African Cultures and Civilisation Textbook PDF

AFRICAN CULTURES AND CIVILISATION A textbook for GES 102 AFRICAN CULTURES AND CIVILISATION A textbook for GES 102 Edited by M.O. Muritala and O.C. Adesina IBADAN UNIVERSITY PRESS 2019 Ibadan University Press, Publishing House, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria Â© 2019 Centre for General Studies First Published 2019 All Rights Reserved No part of this publication may be reproduced, transmitted, transcribed, stored in a retrieval system, or translated into any language or computer language, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, magnetic, chemical, photocopy, recording, manual or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISBN: 978 â€“ 978 â€“ 8529 â€“ 81 â€“ 1 DEDICATION Dedicated to all lovers and Promoters of African Cultures CONTENTS Page Dedication v Preface ix Acknowledgements xi Contributors xiii Chapters 1 Africa and the Early Humans 1 D.O. Ajayi 2 Early African Centres of Civilisation: Egypt, 11 Meroe and Axum V.O. Edo 3 African indigenous Political System 23 A. Adedire and S. Okunade 4 African Religion and Culture 41 J.K. Ayantayo and S.A. Fatokun 5 Indigenious African Education: Ni geria 59 Experience O.B. Lawal 6 Roman Civilisation in Africa 73 I.M. Alade 7 Christianity in Africa 93 H. Sewapo 8 Islam in Africa 109 A. Akewula 9 Environment and Culture 123 I.O. Raifu 10 Communication, Language and Culture in Africa 133 F. Amenaghon 11 Culture Dynamics in the Age of Colonialism and 159 the Evolution of Nigeria M.O. Muritala 12 Gender and African Cultures 175 C. Ukpokolo 13 Revision 197 M.O. Muritala Index 201 PREFACE Culture and Civilisation are two concepts that embrace the totality of the way of life of any group(s) of people. The African Society is noted for its unique culture and civilisation inspite of the influences of colonialism and the influx of the Western Asian and Arabic cultures. It is significant that the book focuses on the relationship between culture and aspects of the African civilisation. The course is designed to introduce students outside the humanities to the various aspects of African cultures and civilisation, as well create in them the awareness of the relevance or value of the humanities, especially the need for critical thinking and the training of the mind in their day to day existence. The purpose is to enable science, medical and engineering students to understand that without the training of the mind, which the focus of the humanities, there can be no meaningful development in science and technology. Contributions range from the comparative analyses and expositions on the early A frican centre of civilisation, Africa and the early Humans, African indigenous political system to other issues as religion, environment, government, language and communication, literature, gender and indigenous education. Other components of the text are culture dynamics in the age of colonialism in Nigeria and the evolution of Nigeria as well as Roman civilisation in Africa. The book is highly recommended for use in the universities, colleges of education and the polytechnics in and outside Nigeria, and all lovers and promoters of African cultures. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The editorial committee wishes to thank everyone who has contributed, in various ways to the success of this book. We acknowledge particularly the efforts of the Chairman of the Senate Committee on General Studies Programme; Professor Aduke Adebayo and Professor Olutayo Adesina , the immediate past Director, Centre for General Studies respectively; Dean, Faculty of Arts, Professor Ademola Dasylva and the current Director, Centre for General Stu dies, Dr.Â Anthony Temidayo Bolarinwa. We acknowledge, with gratitude, all the contributors and the authors whose works have either been cited or used as well as Professor Babatunde Sofela for reviewing the manuscript, and the entire staff of the Centre for General Studies Programme, University of Ibadan. M.O. Muritala (Editor) O.C. Adesina (Co -Editor) Faculty of Arts, University of Ibadan. CONTRIBUTORS D.O. Ajayi, Ph.D, Lecturer Department of History, University of Ibadan V.O. Edo, Professor, Department of History, University of Ibadan A. Adedire, Assistant Lecturer, Department of History and International Studies, Osun State University, Osogbo S. Okunade, Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan J.K. Ayantayo, Professor, Department of Reli gious Studies, University of Ibadan S.A. Fatokun, Professor, Department of Religious Studies, University of Ibadan O.B. Lawal, Professor, Department of Teacher Education, University of Ibadan I.M. Alade, Ph.D, Senior Lecturer, Department of Classics, University of Ibadan H. Sewapo, Ph.D, Lecturer, Department of Religious Studies, University of Ibadan A. Akewula, Ph.D, Lecturer, Department of Arabic and Islamic Studies, University of Ibadan I.O. Raifu, Lecturer, Department of History and International Studies, Osun State University, Osogbo F. Amenaghon, Ph.D, Department of Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan