access Date: July 8, 2024 Publisher: SAGE Publications, Inc. City: Thousand Oaks Online ISBN: 9781412982696 © 2010 SAGE Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. Black Studies in the Historically Black Colleges and Universities Daryl ZizwePoe This essay will refer to institutions of higher learning responsible for educating students of African descent as historical Black colleges and universities (HBCUs); however, the reader should be aware that these insti- tutions are referred to in the literature as Negro colleges prior to the liberating language of the 1960s dur- ing which time the term Black was advanced as a liberated name for the African descendents in the United States. This essay also looks at the evolution of Black Studies as part of a continuum in the expression of the collective African voice within the Western academy, of which the HBCUs have been essentially a part. Therefore, the nuances of Black Studies nomenclatures and structural manifestations are not employed. The distinction, therefore, between African Studies and Black Studies as fields is not delineated because both are subsumed under Black Studies in this essay. Occasionally, the term, “Negro Studies” is included as kith and kin to Black Studies and is distinguished only to delineate distinct periods of the evolving expression of the African voice in the academy. It has been widely projected that Black Studies centers, programs, and departments were initiated at pre- dominantly European campuses (PECs) in the United States during the turbulent 1960s. African Area Studies became a formal field in the Western academy during the previous decade in direct response to the growing interest of U.S. State and business concerns as they sought the procurement of natural resources from the African continent. The first African student center in the United States was launched at Lincoln University, Pennsylvania, while being presided over by Horace Mann Bond (1904–1972), the university's first alumni to occupy that leadership position. The field of Black Studies,1 like Negro History before it, is rooted in the quest to organize and present sys- temic exposés of the initiatives and experiences of African peoples. The specific environment in which this challenge has surfaced has been within institutions responsible for intellectual production in general and aca- demic instruction in particular. The study of the people and persons of African descent has been a contested endeavor since the agency-hijacking enterprises of enslavement in the Americas and colonized Africa.2 For all its accumulation of material wealth, the capitalist exploitation of human groups still seems to need the dis- tortion of historical records to psychologically justify exploits. The debilitating conditions that African popula- Handbook of Black Studies Page 2 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. tions suffer from today are attributable primarily to the centuries of usurpation resulting from the relationship between capitalist-controlled Europe and communally controlled Africa. In this relationship, Africans lost their material wealth and control of their collective organized labor. Their worse loss, however, was the loss of the “collective African voice” concerning the past, present, and future. Imperial maintenance required a general assault on the global consciousness concerning many authentic achievements and their contributors within human culture. Imperial enterprise spawned institutions of intel- lectual production to remake history; thus, academic instruction projected humanity's record of development in the image of the Western European aristocracy. History of earlier world powers was often replaced with mystery designed to embellish the latest conquerors. The vanquished were deprived of everything worthy and recognizable, especially their voice of recall—the song of their ancestors. The past was hidden to remove any imagined future that might not be synchronized with the schemes of imperial development. The known past, therefore, was the first item to be contested by the scholars who wanted to unleash the agency of the African masses. The promotion of an accurate record of humanity's development has remained a perennial intellectual concern of African renaissance movements. Black Studies and Negro history are programmatic expressions of the African renaissance logically connected by their ethos, characters, praxis, and relationships to the institutions of intellectual production in which they found themselves. This statement automatically evokes a debate between the likes of scholars who contend that Black Studies and Negro history is not the same creature.3 There is, however, an undeniable common- ality between these two entities that could serve to illuminate the character of each. Obviously, the vast range of subjects and multilateral concerns that affect any group of the human family can- not be reduced to the confines of history, especially “Negro history.” History, however, plays a central role to a group's collective consciousness that is similar to the role philosophy plays to ideology. Generically, histo- ry could be described as a sequential or chronological presentation of significant processes, relationships, actions, events, and personas (collective and individual). The aesthetic and technical aspects of the presen- tation are conditioned by the pallet of the learning team (presenter and audience) and the resources of the learning environment (material resources and skill sets), respectively. Those who compose the history cur- riculum determine what is “significant.” The composers prioritize the focus according to the practical questions that face their culture. Handbook of Black Studies Page 3 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. The Collective African Voice in the HBCUs Overview of the HBCUs Massive access to education in general and more particularly, public education in the United States has been attributed to the revolutionary spirit of the Reconstruction era (1865–1877) and the democratic reforms enact- ed during that time. African descendents were seldom the recipients of the public education reform. Although congressional legislation known as the Morrill Act of 1862 provided for the establishment of land grant institutions, the implementation of the act was still in the hands of racist state governments, the majority of which refused to use those resources to admit Blacks. Effective federal support for education of Blacks did not come until the U.S. military presence was established in the states that had declared themselves in rebel- lion. The indication of the general attitude toward African participation in institutions of intellectual production can be deduced by the requirement of militant coercion in the establishment of educational access. Federal support for the African population was organized primarily through the Freedmen's Bureau. This support was done in cahoots with the “radically” reconstructed state governments that immediately followed the Civil War. The federal resolve, however, was short-lived, and the Tilden-Hayes compromise signaled a return to an era of disenfranchisement for the African populace. The confederates virtually returned to state power and rapidly returned to national governance. With their re- instatement, the South set the template for national race relations in the post-Reconstruction era. The peculiar “apartheid” nature of the United States gave rise to two racially different academic systems. One of these systems served and molded students from the ruling racial group—Whites. Following a model similar in form to the cultural invasions of European imperialism into Africa and the Americas, religious institutions often spearheaded “postsecondary institutions” of intellectual production. The launching of the majority of the HBCUs in the United States took place during the second half of the 19th century. They were schools that barely taught basic literacy at their outset, but by the beginning decades of the 20th century they had trans- formed into the primary source of undergraduate education for African descendents in the Americas. By the end of the Reconstruction era, the majority of African descendents were being indoctrinated in private institutions owned by an array of parochial and business