hdbk_blackstudies ch 13.pdf

Sage Reference Handbook of Black Studies For the most optimal reading experience we recommend using our website. A free-to-view version of this content is available by clicking on this link, which includes an easy-to-navigate-and-...

Sage Reference Handbook of Black Studies For the most optimal reading experience we recommend using our website. A free-to-view version of this content is available by clicking on this link, which includes an easy-to-navigate-and-search-entry, and may also include videos, embedded datasets, downloadable datasets, interactive questions, audio content, and downloadable tables and resources. Author: Charles P. Henry Pub. Date: 2010 Product: Sage Reference DOI: https://doi.org/10.4135/9781412982696 Keywords: political science, publications, politics, journals, scientists, race, publishing Disciplines: Race & Ethnicity, Race, Ethnicity & Migration, Black Studies, Sociology Access Date: July 8, 2024 Publisher: SAGE Publications, Inc. City: Thousand Oaks Online ISBN: 9781412982696 © 2010 SAGE Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. African American Politics: The Black Studies Per- spective Charles P.Henry In the mid-1960s, political scientist Harold Barger did a study of political socialization in San Antonio, Texas. He wanted to examine the subject of political trust as it develops in school children. The traditional political socialization literature contends that the two most important figures in creating such trust are the local police officer and the more distant figure of the president of the United States (“father of the country”). Barger took the opportunity of televised Watergate hearings to examine their influence on political trust levels of fifth- and eighth-graders in the San Antonio public schools. The San Antonio schools had the advantage of being al- most equally divided between Anglo, Mexican American, and African American students. When he measured political trust prior to the hearings, he found on average that the Anglo students ranked highest in political trust, followed at a significant distance by Mexican American students, with African Ameri- cans showing the least amount of political trust. Traditional explanations of these findings would establish the Anglo ratings as the norm. Then an attempt would be made to explain why Mexican American and Black stu- dents were more alienated than Anglo students. In short, the trust levels of Anglo students would be seen as normal, whereas those students exhibiting lower levels of trust would be viewed as abnormal or problematic. When Barger retested the children after the Watergate hearings, he was astounded at the changes in trust levels. Some Anglo students were now openly derisive toward President Nixon. Barger found that the level of political trust for Anglo students had fallen dramatically, whereas Mexican American trust had decreased somewhat and African American trust levels had fallen the least. Barger then presents a nontraditional expla- nation for his findings, suggesting that African American students held the most realistic views of the presi- dent in the first place, whereas Anglos and to a lesser extent Mexican Americans had accepted presidential mythology that began with George Washington. In summary, the norm should have been the political trust levels exhibited by African American students (Barger, 1974). I like to begin my introductory Black Politics class with this example because it de-centers White political behavior. Throughout the literature on political behavior, Blacks are compared—usually unfavorably—with a White norm. The White norm is taken as universal, and behavior that does not measure up to it is axiomatical- ly deficient or abnormal. Even when two White segregationist candidates are vying for election, for example, Handbook of Black Studies Page 2 of 25 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. Black turnout rates are expected to be at White levels, or their behavior is viewed as problematic. The de-centering of the White norm is a relatively new and ongoing process in political science. It began with the creation of Black Studies in the late 1960s, and even today Black Studies lags behind its sister disciplines. We will examine the development of a Black Studies perspective in politics first at the intellectual level and then at the organizational level. Although Blacks have been at the center of American politics from the founding through the Civil War to mod- ern Civil Rights Movement, they have been nearly invisible in the study of American politics. None of the central figures in the development of the discipline was intellectually concerned with issues of race, and the central works in American thought dealing with race were produced by social scientists outside political sci- ence. There is no figure or school of thought in political science, for example, comparable to Robert Park and the Chicago school of sociology or Franz Boas and Melville Herskovits in anthropology. No one in political sci- ence was seized with the issue of slavery in the way U. B. Phillips, Stanley Elkins, Herbert Aptheker, Kenneth Stampp, and C. Van Woodward were in history. The monumental An American Dilemma was produced by a team of social scientists led by Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal (1944). However, its disciplinary impact seemed to fall most heavily on psychology, leading to works on the “nature of prejudice” and the “mark of oppression.” The central Black intellectual of the 20th century is W. E. B. Du Bois. Although Du Bois's friend and colleague Herbert Aptheker suggests that Du Bois wanted to study politics at Harvard, he ultimately focused on history and sociology. Thus, as one Black political scientist says, “prior to the mid-1960s, putting together a reading list on ‘Black Politics’ was not easy and much of the material would not have been written by political sci- entists, but by sociologists, historians and others, many of them Black” (Wilson, 1985, p. 601). These works might include Du Bois's The Philadelphia Negro (1899/1998) and The Souls of Black Folk (1903/1969); Black Metropolis (1945) by St. Clair Drake and Horace Cayton; Oliver Cox's Caste, Class & Race (1948); and Black Bourgeoisie (1957) by E. Franklin Frazier. Of course, significant political works by nonscholars stretch back to the early 19th century, with David Walker's Walker's Appeal in Four Articles (1848/1969) and Martin Delany's The Condition, Elevation, Emigration, and Destiny of the Colored