M.O. Muritala, Ph.D, Senior Lecturer, Department of History, University of Ibadan C. Ukpokolo, Senior Lecturer, Department of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Ibadan 1 AFRIC The efforts to reconstruct the human past may be classified into two, namely; prehistory, which refers to the period before written history and, history, which covers the era after the invention of writing enabled human communities to record and store information. The prehistoric period is important, not only by reason of its vast length, but also because during this time humans made almost all their major discoveries and adaptations to environment and group life (except those connected with the recent ICT age) and evolved physically into our living species and its races. The main body of material upon which our understanding of the prehistoric pe riod of human existence is based therefore comprises: first, remains left by early humans largely in form of tools, artifacts and animal bones found by archaeological excavation in old habitation sites; secondly, other traces of their activities, such as b uildings and rock- carving or rock painting; and lastly, the bones of the early humans themselves. These materials give credible evidence of their social, intellectual and religious life. However, the time when prehistory ends and history begins varies greatly in different parts of the world. Archaeological investigation of the material remains of prehistoric or early humans has shown that a variety of cultures flourished in different parts of the world and at different times. These have been grouped into a series of major cultures based primarily on the nature of the principal tool or material used for implements, and sometimes on the techniques used in fashioning these implements. In the absence of fixed dates, these cultures have usually been divided into the following series of periods or age, beginning with the oldest: (i) Paleolithic (Old Stone Age); characterised by the use of chipped stone implements; 2 D.O. Ajayi ii. Mesolithic (Middle Stone Age), characterised by the use of small, very finely trimmed, flat and thin ston e implements; iii. Neolithic (New Stone Age), characterised by the use of polished stone implements; this period was also marked by production of food and domestication of animals; iv. Bronze Age: characterised by the use of bronze implements; v. Iron Age: characteris ed by the use of iron implements. However, these names refer to cultural stages rather than to periods of time. The dates of the cultures to which they refer differ widely in different parts of the world, for each one began and ended at different times in different parts of the world. Humans are primates, that is, the highest order of mammals. Physical and genetic similarities show that the modern human species, that is, Homo sapiens , has a very close relationship to another group of primate species; the Apes. Humans and the great apes (large apes) of Africa â€“ Chimpanzees and gorillas â€“ are believed to share a common ancestor, the Australopithecus, which lived between six and eight million years ago. However, human beings clearly stand out as the most dist inctive of the primate species. Variations in genetic makeup and body chemistry have led to enormous differences in levels of intelligence and ability to exercise control over the natural world. Humans developed an extraordinary high order of intelligence which enabled them to devise tools, technologies, language skills and other means of communication and cooperation. Whereas other animal species adapted physically and genetically to their environment, human beings altered the natural environment to suit t heir own needs and desires. Early Humans in Africa The place of origin of humans is still uncertain. The old theory of Central Asia as the â€˜cradle of mankindâ€™ was based on false premises, which have been abandoned. From the living and fossil great apes, australopithecines , and humans, it is thought that Africa and the Early Humans 3 humans first evolved in Africa, and that the divergence of humans from the general anthropoid stem probably occurred in Africa. The idea that humans evolved in Africa can be traced to Charles Darwin. In his 1871 book, The Descent of Man , Darwin speculated that it was probable that Africa was the cradle of humans, because their closest living relatives â€“ Chimpanzees and gorillas â€“ live there. Although, it is impossible to answer all the questions raised on the origins of human beings, the paleontological records brought to light in the last 150 years provide the basis for an evolutionary theory which appears to be fairly established. Archaeological discoveries in South Africa by Prof.Â Raymond Dart and Dr.