interests. Private colleges continued to enroll the majority of African students until 1945. The most prominent religious agencies responsible for the establish- Handbook of Black Studies Page 4 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. ment of these institutions were the African Methodist Episcopal (AME) church, the American Missionary As- sociation (AMA), and the American Baptist Home Mission Society (ABHMS). Together, they were responsible for establishing the flagship institutions to educate African descendents. Wilberforce, Morris Brown, Fisk University, Morehouse College, Spelman College, and Virginia Union Uni- versity were initiated by these religious organizations. The Quaker environment of Pennsylvania and distin- guished members of the American Colonization Society set up the oldest college of this type, originally named Ashmun Institute in 1854, later to become known as Lincoln University, Pennsylvania, after Lincoln's assas- sination. The only remnants of federal public support for the higher education of Africans after the Recon- struction era was Howard University in Washington, DC, and additional land grant legislation passed in 1892. Howard University was initially built with the Freedmen's Bureau's federal funds and then through congres- sional appropriations. This second land grant legislation spurred some efforts in states to establish institu- tions to educate African descendents. The overwhelming impact of religious sponsorship for African educa- tion would come to influence the later development of Negro Studies in the HBCUs by ensuring a religious track of study within the field. Consistent with the historical U.S. tradition, these too, were “peculiar institutions.” The authoritative compo- nent of the learning team at these institutions ranged from European liberalism to European conservatism. The recipients of education were predominantly African descendents with a historical consciousness sensi- tized with horrific experiences of chattel enslavement. Even students from families that were of the liberated one-ninth of the African population in the United States carried the social stigma that accompanied the mass of enslaved Africans. This second system of racially separated and resource-poor institutions struggled in a volatile, yet fecund environment. The authorities sought, through different means, “to civilize the heathen beast of burden.” The Africans sought their dignity and their voice. The contention was epic and inevitable. Roebuck and Murty (1993), authors of a thorough text titled Historically Black Colleges and Universities: Their Place in American Higher Education, make a solid case therein on the utility of the HBCUs. HBCUs have played a specific role in disproportionately training a segment of the U.S. population that was forcibly uprooted and transplanted for the purpose of economic exploitation. The cultural environment for students that attend HBCUs is tailored to the experiences of students of African descent. The apartheid nature of the educational system in the United States ensured that not many persons of African descent attended resource-rich PECs. Those African students that did attend prior to the 1960s usually knew what to expect and in any case did not Handbook of Black Studies Page 5 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. matriculate in large enough numbers to be uncomfortably present (uncomfortable to the majority, that is). In fact, invisibility was tactically employed to avoid derision from inhospitable hosts. Curricular Debate in the HBCUs There was contentious debate about what African students should be taught at the HBCUs. The greater de- bate over preferred curricular content was illuminated by the public discourse between Booker T. Washington and W. E. B. Du Bois. Given the role played by missionary organizations in the founding of non-government- sponsored HBCUs, one could understand how the push for liberal arts initially won the argument. Liberal arts education was the status quo approach toward American higher education at the time. It was the type of cur- riculum that, at the first level, established literacy and at a higher level, collective identity. In this way, many Africans were prepared for professions, including teaching during the Reconstruction period. The pendulum of the debate would swing in another direction as the political, social, and economic advances made during Reconstruction were rolled backward. The regressive atmosphere that returned to the South evaporated many opportunities for African professionals who would be trained through a liberal arts curricu- lum. Due to this development, pressure mounted for many HBCUs to lean toward job training in the schools. The Booker T. Washington vocational model was accepted by the majority of sponsoring philanthropists in the United States as the model to be adopted, especially because it urged social separation of the races. Tuskegee, like Washington's Alma Mata, Hampton, became known as a leader in industrial education. Du Bois (1970) eventually synthesized his and Washington's points of contention. The Black Studies move- ment has inherited this debate when it comes to questioning the efficacy of its offer as a major. This discussion is acerbated at money-strapped HBCUs. Economic desperation has caused some to question the value of liberal arts—the more spiritual approach to knowledge. Many students have been urged to major in those ar- eas that have shown a successful record for rapid employment. Contemporary Black Studies units in HBCUs still face this conundrum. The African Intelligentsia at HBCUs Struggle for Increased Control Roebuck and Murty (1993) categorize the HBCU into five historical periods: Handbook of Black Studies Page 6 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. 1. The antebellum period (preceding the Civil War) 2. The postantebellum period (1865–1895) 3. The separate but equal period (1896–1953) 4. The desegregation period (1954–1975) 5. The modern period (1975–1993, date of publication) During these periods, one witnesses a continual and gradual rise in the influence of African students on the curriculums of the institutions. During Period 1 above, the curriculum was pretty much determined by the sponsors of the particular institutions. During Period 2, however, a revolution took place in the United States. The “radical Reconstruction” was begun and hope was abundant for the African masses in the United States. That experiment withered, however, in the betrayal of the federal effort after the Tilden/Hayes compromise of 1876. Thereafter, the African dependence on education as an avenue of redress, empowerment, and eco- nomic security increased and matriculating students increased in number at the HBCUs. The third period covered tumultuous convulsions in the social climate of the United States. This period covered the two ma- jor global wars and the ascendancy of the United States as the number-one world power. Also during this period, a war between the increasingly desperate African agricultural serfs (sharecroppers) along with lowly paid African urban wage laborers against the general European population, which periodically took out vio- lent rages against communities of African persons and businesses, was raging. The basis of these outrages ranged from racist ignorance to a deep-seated sense that general economic hardships were connected to the low cost of labor from workers of African descent. Leadership during these trying times came from African clergy and professional elites (especially lawyers). It was not, however, until there was a nexus in activity between civil rights organizations, southern sharecrop- pers, and students that a movement was established that urged legislative change in the country and allowed for access of African students into White universities at unprecedented numbers. The dynamic involving the African voice in the academy shifted fundamentally at this point. The key academic obstacle to the collective African voice came from the humanities wing of the PECs. So- called traditional history departments were the most injurious to the African personality. With the support of Hegel (1770–1831), these departments removed Africa and Africans from humanity by exclaiming their ab- sence from history. For the astonished reader, a paragraph from