People of the United States (1852/1993) as well as slave narratives such as those of Harriet Jacobs (Linda Brent) (1861/2001) and Frederick Douglass (1855/1969). A few important 20th-century works by political scientists would include Harold Gosnell's 1935 (1935/ 1970) study of Chicago politics, V. O. Key's Southern Politics in State and Nation (1949), and James Q. Wilson's Negro Politics (1960). Yet for a Black political science perspective on this period, one must rely primarily on the articles and unpublished manuscripts of Ralph Bunche—the first African American to obtain a doctorate in political science (Harvard) in 1934. Bunche's longest published work, A World View of Race Handbook of Black Studies Page 3 of 25 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. (1936), stands in sharp contrast to the views of Gosnell, Key, and Wilson.1 Hanes Walton, Jr., and Joseph McCormick II examined the attention devoted to African American politics in the two oldest disciplinary journals: The PoliticalScience Quarterly, which began publishing in 1886 and the American Political Science Review, which was established in 1906. These journals were also selected be- cause they were national in scope and broad-based in their coverage of the discipline. Walton and McCormick did a systematic, chronological search through each volume to identify the number of single-focus (exclusive- ly African American) and multifoci (at least three lines totally devoted to African Americans) articles. Their findings reveal that of 2,474 articles published in Political Science Quarterly from 1886 to 1990, 27 or 1% dealt solely with African Americans.2 Another 33 articles or 1% treated African Americans in conjunction with other groups, organizations, or institutions. Of the 3,683 articles published in the American Political Sci- ence Review from 1906 to 1990, only 27 or 1% concerned African Americans exclusively. Another 41 articles or 1% included African Americans as part of a multiple focus. One-fourth (7) of the single-focus articles in the Quarterly had slavery as a substantive concern and another 18.5% (5) dealt with suffrage, and political participation also concerned 18.5 percent (5) of the articles. All seven articles on slavery justify the institution! The leading substantive category in the Review articles was suffrage with, 37% (10), followed by political par- ticipation at 33% (9) (Walton & McCormick, 1997, pp. 233–235). Their examination of the few articles dealing with African American politics led Walton and McCormick (1997) to the following conclusions. First, articles in both journals and in nearly all categories support or justify insti- tutional arrangements that suppress or oppress the African American community. Second, beyond the insti- tutional realities, there were matters inherent in the democratic political process, such as voting and protest, that denied full participation and citizenship to African Americans. These obstacles were not only explained away but also were in many instances blamed on the victims of democracy. Third, there were articles deal- ing with reform techniques such as school desegregation as well as broader-based public policies, yet none of them advocate systemic changes. Walton and McCormick conclude that “social danger has been one op- erative factor in limiting the discipline and its members in studying race and the African American political experience.” “The result,” say the authors, “has been that this profession (political science), unlike its sister professions of history and sociology, has ignored a fundamental variable and reality in political life and expe- rience” (pp. 239–240). Major reviews of the discipline support the findings of Walton and McCormick. In 1970, for example, at the height of national concern about race in politics, Stephen Wasby published Political Science: The Discipline and Its Dimensions. In a work exceeding 500 pages, race is discussed only twice. The first instance involves Handbook of Black Studies Page 4 of 25 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. a discussion of “Negro” and White voting patterns and refers to Key's (1949) pre-Civil Rights Movement study of Southern Politics in State and Nation. The second reference is in the area of international relations where Wasby suggests that the anticolonist movement has been “strengthened immensely” because of ethnic differ- ence between the dominant European world and the subject peoples. Wasby (1970) concludes that “should lines of conflict be established on such a basis, reinforcing political and ideological differences, the danger of race war could be very considerable indeed” (p. 540). Wasby makes no mention of Bunche's (1936) A World View of Race, which is concerned with this very subject.3 Instead, Wasby (1970) suggests that multiracial po- litical groupings such as the British Commonwealth might provide an example of interracial cooperation rather than conflict. Thus, as far as political science is concerned, Martin Luther King, Black Power, the Civil Rights Movement, and the Black Panthers do not exist. Mack Jones (1992) contends that the establishment of academic disciplines and the determination of their substantive content is a normative exercise that is necessarily parochial because a people's need to know is a function of their anticipation and control needs (p. 30). This means, says Jones, that a dominant paradigm “leads the practitioner to study the adversary community only to the extent that the adversary constitutes a problem” (p. 32). For Jones, this explains why American social science generally views Blacks as a problem but one that does not challenge the dominant paradigm of pluralist democracy. Such a paradigm conveys on- ly a caricature of the oppressed or dominated people and hence has little prescriptive utility for their struggle to end their domination. Michael Dawson and Ernest Wilson III (1991) have documented this marginality, stating that the logical struc- ture of a particular paradigm leads an analyst to structure the problem of racial or Black politics in a particular way. They examine the dominant theoretical paradigm, pluralist theory, and its main challengers—social strat- ification (Weberian theory), Marxism, modernization theory, social choice theory, and Black Nationalist theo- ry. Among scholars interested in Black politics, they found that the most frequently used paradigms included pluralist, nationalist, and Weberian/modernization approaches. They also found that many of these scholars transcended