Hegel's (1956) The Philosophy of History is quoted here: Handbook of Black Studies Page 7 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. At this point we leave Africa, not to mention it again. For it is no historical part of the world; it has no movement or development to exhibit. Historical movements in it—that is, in its northern part—be- long to the Asiatic or European world. Carthage displayed there an important transitionary phase of civilization; but, as a Phoenician colony, it belongs to Asia. Egypt will be considered in reference to the passage of the human mind from its eastern to its western phase, but it does not belong to the African spirit. What we properly understand by Africa, is the unhistorical, undeveloped spirit, still in- volved in the conditions of mere nature [italics added], and which had to be presented here only as on the threshold of the world's history. (p. 199) Once removed, all actions involving Africans were attributed to the forcible exertions of Europeans or other aliens. The intelligentsia, including the African intelligentsia, became convinced that to be outside of history was to be outside of humanity. To the African intelligentsia, being in possession of one's humanity was a requirement for seizure of one's agency. Such a condition was the cornerstone of equality and fair treatment. The basic notion was that one should know one's worth to realize the fairness of just and humane treatment. Finally, such a condition was a God-given right that needed to be broadly propagandized. Spreading the word of African achievements was seen as a necessary reminder to the African masses of what remained possible. Kwame Nkrumah (under the name Francis Nkrumah), while matriculating at Lincoln University, said it best in the university's student newspaper: In introducing certain aspects of Negro history into the columns of The Lincolnian, I offer no apology. The mission of Lincoln University in the cause of Negro education is dynamic. And if, indeed, she serves as the cradle in which Negro youths are being nursed and nurtured for Negro leadership, then I submit that a thorough acknowledgement of Negro history is indispensable in their training. Who are the makers of history but those individuals who caught the torch of inspiration, lit by the fire of the achievements of the makers of their past history? A country or race without knowledge of its past is tantamount to a ship without a pilot…. If American, European, or English history is deemed essential in the education of Negro youths then, naturally, Negro history should be deemed more fundamental and vital—a necessity, and must be stressed. The course must be given its rightful place in the curricula of Negro schools and colleges, even in Negro journalism. It is, Handbook of Black Studies Page 8 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. therefore, Lincoln's opportunity. (Nkrumah, 1938, p. 4) The operating assumption of the African intelligentsia was, “what we have done we can do.” Along with the recognition of potential came the recognition of opposing forces. The African intelligentsia sought to shine a historical light on African accomplishments while simultaneously illuminating the social forces that attempted to retard African liberties. To accomplish this latter end, they exposed racist and ex- ploitive behavior wherever it surfaced. The first step to empower and qualify African agency was for Africans to be refortified in their own humanity and the rightness of their struggles for justice. This charge fell predominately into the hands of the “Negro His- torian” at the HBCUs. Later scholars would be able to leap from the fundamental works of these historians to establish studies of “Negroes” in other areas such as philosophy, religion, art, music, anthropology, sociology, language, literature, and political economy. These latter flowerings sprouted from the efforts of the early his- torians, mainly at HBCUs. While historians at White citadels were exorcising the African from the humanities, some historians at HBCUs were sabotaging those efforts by restoring Africans to their true cultural glory using the branch of the humanities known as Negro History4 This approach was out of reach and inconsequential for a considerable period of time in the nearly all-White wing of the academy. From the 1860s through the 1960s, most of the students throughout the African experience earned their un- dergraduate degrees at the HBCUs. Some went on to obtain their graduate and terminal degrees in “main- stream” universities. With prestigious terminal degrees in hand, some of these latter scholars became the initial Black scholars at the HBCUs, which prior to their presence, were conspicuously staffed by Europeans.5 These African scholars were the vanguard of professional scholars out to vindicate the story of the Africans in the world. This they did under the broad category of Negro sociology with Negro history at its core. African Voice Metamorphosis from Negro Studies to Black Studies The Negro Studies movement of the early 20th century was rooted in the praxis of African descendents in their struggle to assert the recognition of the humanity of African people and to obtain improved living condi- tions for Africans suffering colonialism and Jim Crow policies. Similarly, the Black Studies movement often in- cluded grievances over the hostile racist treatment received at PECs. At HBCUs, this was usually substituted Handbook of Black Studies Page 9 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. with complaints about substandard living conditions or perceived overly extreme disciplinary procedures. For African students at HBCUs, however, this was not their first time confronting their administrations. Waves of student protest at HBCUs occurred in the 1940s. Although many of these campuses advocated loyalty to the United States, the African voice became stronger and more aligned to African loyalty with the passing of each generation. HBCU graduates often organized associations and pushed for student-centered improvements. Faculty-student-alumni alliances were instrumental in the earlier waves of protest and in later efforts to estab- lish Black Studies at the HBCUs. The Black Studies movement differed from the Negro History movement in that it was made more militant by its influx of African students from the northern and western urban areas and by the experiences that these youth gained in the Civil Rights and Black Power struggles of the 1960s. The HBCUs shared this experience. This new militancy shocked the HBCU administrations on campuses where it arrived. HBCU administrations and faculty found that they were not immune to calls for curricular modifica- tions that would ensure the presence of African initiatives and experiences. Considerations When Comparing Negro Studies and Black Studies The Pan-African movement inspired African scholars at HBCUs, and it later inspired the militant students connected with the launching of the Black Studies movement. The Garvey movement and the Pan-African congresses organized by Du Bois deeply influenced the Negro History movement. Later, the students of the 1960s would find ample inspiration from the African Liberation and African Unity movements. The connection between these activist movements and the academic movements helped to define praxis for both the Negro History movement and the Black Studies movement. Negro History was not as broad as Black Studies nor was that its aim. The time and social space of their en- vironments grant both Negro History and Black Studies their own peculiar characteristics. Both creeds illumi- nated African contributions to humanity while challenging opponents to African wellness and improvements. The reader should understand the relationship between Negro History and Black Studies as a metamorpho- sis of the African “agential” voice in the academic environment. The form was referred to as Negro Studies at one time, African Studies at another, and Black Studies at a later time, but the essence was always the African voice in its role of enhancing African agency. Thorpe (1971), in his text titled Black Historians, chronicled the evolution of “Black History” using three broad Handbook of Black Studies Page 10 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. periods: 1. The Beginning School, Justifiers of Emancipation, 1800–1896 2. The Middle Group, Builders of Black Studies, 1896–1930 3. The New School, 1930–1960 The “Beginning School,” was described as a collection of writers, predominantly Christian ministers, who wrote during the period of about 1800 to 1896. Their Black History publications sought to justify and defend the emancipation of Africans from forced servitude and to highlight the contradictory evil that such a system presented to Christians. The range of political locations displayed by this group was far-reaching. What they shared was their desire to improve the image of the African and to improve the life chances of African peo- ple. Many of this school supported the radical reconstruction and other efforts designed to empower African agency in the United States. Many wrote protesting the perennial abuse that Africans suffered at the hands of enslavers and their sympathizers. Authors in this school also wrote to “establish for the American Negro his cultural and historical inheritance from Africa” (Thorpe, 1971, p. 30). Thorpe's (1971) most notable men- tions in these ranks were Robert Benjamin Lewis, James W. C. Pennington, James Theodore Holly, William Cooper Nell (1816–1874), William Wells Brown (1814–1884), William Still (1821–1902), Joseph T. Wilson (1836–1891), George Washington Williams (1849–1891), Benjamin Griffith Brawley (1882–1939), and Book- er T. Washington (1856–1915). This list of writers missed Edward Wilmont Blyden (1832–1912), whose work Christianity, Islam and the Negro Race (1888) offered a paradigm used by Africanists a century later. One could even see its imprint on later writers such Chancellor Williams (1898–1992) in his landmark text, De- struction of Black Civilization (1971). For those reasons, Blyden must be included in this era's list of contribu- tors. The Beginning School was formed over a period of promise that quickly turned to despair. The period of promise, the “radical reconstruction” of former chattel slave states, was the shining trophy of triumphant war against agrarian capitalists and a temporary reprieve from their peculiar form of oppression. It was also a period of “welfare-socialist” policies, although they were not acknowledged as that. However, the rise in ed- ucational access for the general public, the extension of suffrage to African men, the occasional communal distribution of property, and the federal financial and military support to oppressed Africans still in the South all reflected a mere “ripple” in the capitalist matrix. The Beginning School witnessed a reversal resulting from the consolidation of the northern industrial capitalist forces and their eventual compromise with southern racists. Handbook of Black Studies Page 11 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. The Beginning School also witnessed the subsequent reversal of policies that defended African agency. The African struggle for agency and voice in the United States remained a launch point for the African intelli- gentsia. The original builders of Black Studies, according to Thorpe (1971), were members of “The Middle Group” (p. 63), and he dated their intellectual production from 1896 to 1930. This was a challenging period for Africans globally. It was a period that began in the year that Ethiopia repelled the invading efforts of imperial Italy. The period covers the organization of the Pan-African Congresses and the Universal Negro Improvement Asso- ciation (UNIA), cogenerators of imagining a redeemed Africa. UNIA in particular fired the enthusiasm of the African masses throughout the world. The organization's African-centered focus offered a hopeful alternative to the bitter treatment received by Africans in the United States. The federal government's abandonment of Africans in the southern part of the United States allowed a subse- quent reversal of African enfranchisement practiced in the formerly reconstructed South. Jim Crow racism and lynch mob terrorism served as social tools to compliment an economic order that was crushing wage earn- ers and farmers alike. Poor Whites were encouraged in this environment to feel superior to all Africans and to understand their supremacy as part of a God-given order of life. In the South, social relations returned to pre-emancipation types. The only benefit of such relations was the self-reliance encouraged among Africans. This was an era when Africans increasingly relied on the promises of education. Although the U.S. govern- ment and majority population abandoned reconstruction policies, the African population continued to strive for economic and educational gains in spite of the rampant terror. During this era, the self-conscious African personality found its voice in the works of its growing intelligentsia. It was a period of both “race” men and men of Africa. Some of the writers listed in this era were categorized as scholars, whereas others were referred to as “laymen” because academic institutions did not formally letter them. The formal scholars included the likes of Charles H. Wesley (1891–1987), undergraduate degree from Fisk and graduate degrees from Yale and Harvard; Monroe Nathan Work (1866–1945), renowned bibliogra- pher and yearbook editor with undergraduate and graduate degrees from the University of Chicago; Merl R. Eppse (1900–1967); W E. B. Du Bois (1868–1963); and Carter G. Woodson (1875–1950). A smaller subset of this group moved into powerful positions in the flagship HBCUs during the “New School” era. Eventually, Africans gained access to governing boards and administrations. This did not, however, guar- antee the presence of an African personality. Such a presence remained a struggle for those who sought to Handbook of Black Studies Page 12 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. express the interests of African peoples. Fundamental changes took place at the HBCUs during the first half of the 20th century that led to increasing African control of policy making and curricular decisions. HBCUs, which as a rule were governed by European administrators and trustees and instructed by European faculty, shifted to gradual but persistent replacement by Africans. The transition of European to African control followed the pattern of first organizing cohorts of alumni to gain access to token positions on the trustee boards, which eventually led to real representation of many of the trustee boards. The next step usually involved collaborative efforts by the alumni associations and the African members of the trustee boards to push for African faculty and administrators. The final stage of this shift was reflected in the recruitment of African professors and instructors. Nevertheless, during the time under consideration, only minor changes were made to the general curriculums of these campuses, with the scattered offerings that served as Negro Studies. These developments took place during a time of global capitalist consolidation and economic upheaval. The U.S. military and financiers emerged from World War II (19386–1949) as the vanguard of U.S. imperialism. The United States was ascending as the world's leading superpower. The close of the second global war between competing capitalist powers had a similar social-political effect on the losing countries that the Amer- ican Civil War had on the southern states of the United States. The United States was busy reconstructing portions of its newly acquired empire while reorganizing its service role as global gendarme. The general U.S. population supported this new role by providing labor and youth toward various war efforts under the slogan of advancing democracy and freedom. Real “socialist type” benefits were provided and contrasted with similar efforts of “atheistic” Marxist-oriented societies. Educational opportunities increased and were made general with the creation of the GI Bill. Production for military purposes sparked employment, and for a while, the new role of being number one had its perks for the residents of the United States. Africans were, again, peculiarly affected by the American transformation. Africans had supported the efforts to destroy the racist order of Nazism with blood and sweat equity. The viewing of real politics—war—and its equalizing effect encouraged a new militancy. The promises of the Atlantic Charter from the Allied forces, the rise in