paradigmatic differences and united their inquiries into Black politics. These commonalities in- clude a concern with tactics or strategy, a concern with the internal dynamics of the Black community, frequent reference to historical antecedents, a concern about the gap between the promise and the performance of the American political system, and a tendency to blame White racism for unequal societal outcomes (Dawson & Wilson, 1991, p. 223). Prior to 1970, one finds a particular interest in Black leadership. This leadership focus may be the result of a race relations approach to Black politics, it may reflect the social danger thesis of Walton and McCormick Handbook of Black Studies Page 5 of 25 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. (1997), or both. Yet both Black and White scholars used Black leadership styles to examine Black political activity. As such, their research privileges elite politics and undervalues the role of grassroots political activity. The most striking characteristic of these studies is their attention to style. This style does not represent a particular culture or reflect distinctive group values, but rather, it includes the individual idiosyncrasies of the leader. That is, the personality and attitude of a race leader in dealing with White decision makers becomes the overriding consideration in making the decision. For example, Everett Carll Ladd (1966) states, “A leader may support goals and means which by themselves would put him in the ‘militant’ category in a given com- munity, and yet be regarded as a Moderate because of his rhetoric” (p. 170). Individuals and organizations are usually categorized as “militant” or “moderate,” “race men” or “non race men,” “protest” or “accommodationist.” Daniel Thompson (1963) writes of “Uncle Tom” leaders who are al- lowed to “get away with murder” because they are always humble and grateful in appearance (p. 73). Even in cases where Whites recognize that “their” Black leadership is not popularly based, they continue to single out accommodationist actors. For example, M. Elaine Burgess (1962) indicates that in Durham, North Carolina, White leaders were “torn between selecting those Negroes who they felt were really most powerful and those whom they believed to be more acceptable to the white leadership” (p. 94). At a different level, the northern race men or militants described by Harold Gosnell (1935/1967) and James Q. Wilson (1960) were perform- ing the same function. That function would ultimately appear to be the assimilation of Blacks into American culture. Myrdal (1994) states, “We assume that it is to the advantage of American Negroes as individuals and as a group to become assimilated into American culture, to acquire the traits held in esteem by the dominant white Americans” (p. 733). By 1966, Donald Matthews and James Prothro (1966), in Negroes and the New Southern Politics, began to break from this narrow focus on Black leadership and look at Black political par- ticipation. Yet they still used the old leadership categories, and it would take the Black Studies revolution to make a complete break. This static view of American politics conforms to the pluralist viewpoint that sees the entry of a new group into the American political system as a problem of political assimilation. Obviously, a militant or radical style is indicative of a group not yet ready for integration or even political acculturation (moderate viewpoint). It is clear that if Whites control the pattern of race relations, the direction of value assimilation will be unilateral (Henry, 1990). The literature on Black leadership is illustrative of an intellectual shift in the discipline that begins in the late 1960s and early 1970s. This shift coincides with the development of Black Studies in the academy and the general attempts to de-center European or White paradigms across disciplines. This change is primarily due Handbook of Black Studies Page 6 of 25 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. to the influx of Black students into undergraduate and graduate programs resulting from the efforts of civil rights activists in the 1960s. These students demanded an education that focused on their needs and their identity. In short, the invisibility forced on the relatively few Black students at White institutions of higher edu- cation prior to 1965 was no longer an option. At first, these demands brought new attention to the subject of African American politics. However, most of this attention was academically limited to the addition of a few Black-focused works to existing traditional courses. As mentioned earlier, most of the early classic works were not produced by political scientists and those that were—like the leadership studies—were extremely conservative in their approach. Newer influen- tial works of the time such as Harold Cruse's The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual (1967), James Baldwin's The Fire Next Time (1964), Franz Fanon's The Wretched of the Earth (1967), and Eldridge Cleaver's Soul on Ice (1968) were not produced by political scientists. Perhaps the most widely read book of the period in- volving a political scientist was Charles Hamilton's Black Power (1967), coauthored with Stokely Carmichael. Carmichael and Hamilton's discussion of the myths and conditions of coalition is an excellent example of the intellectual shift from concern over Black-White relationships to one that emphasizes the concrete needs of Black community building (Carmichael & Hamilton, 1967). The mid-1970s marked the zenith of Black graduate student matriculation in political science departments. By the late 1970s and early 1980s, the intellectual products along with that of some non-Blacks had begun to reshape the field of Black politics. In general, one can divide their contributions into two broad categories of empirical studies and theoretical/historical works. A few authors try to combine both. Black-led political activity in the 1960s prompted both academics and private pollsters to pay more attention to Black public opinion. “The increased activity had an inherent regulatory function,” says Michael Dawson (2001), “as the study of black public opinion was seen within the framework of ‘race relations’” (p. 34n). That is, pollsters were more concerned about identifying disruptive elements in the Black community than they were in the history and evolution of Black political thought. Once the threat of urban violence receded, polling institutions such as the University of Michigan's