militancy among the youth and the intelligentsia, and the continued racist policies of both the north- ern urban governments and southern state governments set the stage for an explosion of activity from the African intelligentsia, especially high school and HBCU students. The education of this intelligentsia would be enhanced in the struggle for equitable access to the spoils of the U.S. emporium. For Africans in the United Handbook of Black Studies Page 13 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. States, this period was a movement of liberation from both Nazi fascism and colonial enslavement. During this time, African students in the United States matured in their activism and pushed, along with the support of alumni and well-placed African scholars, to increase the volume of the African voice within the HBCUs. Many HBCUs employed their first African president during this era. Their boards of governance increased in African representation. Students on these campuses also began to protest what they considered excessive discipline. Student activists moved from a group that saw American patriotism and participation in the U.S. military as civil rights opportunities to a group of skeptics that sought to transform the battle lines against tyranny. These were the formative years that gave rise to that tip of the iceberg commonly referred to as the 1960s. Thorpe (1971) described the New School as a divergent group of scholars that began their professional ca- reers after 1930. He declared them to be less concerned with refuting racism than their predecessors while at the same time providing more thorough scholarship than the earlier schools of Negro Studies. Some of this school, according to Thorpe, resented being restricted to “Black themes” and shied away from the propagan- da role of earlier vindicationists. Thorpe criticized this group as abandoning the theme of slavery prematurely. He also showed this school to be less prolific than the previous era of Negro Studies scholars and rationalized this fall off in intellectual production as the result of the lack of crusade. Thorpe included the following in the New School: ▪ Rayford W. Logan (1897–1982), longtime chairman of Howard University's Department of History and one-time editor of the Journal of Negro History ▪ William Sherman Savage (b. 1907), first African graduate from the University of Oregon and long- time professor of history at Lincoln University (MO), where he received his doctorate in history ▪ Lorenzo Johnston Greene (1899–1988), 1924 graduate of Howard University and recipient of grad- uate degrees in history from Columbia University, who worked closely with Carter G. Woodson and the study of Negro life and history ▪ Luther Porter Jackson (1892–1950), a graduate of Fisk University and recipient of graduate degrees in history at Columbia University (masters) and the University of Chicago (doctorate), who was also affiliated with Woodson ▪ Alrutheus Ambush Taylor (1893–1954), a Ph.D. from Harvard who became a dean and history pro- fessor at Fisk University ▪ Benjamin Quarles (1904–1996), a professor of history at Morgan College (MD), known for his pub- lications on Frederick Douglass, the Civil War, and African participation in the American revolution Handbook of Black Studies Page 14 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. ▪ John Hope Franklin (b. 1915), another Fisk graduate who went on to receive graduate degrees from Harvard University, probably best known for his widely used text, From Slavery to Freedom (1947) ▪ Lawrence Dunbar Reddick (1910–1995), did his undergraduate degree at Fisk University and went on to complete his graduate degrees from the University of Chicago ▪ Eric E. Williams (1911–1981), taught at Howard University from 1939 to 1947 after which he im- mersed himself in the politics of the Caribbean ▪ Four women: Lula M. Johnson, Helen G. Edmonds, Merze Tate, and Elsie Lewis, all graduates from a variety of institutions ▪ Herman Dreer, Joseph H. Taylor, Horace Mann Bond, Williston H. Lofton, Leo Hansberry, and a host of other scholars too numerous to mention in this limited essay Thorpe stated that this group held more promise than the previous groups in institutionalizing Black Studies because of their improved quality of scholarship. Ideally, follow-up studies of these periods will focus on the collective efforts of HBCU student bodies as they sought to make the institutions they attended sensitive to the needs of African students. Only then will a holistic picture of the Negro and Black Studies efforts at HB- CUs during these time periods be known. Thorpe also missed the Pan-African inspiration that took place during this time period by omitting the impor- tant contributions of two HBCU instructors of Negro History who went on to become presidents of countries in West Africa, Nnamdi Azikiwe and Kwame Nkrumah, both alumni of Lincoln University in Pennsylvania.7 Both scholars were, like Blyden before them, living examples of the concept of “praxis” that would become part of the lingua franca of the Black Studies movement. Nkrumahs later writings and speeches inspired and informed up-and-coming Black Studies scholars, especially those who sought to add a disciplinary focus to the field of African Area Studies. This essay appends to Thorpe's (1971) model two other periods in the development of Black Studies: 1. The African-Centered School: the Black liberation period 1960 to 1975 2. The Afrocentric School: the disciplinary stage 1975 to 1990s Handbook of Black Studies Page 15 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. The African-Centered School: The Black Liberation Period 1960 to 1975 The African-Centered School of thought developed alongside the evolution of the African Liberation Move- ment. The Pan-African social praxis of the second half of the 20th century called for an intellectual revolution to accompany the rapid resurrection of mass African agency, specifically in the form of the African Liberation Movement. This was a major tributary to the desire for the official recognition of the African personality in all fields of academic life. The Civil Rights Movement in the United States gained an impetus from the struggle of African and Asian peoples against European colonialism. Organizations such as the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Commit- tee (SNCC) were using slogans popularized in Ghana's political struggle for independence.8 It is significant that this organization was initiated with the support of an outstanding alumna of Shaw University, Ella Baker, who provided incalculable guidance to the spontaneous outbursts of student direct action for civil rights. The shock troops of this movement came initially from the southern HBCUs. With the help of Ms. Baker, student activists launched the SNCC after a founding conference held during April 15–16, 1960. The phenomenal force released by the organized agency of the African intelligentsia in the form of SNCC is well documented in Harry Edwards's (1970) classic, Black Students; Cleveland Sellers and Robert Terrell's (1973) The River of No Return: The Autobiography of a Black Militant and the Life and Death of SNCC; and Howard Zinn's (1964) SNCC: The New Abolitionists. More than slogans were borrowed from the African Liberation Movement and African Unity Movement. Meth- ods were emulated in the United States among the African intelligentsia, especially student activists. These students began to popularize the push for political power by Africans in Africa as a model for political power abroad. Nkrumah, Touré, Nasser, Fanon, Lumumba, and other Africans struggling for liberation in the home- land became familiar names to those African students involved in political activity in the United States. Mal- colm X ideologically supported this posture in his last presentations in which he served as an analytic partic- ipant-observer in the African Liberation Movement. He advised the African intelligentsia to make the connec- tion with the freedom fighters in the African homeland. Some of the SNCC leaders made the pilgrimage to the newly liberated zones in the African continent. Garvey would have relished in the intelligentsia's identification with the African struggle. It seemed that the African liberation impetus was ushering in a shift in world power, and this shift was reflected in the militancy Handbook of Black Studies Page 16 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. of the African voice abroad. In the United States this militancy opposed itself to the official voice of the na- tion—symbolic of the voice of status quo imperialism and racial hegemony. Malcolm X assisted this concep- tual development by metaphorically displaying the Bandung Conference of 1954 as an Afro-Asian conference against global White supremacy. At one point, African students in the United States called for the victory of the Vietnamese nationalists, who were at that time fighting against the United States! Clearly, the tenor and approach of these students ap- peared more militant than the approach that had been taken by professors in the HBCUs. The requests of the students, however, were not more radical than the assertions of these earlier professors. Each movement sought to present the African in the first voice. Edwards (1970) succinctly illustrates that the African college students' methods began to mirror that of the African mass movement throughout the United States, which was becoming increasingly impatient with racist terror and violent in response to such treatment. Civil rights goals of inclusion and nonviolent modes of oper- ation were labeled undesirable and ineffective, respectively. The goals and methods were temporarily aban- doned by a critical mass of African students in both HBCUs and PECs. New models of responses informed by an attitude of independent governance and pride in African cultural trappings spawned creative solutions, both in the areas of curricular development and African community control and/or access to the academic institutions. An explosion of Black Studies programs and courses popped up on campuses throughout the country. HBCUs in particular experienced attempts by student groups and allied faculty to transform the insti- tutions to reflect an ideological metamorphosis from “Negro” schools with Eurocentric curriculums to “Black” institutions with inclusive world views sensitive to the needs of African and Black Nationalism. Like the liberation and unity movements in the African homeland, the struggle for independent Black Studies programs at HBCUs was protracted. Part of the problem was that the burst of demand to have Black Stud- ies courses available at the HBCUs began to wane by 1972 and the fiscal concerns of low class enrollments began to impress themselves on ideological demands. The transient nature of college students also militated against the continued thrusts of student pressure on administrations. Many of the PECs allowed their pro- grams to wither or dilute into “ethnic” programs and “race relations” programs. Signs of permanence were being seen at some HBCUs, especially those in which there was support by the administration. An example of such commitment is made apparent in this published “Foreword” (in a Morgan State College publication) by then President of Morgan State College, Dr. King V. Cheek: Handbook of Black Studies Page 17 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. Very little, if any, debate is now conducted on the legitimacy of African-Afro-American Studies pro- grams. This is not only a valid area of inquiry and study but is a necessary part of the college cur- riculum. But there is a continuing and urgent need for the development of curriculum models and concepts to provide guidance for those colleges which are seeking to avoid the development of shal- low programs in this area. Morgan State College pioneered a program in Black Studies long before the current wave of interest was initiated, its institutional commitment in this area being reflected in its curriculum, facul- ty, library holdings, art gallery and other activities. (Cheek, 1971, p. v) Cheek, in the same publication takes the opportunity to thank the philanthropist organizations that supported the college's Black Studies efforts and took pains to mention that classes in the subject matter could be taught by faculty of any race. Cheek's need to state this reflected the ongoing demands made by African students at that time that only Africans teach Black Studies courses. Although it may be true that San Francisco State College was the first PEC to announce an independent Black Studies Program, this revolutionary development was an evolutionary one at HBCUs. During this time period, according to Karenga (2002), Black Studies officially began as an academic endeavor. Karenga at- tributed this genesis to four major thrusts: (a) the Civil Rights Movement, (b) the antiwar movement, (c) the free speech movement, and (d) the Black Power Movement. Karenga stated that it was after the capitulation of PECs that HBCUs acquiesced to the demand for Black Studies. The Pan-African Movement—including its offspring, the African Liberation Movement—has to be considered as an impetus to the launching of Black Studies programs, or they will not fully be comprehended. On HBCUs, this latter thrust was the dominant force behind the Black Studies Movement of the period. The Afrocentric School: The Disciplinary Stage 1975 to 1990s The Afrocentric School delineates a qualitative leap in the academic polemic around Black Studies. This pe- riod witnessed two forms of increased African agency within the Western academy. At Temple University, a PEC, the first Ph.D.-granting program was established in the African-American Studies program. Although this model has not been emulated at the HBCUs, the Afrocentric school did spur on interesting developments in the HBCUs. In fact, the Temple school seems like an anomaly when the other PECs are examined. As Handbook of Black Studies Page 18 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. Kilson (2000) indicates, “The most prominent gathering of Black scholars who function within the Afrocentrist paradigm is at Temple University, though there are smaller clusters located rather broadly at some black col- leges” (p. 175). Kilson also predicted that Afrocentrist scholars would begin to dissipate as long as there is no rise in the “neoracist” forces connected to the rising “neoconservatism” of the European descendents in the United States. Kilson's conditions for the continuance and expansion of the Afrocentrist School have been met, and these scholars are increasingly meeting the need for professors and administrators at HBCUs. At HBCUs, the struggle has gone beyond recognition of academic space to a struggle for general influence on the curricular mainstream. Morris Brown College (founded in 1881 by AME) took a promising start in establishing the Africana Depart- ment in 1989 in response to student request. It eventually evolved from initially offering a minor and providing a general education course required of all the college's students to a full-fledged major by 1995. Its growth was the shining trophy of student vigilance coupled with an Afrocentric curriculum. Most important, in its de- partmental form, Morris Brown College's Africana Department was responsible for the college's basic history courses! The Black Studies movement did not stop there; advocacy existed that encouraged, with a measure of success, other departments to offer courses with “African content” (Morris Brown College, 1998–2000, p. 74). The art, music, social science, and foreign language departments accepted the tasks. Morris Brown Col- lege is not the only HBCU that offers this approach, but it was the only “overt” program of this type that I was made aware of. Their overt declarations may have reflected the attitude of achievement. It was, after all, the only HBCU, contrary to other models, where the Africana Department absorbed the History Department. Sadly, as a result of management woes and allegedly misplaced monies, Morris Brown College lost its ac- creditation on December 9, 2002. The college is struggling to rebound, and it may very well do so; one other AME-launched college that had lost accreditation was able to regain it. A later writing will have to provide a postscript for this drama. This latter fact does not negate the gains made by Morris Brown College's Africana Department. These challenges aside, the example of the college's Africana Department's curricular standing should be emulated and improved on elsewhere. Beyond what is mentioned above, Africology (Black Studies