American National Election Studies and the Harris organiza- tion showed less interest in Black public opinion. This declining interest in Black public opinion was not reflected among academics, however, as a number of studies emerged in political science. Susan Welch did early work in this area with Albert Karnig (Karnig & Welch, 1980) and more recently with Lee Sigelman (Sigelman & Welch, 1991). Paul Sniderman and Michael Hagen produced a 1983 study, Patricia Gurin and colleagues published Hope and Independence (Gurin, Hatchett, & Jackson, 1989), and Edward Carmines and James Stimson wrote an award-winning book, Issue Handbook of Black Studies Page 7 of 25 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. Evolution, in 1989. The 1990s saw excellent studies by Robert Smith and Richard Seltzer (1992), and Don- ald Kinder and Lynn Sanders published the influential Divided by Color (1996). Most recently, Sniderman and Thomas Piazza (2002) have examined the relationship between Black pride and Black prejudice. Election studies have provided a more comprehensive look at race and political participation than the earlier leadership studies.4 Katherine Tate's 1993 study of Black voting patterns has received wide attention, and Tali Mendelberg's The Race Card (2001) is a methodologically sophisticated examination of the subtle race cues used in political campaigning. Two controversial empirical works received attention in the 1990s. Carol Swain's Black Faces, Black Interests (1993) argues that Black representation in Congress is sub-stantively no different than White representation. Stephan and Abigail Thernstrom's America in Black and White (1997) was widely used by conservatives be- cause of its attack on the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and its extension for their attempts to increase Black electoral representation. Influential theoretical and historical works dealing with Black politics were even more evident during this peri- od. Margueri'te Ross Barnett and James Hefner published a pioneering examination of public policy and the Black community in 1976. Hanes Walton's Black Politics (1972) was one of the first examinations of Black political involvement outside the two major parties. Matthew Holden's The Politics of the Black “Nation” (1973) represents a rare synthesis of analysis and praxis as the author set forth a 5-year plan for Black political ad- vancement. The first book-length treatment of Black political socialization was produced by Paul Abramson in 1977. The rise of Black mayors in the post-civil rights era resulted in a spate of urban studies that begin in the 1970s. The first of these works is Ernest Patterson's Black City Politics (1974) and Charles Levine's Racial Conflict and the American Mayor (1974), followed by William Nelson and Philip Meranto's Electing Black May- ors (1977). Among the most widely read were Ira Katznelson's City Trenches (1982) and Clarence Stone's Regime Politics (1989). Rufus Browning, Dale Rogers Marshall, and David H. Tabb published a widely debat- ed examination of multiracial coalitions in several California cities in 1984 titled Protest Is Not Enough. James Jennings's The Politics of Black Empowerment (1992) is one of the few studies to focus on grassroots ac- tivism in urban communities. Perhaps the best examination of Tom Bradley's rein in Los Angeles is Raphael Sonenshein's Politics in Black and White (1993). Gary Rivlin's Fire on the Prairie (1992) examines Harold Washington's Chicago. Political scientists respond to the Civil Rights Movement beginning with Robert Brisbane's (1969) look at Handbook of Black Studies Page 8 of 25 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. its origins in Black Vanguard. Michael Lipsky (1970) and David Garrow (1978) examine the utility of protest as a political resource in bargaining. Resource-mobilization theory is used by Doug McAdam in his Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930–1970 (1982). Dianne Pinderhughes challenges pluralist theory in Race and Ethnicity in Chicago Politics (1987). Ronald Walters's Black Presidential Politics in America (1988) is the most innovative of several studies that examine the impact of the Jackson campaigns on national politics. Charles Henry's Culture and African American Pol- itics (1990) is one of the first works to look at Black political thought through the lens of folk and popular culture. Among those examining the intersection of race and class, Cedric Robinson's Black Marxism (1983) is a clas- sic examination of working-class radicalism in Europe and Black resistance in the African Diaspora. Adolph Reed, Jr. has produced a series of thought-provoking works in this genre, including W. E. B. Du Bois and American Political Thought (1997) and Class Notes (2000). Commenting on the Black Studies challenge to pluralism Reed (2000) writes that “the movement for black studies not only responded to that Eurocentism [sic]; it also emerged within a broader activist stream exposing the sanctimonious pretense that the academy stands outside and above the politics shaping the surrounding world” (p. 172). He points out that the strug- gles around local urban renewal involving the University of Chicago and Columbia revealed the predatory nature of these institutions. Students at Duke and the University of North Carolina became involved in bitter labor disputes around the unionization of service and maintenance workers. Across the nation, the Vietnam War demonstrated university alliances with corporate weapons and military contractors. Reed adds that the Black Studies movement also reflected the university's significance in ethnic pluralist politics as beachheads established in elite universities provided cultural authority for propagandizing the group's image and advanc- ing specific constructions of its interests (p. 173). Chicano political scientist Mario Barrera provided one of the best examples of an internal colony approach in Race and Class in the Southwest (1979). One of the first African American women to obtain a doctorate in political science, Jewel Prestage, has also been a pioneer in looking at the conjunction of gender and race in Black politics. One of her early studies advances five contentions about Black women's political behavior: [(1)] Black women have been the victims of dual oppression, racist and sexist; (2) black women have been centrally involved in the major political struggles in each historical epoch in the development of the American political system; (3) the political activity of black women has varied in accordance with the historical conditions, consequently, efforts to understand the political behavior of black women must take cognizance of changing patterns over time; (4) black women have expanded their political Handbook of Black Studies Page 9 of 25 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. involvement progressively, escalating at unprecedented levels since 1965, especially in voting and office-holding; and (5) political advancement for Black women has paralleled more closely advance- ment of black men than it has the advancement of white women. (quoted in Braxton, 1994, p. 287) Another early study by Pauline Terrelonge-Stone (1979) found no significant difference in the political ambition of African American male and female officeholders, despite the lower socioeconomic and educational levels of women. More recent studies by Robert Darcy and Charles Hadley (1988) have concluded that a greater proportion of Black than White elected officials are women because of the politicization of Black women in the Civil Rights Movement, the expanded political opportunities resulting from reenfranchisement, and the structural reforms resulting from reapportionment and redistricting. Works by Terrelonge-Stone (1979), Mae King (1975), and Shelby Lewis (1988) contest the view that sexism is a factor of minimal importance in the overall oppres- sion of Black women. Linda Williams (1987) reports that Black females register and vote at higher levels than Black males, and Mansbridge and Tate (1992) find more Black females than White females call themselves feminists. Africa in general and U.S. foreign policy toward Africa in particular, have largely been ignored in the academy and in political science. In the social sciences, history and anthropology were easily the leaders in African Studies. The scarce work done in political science has often apologetically supported colonialism and taken a modernization/developmental approach toward Africa. The early work of Ralph Bunche demonstrates the difficulty of maneuvering in this area. Bunche's award-winning 1934 dissertation on “French Administration of Togoland and Dahomey,” although critical of the mandate system, did not advocate immediate self-deter- mination for African colonies and was mindful of the views of his dissertation committee. Bunche refused to publish the dissertation because he believed it lacked an African perspective on colonialism. Two years later, Bunche (1936) published a radical critique of colonialism and one of the first comparative analyses of racial oppression in his A World View of Race. In fact, the work was so controversial that Bunche sought to distance himself from it during the McCarthy era. Perhaps Bunche's experience discouraged progressive political scientists from working on Africa until the demise of colonialism and the rise of Black Studies. Herschelle Challenor (1981) wrote several articles on African American influence on African policy in the early 1980s, and Henry Jackson's From the Congo to Soweto (1984) became a standard text on Africa in 1984. Ronald Walters' Pan Africanism in the African Di- aspora (1993) is one of the most sophisticated attempts to provide a theoretical perspective to the study of Africa and the Diaspora. “Pan African analytical approach is an associated Black Studies methodology in that Handbook of Black Studies Page 10 of 25 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. it recognizes the dominant influence of the racial variable within the context of domestic relations,” says Wal- ters, “while the Pan African method recognizes the dominant influence of African identity, history and culture in the transactional relations of African origin peoples in the Diaspora” (p. 46). Another work promoting a new “Afrocentric” approach to U.S. foreign policy was published by Errol Henderson in 1995. As mentioned earlier, the Jackson presidential campaigns produced a flurry of scholarly works in the 1980s. Only one of these works, however, looks exclusively at Jackson's approach to foreign policy. Karin Stanford's Beyond the Boundaries (1997) is a pioneering exploration of the emerging area of “citizen diplomacy.” Several works should be noted for their efforts to synthesize data with theory and history. Michael Dawson's Behind the Mule (1994) and Black Visions (2001) are the standard-setting works in this area. Jennifer Hochschild's Facing Up to the American Dream (1995) pays special attention to the changing views of the Black middle class and the growing gap in Black-White public opinion. The Dual Agenda (1997) by Dona Cooper Hamilton and Charles V. Hamilton focuses on the history of American social welfare policy. Political scientists have also produced biographies of a number of leading African American figures. David Garrow won a Pulitzer prize for his 1986 biography of Martin Luther King, Jr., titled Bearing the Cross. Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., is the subject of Charles V. Hamilton's (1991) political biography, and Charles Henry (2000) has published a biography of Nobel Laureate Ralph Bunche. Finally, the development of Black Studies in the academy has resulted in several introductory textbooks de- voted to African American politics. One of the first was Milton Morris's The Politics of Black America (1975). Lucius Barker, along with several coauthors, has published several editions of Black Americans and the Po- litical System (e.g., Barker & McCorry, 1976). Hanes Walton, Jr., produced a series of texts including Black Politics (1972), Invisible Politics (1985), African American Power and Politics (1997), and with Robert Smith, American Politics and the African American Quest for Universal Freedom (2000). In 1982, Michael Preston was the senior editor of a widely read volume on The New Black Politics (Preston, Henderson, & Puryear, 1982). Many important works dealing with African American politics have been produced by scholars and activists outside the discipline of political science. These authors include Robert Allen, Robert Blauner, Molefi Asante, Angela Davis, Manning Marable, Maulana Karenga, Robin Kelley, Sterling Stuckey, Cornel West, bell hooks, Lani Guinier, Patricia Hill Collins, C. L. R. James, Derrick Bell, Charles Mills, Walter Rodney, and Aldon Morris among others. None of the work in the discipline has had the impact of scholars such as John Blassingame or Lawrence Levine in history. James Cone's work on Black theology has no parallel in Black politics. No Black scholar