efforts that follow the Afrocentric methodological approach) programs, centers, and departments would do well to build natural and applied science tracks into their majors as well as encouraging the natural and applied science program to provide courses with African content. African past contributions in these areas might open up the areas of research that could lead to the Handbook of Black Studies Page 19 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. development of an African intelligentsia that is more self-reliant in the applications of technique and technol- ogy for African redemption. These latter endeavors might start at the graduate level first, and when a critical mass of teaching scholars are prepared, then an undergraduate track might be developed. The history of HBCUs and the African experience at PECs has revealed that the Black Studies presence re- quires vigilance in the face of Eurocentric hegemony. This hegemony exists not only at PECs but its most virulent forms also can be found at the HBCUs, of which the majority still sponsor a European supremacist curriculum. It must be said, however, that institutions such as Lincoln University, which offer an African Amer- ican experience course as a core requirement, ensure the broad-based introduction to the field of Black Stud- ies for a growing number of matriculating undergraduate students. There have been efforts to tamper with the course, but as of this writing, the course seems to be secure. This course, being only one course, could not possibly suffice for a broad knowledge of the African initiative and experience. That deeper and more com- plex knowledge requires a more detailed exposure than can be obtained in one class. Ideally, HBCUs will experience seepage of Black Studies knowledge across the disciplines. This would have a positive environ- mental effect on pedagogy outside its official purview. Like language skills and computing, the knowledge of Black Studies issues and perspectives should be treated as fundamental datum required by all students who seek to graduate from one of the HBCUs. At these institutions, world history and U.S. history must include the collective African voice, as should all disciplines within the human sciences (humanities and social sciences). Beyond this, Black Studies should periodically program campus activities that discuss collective African iden- tity and agency. Fundraising Through Auxiliary Enterprises HBCUs seldom have luxury allocations in their lean budgets. As austerity measures become a required ap- proach, Black Studies programs have often suffered. Rather than scuffling with other academic components over meager scraps, Black Studies programs should attempt to self-consciously reach out and develop mar- kets that would benefit from Black Studies knowledge. Production of materials to support Black Studies could provide a boon for auxiliary enterprises at HBCUs if managed properly. Professors teaching and researching in these areas should be encouraged through a variety of incentives to produce these materials along with au- dio-visual aids that might assist instruction. The services of these scholars could be expanded, in association with appropriate education departments, to train the local K–12 institutions within their geographical regions. Handbook of Black Studies Page 20 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. These schools also need Black Studies in their curriculums to offer a more accurate and true education to the youth of the United States. At minimum, in-service trainings should be offered to those teachers responsible for teaching in the urban inner cities. Finally, and this recommendation needs the most careful monitoring, businesses intending to market to African people might be offered the services of the Black Studies scholars through research centers established at HBCUs. Link with African and Caribbean Institutions There is one conundrum that most Black Studies units will have to consider—U.S. government dependency. HBCUs have historically been more financially intertwined and dependent on federal aid than PECs. In ex- change, the HBCUs often provide the federal government trained personnel. The relationship is not quid pro quo, but the result is the same. Support and the opportunities that come with federal aid are limited, finicky, and often self-negating. The integrity of Black Studies programs at HBCUs will be challenged if these units do not initiate outreach to African governments, nongovernmental organizations, and religious and humanitarian organizations. As these programs mature, their maturity should have an impact on the consciousness and activity of HBCUs. HBCUs are in a unique position in regard to the development of Black Studies. Black Studies enthusiasts and scholars have shown a consistent concern with Africa and the Caribbean. Students from those parts of the world share an educational experience at HBCUs with African students born and reared in the United States. These institutions will probably train and inform the Pan-African institution builders of the 21st century. Black Studies programs, especially Africology and Africalogy departments,9 may want to participate in their institu- tion's outreach efforts to ensure that students from diverse backgrounds inspect the benefits of affiliation with such units (opportunities, support, postgraduate experiences). Conclusions and Exigencies As the end of the second reconstruction period nears, HBCUs are likely to become the repository for a number of scholars prepared at the undergraduate and/or graduate level with Black Studies degrees. Most of these scholars will be prepared to teach in the humanities and social sciences. Many students will probably continue Handbook of Black Studies Page 21 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. to take Black Studies courses at HBCUs. The courses, however, may be folded into “traditional” disciplines. In fact, HBCUs may be the next staging ground for internal polemics in a variety of disciplines that were original- ly erected to serve enslavement and/or colonialism. Again, HBCUs offer a fecund environment, even during these austere times. What will be required will be disciplinary development and expanded linkages. As HBCUs move toward a ne- gotiated balance between liberal arts and vocational training, Black Studies curriculums should help students obtain sensitivity for those issues that affect Africa and Africans throughout the planet. Not all opportunities that become available will be appropriate. It is “Pollyannaish” to consider all sponsors of research endeavors as friendly interlocutors with the African community. One should remember the useful lessons learned during chattel enslavement and colonialism. External forces have always sought internal allies in their efforts to seize African agency. It is primarily the internal forces that have prepared and secured the subjugation of African people. Black Studies program that seek to use the Afrocentric disciplinary approach must be prepared to wage ide- ological battle. This approach necessarily challenges the hegemony of Eurocentrism, which so many of the current HBCU faculty members have been trained in. Only time and a careful changing of the guard will ensure a broader acceptance on these campuses. The continued involvement of alumni, Afrocentric faculty members, and student organizations (if the protracted historical trend remains consistent) will strengthen the African voice at these institutions. The forces that may militate against this welcomed development are likely to challenge the precepts of African patriotism and cultural affiliation as divisive to American patriotism and citizenship. Black Studies scholars will have to be prepared to defend their stance and their funding! Funding remains a crucial challenge for HBCUs in general and Black Studies programs at HBCUs in particu- lar. The formula of “last hired first fired” holds true at educational institutions and is overridden only when the program and/or personnel meet a perceived need that trumps fiscal concerns. Those HBCUs that survive the retrenchment of the U.S. economy will probably solidify themselves as the centers of research in Black Stud- ies areas. The overt support of a highly placed qualified administration is often pivotal, as is demonstrated