in political science has approached the public or professional influence of Kenneth Clark in psycholo- Handbook of Black Studies Page 11 of 25 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. gy, William Wilson in sociology or John Hope Franklin in history. The field of economics has produced a num- ber of well-known Black neo-conservative scholars, such as Thomas Sowell, Walter Williams, and Glen Loury However, these intellectuals are better known for public opposition to liberal public policy than for their con- tributions to the discipline of economics. Of course, writing on Black politics is not limited to social scientists. Some of the very best work has been created in the humanities and arts by figures such as Ralph Ellison, Richard Wright, Toni Morrison, Ed Bullins, Adrianne Kennedy, James Baldwin, June Jordan, and many oth- ers. And, of course, works by political activists such as Marcus Garvey Martin Luther King, Jr., and Malcolm X have reached broad audiences. Like society in general and professional organizations in particular, the late 1960s and early 1970s witnessed the rise of Black power in the form of separate caucuses and organizations. For political science, the 1969–1970 period represents a watershed in the discipline. In response to pressures within the organization, American Political Science Association (APSA) President David Easton launched several reforms. One re- form was the creation of a special committee on the Status of Blacks in the Profession. That committee, in cooperation with the Ford Foundation and Southern University sponsored a conference directed by Jewel Prestage on political science curricula in Black colleges in 1969, and an informal Black caucus functioned through the 1969 and 1970 APSA meetings in New York and Los Angeles (Holmes, 1973, p. 3). The discourse at these meetings produced two structural changes. First, the committee on the Status of Blacks in the Profession was made a formal part of the APSA and staffed by Mae King. Its primary purposes were to facilitate the integration of Blacks into the varied dimensions of the profession and to increase finan- cial support for Black graduate students entering the profession. Second, it was decided that an organization independent of the APSA was needed. A new organization called the National Conference of Black Political Scientists (NCOBPS) was to provide an outlet for the research, learning, and teaching of its members, which centered on Black politics. The organization's first president was Mack Jones of Atlanta University, and the first annual conference was held at Atlanta University in 1970. That same year Jones (1970) stated, In my view, we as black political scientists have not faced up to our responsibilities. We have not tried to understand the unarticulated (yet no less real) Weltanschauuny of white America and interpret it to the lay public; nor developed one of our own. Instead, we have been content to be “practical” in the context of the prevailing order. (p. 4) According to Jones, an independent organization was a key element in escaping complacency and domina- tion: My own view is that as an African people we cannot begin to extricate ourselves from European Handbook of Black Studies Page 12 of 25 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. domination until we organize ourselves into independent structures cutting across all dimensions of our lives; Black political scientists cannot maximize their efforts until we organize as an independent force. The focal point for our coming together must be the universal oppression of African people and our responsibilities in the struggle and not our parochial concerns as professional political sci- entists. The latter must be no more than secondary considerations. (pp. 4–5) NCOBPS registration for its founding conference numbered 182 individuals representing some 88 colleges. Over its more than 30 years of existence, membership has fluctuated between 200 and 300 political scientists. Although the intellectual focus of annual meetings was clearly on Black politics, an organizational split emerged between those political scientists at historically Black institutions (HBCUs) and those located in pre- dominantly White institutions. The founders of the organization were located at Southern, Atlanta, and Howard Universities, and a majority of professional political scientists engaged in teaching were at HBCUs; therefore, this group controlled the organization. Out of the first 10 NCOBPS presidents, for example, 8 were from HB- CUs. Yet the 1970s witnessed a shift in graduate enrollment in political science from predominantly Black to predominantly White universities. This change was reflected in the composition of NCOBPS leadership in the 1980s and 1990s. However, even today, NCOBPS attracts more registrants at its annual meetings from HB- CUs than does the APSA. Although the APSA journal the American Political Science Review continues to publish relatively few articles by Black political scientists, NCOBPS has struggled to produce a journal that better reflects the interests of Black politics scholars. In 1975, NCOBPS joined with the Commission for Racial Justice to produce the Jour- nal of Political Repression. This short-lived journal was replaced in 1989 by a new annual NCOBPS journal, the National Political Science Review (NPSR). Although focused primarily on Black politics, the first volume included a symposium on the Iran-Contra affair. Lucius Barker, the first editor of the NPSR and a past pres- ident of NCOBPS, also became the first African American political scientist since Ralph Bunche in 1954 to be elected president of the APSA. In his 1993 presidential address, Barker, like Bunche, sought to raise the visibility of Black politics in mainstream political science. Barker contended that “to address the problem of race and color is to address the nature and problems of American politics” (Jackson & Woodard, 2002, p. 33). Barker suggests that a systemic examination of the African American experience reveals the limits to funda- mental policy change. In 1999, Matthew Holden, Jr., became the third African American to be elected APSA president. Holden, also a past president of NCOBPS and past editor of NPSR, concentrated his presidential remarks on adapting the organization of the discipline to produce a more flexible methodology and a disci- pline open to the exploration of unorthodox subjects (p. 68). Of course not all organizational activity around the subject of Black politics occurs within the discipline. Hanes Handbook of Black Studies Page 13 of 25 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. Walton, Jr. (1997) reminds us that the American Negro Academy (ANA) founded in 1897 used a case study approach to examine African American politics. Between 1897 and its demise in 1924, the ANA produced 22 case studies, five of which are relevant to Black politics. These include “The Disfranchisement of the Negro” (1899); “The Negro and the Elective Franchise” (1905); “The Ballotless Victims of One-Party Government” (1906); “The Shame of America, or the Negro's Case Against the Republic” (1924); and “The Challenge of the Disfranchised: A Plea for the Enforcement of the 15th Amendment” (1924). Walton states that these rich case studies describe how southern states, through the mechanism of Black disenfranchisement, implemented a revolution in the political context of post-Civil War America (p. 43). Surprisingly, W E. B. Du Bois's Atlanta University Studies in the first decade of the 20th century do not explicit- ly explore African American politics. However, another southern organization, the Southern Regional Council, produced a number of significant case studies on Black voting in the late 1940s and early 1950s. The massive amount of information collected by Ralph Bunche for the Carnegie-Myrdal study constitutes the most signif- icant empirical resource for this time period (see Bunche, 1973). Bunche produced some 3,000 manuscript pages for what became An American Dilemma (Myrdal, 1944). During the 1960s, the Voter Education Project produced data on Black voting patterns. The urban violence of the late 1960s led to the establishment of sev- eral riot commissions, which subsequently issued reports, the most famous of which is the Kerner Commis- sion Report. Scholars also began to focus on political violence (Feagin & Hahn, 1973; Sears & McConahay, 1973). Urban problems also led the Ford Foundation in cooperation with Kenneth Clark and his Metropolitan Applied Research Center to fund the Joint Center for Political Studies (JCPS), a think tank focusing on Black politics, in 1970. During the same period, the Institute of the Black World (IBW) was established in Atlanta with Vincent Harding as director. Whereas JCPS was set up primarily to service an emerging group of Black elected and appointed officials, IBW tended toward political and cultural education and support for nonelectoral activities. Naturally, the establishment of Black Studies programs and departments served as a base outside traditional political science departments for a number of Black political scientists. Some of these scholars invested at least as much effort in developing Black Studies as a discipline as political science and to some extent were freed from disciplinary restraints. A 1992 study reports that the overall number of Ph.D.s granted in political science has declined with a parallel drop in African American doctorates. The number of African Americans in Ph.D. programs across the country declined from 424 students in 1980 to 300 students in 1991 (Ards & Woodard, 1992). Part of the problem may rest in the small number of schools producing Black Ph.D.s in the field. Cumulatively, Handbook of Black Studies Page 14 of 25 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. the top producers of African American political scientists have been the following departments: Clark-Atlanta (44), Howard (28), Michigan (23), Chicago (21), Claremont (20), Illinois (20), California at Berkeley (18), Ohio State (17), Harvard (16), Yale (15), Florida State (13), New York (13), Indiana (12), Wisconsin (12), Columbia (10), and Northwestern (10). From 1934 to 1989, only 653 African Americans received political science doc- torates. These figures may include Black graduates who are not U.S. citizens (Ards & Woodard, 1993). The small number of Black political science students is mirrored when political science faculties are examined. In 1980, African Americans constituted 2.7% of the full-time faculty within political science departments. By 1990, this figure had risen to 4.35% of all full-time political science faculty members but has stabilized at less than 5%. In 1980, Blacks were 18% less likely to be full professors than Whites (39% to 21%) and 10% less likely to be associate professors (30% to 20%). This gap had increased for full professors to 19% in 1990 (43% to 24%) but had been reduced to 1% for associate professors (25% to 24%). Significantly more Blacks than Whites were in nontenure track positions (Ards & Woodard, 1993). At least as significant as the declining numbers of Blacks entering the profession is the intellectual malaise or stagnation that some have suggested is growing. As former NCOBPS president Lorenzo Morris (1983) has said, “American political science has generally prospered in times of political quiescence” (p. 1). However, the opposite is true for African American politics. It has prospered when progressive Black political activity was at its peak and suffered when Black politics is marginalized. The concept of “deracialization” that became pop- ular with the elections of Douglas Wilder as governor of Virginia and Norman Rice as mayor of Seattle may represent the future of the field of Black politics as well as politics itself (Perry, 1991). Yet Morris argues that “if black politics has become less creative and less progressive, then a special obligation of NCOBPS is to encourage the analysis of this change by black political scientists” (p. 1). More recently, Georgia Persons (1999), current editor of the NPSR, suggests that analysts of Black politics may lack the ability to make constructive contributions to Black political life. She states that “there is very little which is new in terms of theory building or engaging analyses on the part of scholars.” They are “increasingly inclined to speak disparagingly and despairingly of a politics without meaning or strategic logic” and are “lim- ited to explicating racial dynamics in electoral contests [that] have long ceased to inform, particularly in terms of theory building” (p. 3). Persons asks whether the “ethnic moment” for successful Black political mobilization has passed and the American political system has reached the limits of its capacity for processing of the race problem beyond symbolic responses (p. 15). These are indeed profound questions that are reflected in everyday political life. On one day, the Republican Party forces Trent Lott to step aside for an “implied” endorsement of segregation. Yet