below. An interesting, although anecdotal, development in the maturing of Black Studies at HBCUs is the model growing at Fort Valley State University (FVSU) in Georgia. The model is an example of what is possible when there is solid administrative support for Black Studies efforts. The current and founding executive director of the college's African World Studies Institute (AWSI), Dr. Mwalimu Shujaa, describes the institute on its web Handbook of Black Studies Page 22 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. page (http://www.fvsu.edu/aws/african_studies.asp) as a commitment to the preservation and dissemination of “the African world's intellectual and cultural contributions.” Shujaa gives a global dimension to the concept of the “African world” that is characteristic of the Pan-African tradition. The AWSI's operates toward three strategic goals: 1. To preserve and disseminate knowledge and perspectives of and about the African world 2. To enhance and advance the global mission of FVSU 3. To develop and implement an African World Studies curriculum designed for an “interdisciplinary/ transdisciplinary baccalaureate degree program” What makes the AWSI particularly interesting is that it was formed in a welcoming environment that is directly attributed to the president of the university Dr. Kofi Lomotey10 Both Lomotey and Shujaa have a history that included their collaboration in support of Black Studies theme-related programs and conferences at the pub- lic HBCU, Medgar Evers College in New York, where Lomotey served as provost (1997–2001) while Shu- jaa served as dean of social sciences. Both scholars have focused their academic research on increasing the academic and intellectual efficacy of institutions responsible for educating young Africans. Finally and this is most significant, both had extensive and principle roles in the organization of the Council of Indepen- dent Black Institutions, a central accrediting organization instrumental in providing centralized material and pedagogical support for independent African educational institutions that mushroomed throughout the United States after the Black Studies explosion. The shared experience and success of this “administrators/scholars/ Pan-African activists” team offer promise for the development of Black Studies at Fort Valley State Universi- ty that far surpasses the fizzled shock and awe caused by the announcement of the now-crumbling “dream team” assembled as Harvard University's African and African American Studies Departments in the 1990s. Recommended Approach to Further Comparative Studies Future comparisons of the Black Studies, African Studies, and Negro Studies as compartments of the col- lective African voice in academic spaces will have to examine and locate these expressions against the backdrop of geo-political/ environmental, cultural, and ideological factors. Geo-political/environmental com- parisons should look at (a) years of functional production, (b) dominant world issues, (c) dominant African issues, and (d) dominant African issues in the Americas. Cultural comparisons should consider each culture's involvement in and influence on (a) science and technology, (b) economic production and distribution, (c) pub- Handbook of Black Studies Page 23 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. lishing and instruction, (d) professional entertainment, and (e) religion and language. Finally, any comparison of ideological factors surrounding these related fields of study should highlight the (a) themes and debates, (b) key ideologues, (c) philosophy, (d) pneumatology and (e) discussions of political loyalty that surface. Notes 1. The only disciplinary approaches to Black Studies are departments, programs, and professors that use the Afrocentric methods. 2. Some historians would call for the inclusion of Islamic mercantilism led by Arabic culture in this equation. This particular form of mercantilism did spirit away many Africans for use in profitable enterprises. The con- nection between this earlier capitalist relationship and the following onslaught from the Iberian Peninsula characterizes the legacy of Moorish tutelage of the Spanish and Portuguese elites, the vanguard of European capitalist expansion. 3. Molefi Asante (1990) deals with this issue in Kemet, Afrocentricity, and Knowledge. 4. The following is extracted from page 46 of The Lincoln University Herald: Catalogue Number for the year 1933–1934, and describes a course at Lincoln University by a Lincoln University alumnus who would later become the president of Nigeria. A similar course was offered two years later. 8. The Negro in History This course, conducted by lectures, class reports and discussions, considers, first, the anthropo- logical and ethnological background of the Negro; second, the part played by the Negroid races in Egypt, Nubia, Ethiopia, India, and Arabia; third, the role of the Negro in medieval times in Songhai, Ghuna, [sic] Melle, etc.; and, fourth, the contemporary Negro in Africa, the West Indies, Latin Amer- ica, and the United States. [Instructor] Mr. [Nnamdi] Azikiwe. 5. Henry N. Drewry and Humprey Doermann (2001) succinctly present the transformation of authority at the private HBCUs toward authentic Black control in their recently published text titled, Stand and Prosper. 6. This is the Afrocentric date marking the beginning of WWII because it is the year in which Italy invaded Ethiopia in a quest to annex it. It was the date that brought the European conflagration to liberated Africa. Handbook of Black Studies Page 24 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. 7. Azikiwe graduated in 1930 and Kwame Nkrumah graduated in 1939. 8. This reference is specifically to the slogan, “Freedom Now” which became Nkrumah's and the Convention People's Party (CPP) a decade before SNCC used it. 9. Africology is the particular school of Black Studies anchored in the Afrocentric method, whereas Africalogy is the particular school of Africa Area Studies anchored in the Afrocentric method. 10. President Lomotey minored in Black Studies while matriculating as an undergraduate student at Oberlin College. He received his B.A. degree in 1974 and therefore must have been influenced by the African student revolution (1968–1972). References Asante, M. K. (1990). Kemet, Afrocentricity, and Knowledge. Trenton, NJ: African World Press. Blyden, E. W. (1888). Christianity, Islam and the negro race (2nd ed.). London: W. B. Whittingham. Cheek, K. V. (1971). Foreword. In Morgan State College publication. Baltimore: Office of the President. Du Bois, W. E. B. (1970). Black reconstruction. New York: Atheneum. Drewry, H. N., & Doermann, H. (2001). Stand and prosper: Private Black colleges and their students. Prince- ton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Edwards, H. (1970). Black students. New York: Free Press. Franklin, J. H. (1947). From slavery to freedom: A history of American Negroes. New York: Knopf. Hegel, G. W. F. (1956). The philosophy of history (J. Sibree, Trans.). Chicago: William Benton. Karenga, M. (2002). Introduction to Black Studies. Los Angeles: University of Sankore Press. Kilson, M. (2000). Black Studies revisited. In M. Marable (Ed.), Dispatches from the ebony tower (pp. 171–176). New York: Columbia University Press. Handbook of Black Studies Page 25 of 26 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. Morris Brown College (1998–2000). Catalog, 1998–2000 (Vol. 48). Atlanta, GA: Author. Nkrumah, F. (1938). [Opinion]. Lincolnian (Lincoln University, Pennsylvania), p. 4. Roebuck, J. B., & Murty, K. S. (1993). Historically Black colleges: Their place in American higher education. Westport, CT: Praeger. Sellers, C, & Terrell, R. (1973). The river of no return: The autobiography of a Black militant and the life and death of SNCC. New York: Morrow. Thorpe, E. E. (1971). Black historians: A critique. New York: William Morrow. Williams, C. (1971). The destruction of Black civilization: Great issues of a race from 4500 B.C. to 2000 A.D. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt. Zinn, H. (1964). SNCC: The new abolitionists. Boston: Beacon Press. Historically Black Colleges and Universities black studies negro Afrocentricity Lincoln University pan-Africanism Afrocentric schools https://doi.org/10.4135/9781412982696 Handbook of Black Studies Page 26 of 26