the next day his suc- Handbook of Black Studies Page 15 of 25 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. cessor endorses the very substantive programs that divide the polity and oppress Blacks. Philip Klinkner and Rodgers Smith (1999) have joined legal scholar Derrick Bell and philosopher Charles Mills in arguing the per- manence of American racism. Another response has been offered by postmodernism, which believes that assimilation is reductionist. Challenging traditional norms, they argue that difference represents a call for in- clusion without assimilation. Because all persons are different—are the Other—their mutual recognition is the thread that holds society together. Thus, postmodernism embraces multiculturalism but rejects pluralism be- cause pluralism does not break with the assimilationist outlook. Can postmodernism contribute to African American political theory? Postmodernists have joined multicultur- alists in attacking institutionalized racism as foundational and reflective of normative expectations—basing college admissions, for example, on standardized tests that claim to measure “intelligence.” Postmodernism supports an Afrocentric perspective that requires that Africa be viewed in its own terms and rejects Europe as the standard by which all non-European cultures are judged. Postmodernists also join with Afrocentrists in their critique of “scientific objectivity.” Yet the marriage of postmodernism and Afrocentricity is not complete. The antidualist stance of postmod- ernism leads to a rejection of essentialism. Postmodernists have embraced the work of Black scholars such as Paul Gilroy Cornel West, bell hooks, Stuart Hall, and Henry Louis Gates more readily than the writings of Molefi Asante, Maulana Karenga, John Henrik Clarke, and Marimba Ani. The postmodern conception of identity seems much more contingent and open to change than that of Afrocentricity. Postmodernists argue that understanding identity as “text” to be interpreted rather than essence provides hope to those who are marginalized that an egalitarian society is possible. Adolph Reed, Jr., (2000) warns, however, that an overemphasis on text can lead to an underemphasis on political activity. Reed charges that the work of Henry Louis Gates, for example, attempts to transcend politics in order to purge Black textual interpretations of political and ideological considerations: He [Gates] wants instead to redefine political significance to give priority to literary expression and criticism as strategic action…. first he eliminates distinction between literary and political texts, sub- suming the latter within the former. Second, correspondingly, he assigns to the production and for- malist analysis of literature the most elemental and consequential role in advancing racial interests. He sees black literary tradition as “broadly defined, including as it does both the imaginative and the political text.” Having incorporated both types of content into a general category of black writing, he then defines writing itself as the primordial political undertaking. (p. 150) Yet even Gates's postmodernism wants to retain a notion of authentic Blackness, and what emerges in The Handbook of Black Studies Page 16 of 25 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. Signifying Monkey (Gates, 1988) may be described as a neoliberal revision of the Black aesthetic. “He simply shifts,” says Reed (1997), “the locus of the warranted mimesis from content to form” (p. 152). To remain relevant, the study of African American politics must both embrace and critique cultural studies. It must be informed by literary theory and popular culture but challenge those who say listening to rap or inter- preting a text is identical to a political act. Analysts of Black politics must move away from privileging electoral studies and move toward nonelectoral phenomena such as the reparations movement. Moreover, globaliza- tion provides an ideal opportunity to explore Diaspora politics as do Ali Mazrui (1990), Anthony Marx (1997), and William Nelson (2000). Globalization theorists should also keep in mind that all politics are local. The in- creasing diversity of the Black community provides new opportunities to examine intraracial politics (Cohen, 1999). The study of Black politics must give new voice to those that created the space for the development of Black Studies—the Black community. Notes 1. Bunche's first article was published on Chicago politics in 1928 and takes a rather conventional approach to the subject. In the years immediately following Bunche's views become more radical. He initially proposed a comparative study of race relations and politics in Brazil and the United States for his dissertation. The topic was changed when he was persuaded he could not get funding for field research. During his Loyalty Board hearing in 1954, Bunche stated that A World View of Race (Bunche, 1936) was written hastily (2 weeks) and that he no longer held such views (see Henry, 2000). 2. There have been frequent challenges to the quantitative orientation of the APSR as well as criticism of the narrow range of subjects included in the publication. One response has been to encourage publication in PS: Political Science and Politics, which is also published by the APSA but does not have the same academic standing. Another response has been the recent creation of a new journal, Perspectives on Politics, whose objective is to include more disciplinary subfields in its publications. The new editor of the journal is Jennifer Hochschild, who is known for her work on racial politics. 3. For a discussion of Bunche's role in the American Political Science Association, see Charles P. Henry (1983) “Ralph Bunche and the APSA.” PS: Political Science and Politics. 4. The tremendous growth in the number of Black elected officials in the 1970s and 1980s also provided staff jobs for professionally trained political scientists. The first director of the Congressional Black Caucus, for ex- Handbook of Black Studies Page 17 of 25 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. ample, was Augustus Adair, a political scientist at Morgan State University. References Abramson, P. R. (1977). The political socialization of Black Americans: A critical evaluation of research on efficacy and trust. New York: Free Press. Ards, S., Woodard, M. C.African Americans in the political science profession. PS: Political Science and Pol- itics25 (1993). 252–259. Baldwin, J. (1964). 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