Â L.S.B. Leaky and his wife Mary Leaky in East Africa have reawakened the speculation that Africa was the probable birthplace of Man. Through these discoveries it has been possible to trace a conceivable evolution of Man from Australopithecus through Homo erectu s to Homo sapiens. For our purpose in this chapter, the history of humans began at the moment when they were able to fashion their first stone tools that can be unmistakably recognised to be of human workmanship. (1) Australopithecus (the Southern Ape) (Plural Australopithecines ) Archaeological discoveries in Tanzania, Kenya, Ethiopia and other places have revealed bones and tools of human ancestors going back about four to five million years. The Olduvai Gorge in Tanzania and Hadar in Ethiopia have yielded especially rich remains of human species. These finds represented several species of the oldest hominids belonging to the genus Australopithecus (the Southern Ape), believed to have flourished in East Africa about four million years ago before spreading t hroughout the continent. Compared to other apes, Australopithecines were believed to be sophisticated creatures. They were bipeds, that is, they walked upright on two legs, which enabled them to use their arms independently for other tasks. They had well - developed hands with opposable thumbs, which enabled them to grasp tools and perform intricate 4 D.O. Ajayi operations. Paleontologists also believed that they probably had some ability to communicate verbally, although analysis of their skulls suggests that the portion of the brain responsible for speech was not very large or well - developed. Australopithecus comprised of two species, namely; (i) Australopithecus Africanus â€“ slender, chimpanzee - sized and omnivorous. (ii) Australopithecus Robustus â€“ size of gorilla, with large teeth and subsisted mainly on vegetarian diet. The intelligence of the Australopithecus was sufficient to allow them to plan complex ventures. They often travelled deliberately over distance of up to fifteen kilometers (9.3 miles) and more to obtain the particular kinds of stone that they needed to fashion tools. These tools included choppers, scrapers and other implements for food preparation. With the aid of their tools and intelligence, Australopithecines established themselves securely throughout most eastern and southern Africa. 2. Homo Habilis (handy man) From about 2 million years ago, a group of Hominids lived in eastern and southern Africa at the same time as Australopithecines. They are called Homo habilis, whose remains were found in Tanzania , Ethiopia, Kenya and South Africa. The individuals in this group stood out from the Australopithecines for their bigger brain and the traces they left of a rudimental civilisation. In addition to the remains, hand- worked pebbles have been found chipped along the margin of one or both sides (chopper and chopping tools). They are the earliest evidence of intentional stone carving which appears to express a level of intellect corresponding to that of human beings. 3. Homo erectus (Upright walking man) As early as 1.6 million years ago in Africa, life forms having higher cranial capacity evolved and displaced their Africa and the Early Humans 5 predecessors. The new species represented creatures considerably different from the Australopithecines. Most important of them was Homo erectus , belie ved to have flourished in East, South and West Africa. The culture of Homo erectus attests to an unmistakable human level, and their civilisation proved more advanced: bifacial industries, pebble carving, cleavers and hand axes and stone chipping. Bifacial tools and splinters, show intentional shaping aimed at a given plan. Similarly, splinter fashioning gives evidence to the will to improve on the functionality of the tools. The presence of Homo erectus was believed to have coincided with the domestic use of fire, which furnished the species with a means to cook food, a defence against large animals and a source of artificial heat. Even more important than tools and fire were intelligence and language skills. Paleontologists and archaeologists have determined that bands of Homo erectus men conducted their hunts in well - coordinated ways that presumed prior communication. Regarding the economy, Homo erectus relied on hunting and gathering as throughout all the Paleolithic period. With effective tools, fire, intelligence and language, Homo erectus gained increasing control over the natural environment and introduced the human species into widely scattered regions. Whereas Australopithecines had not ventured beyond eastern and southern Africa, Homo erectus, it wa s believed, migrated to North Africa, Asia and Europe. 4. Homo Sapiens (consciously thinking human) Like its predecessor, Homo erectus faded with the arrival of more intelligent and successful human species, Homo sapiens. This transition is believed to have taken place between 200,000 and 100,000 years ago. In those times, Homo sapiens was fully evolved, and had differentiated into the various sub- species regarded as the five or six main races of mankind. Other species of Homo not directly ancestral to Homo s apiens, the Neanderthal men, were uncovered in Europe dating form upper Paleolithic. The 6 D.O. Ajayi Neanderthal man, whose fossils were found in the Neander Valley of Germany in 1856, became extinct about 10,000 years ago. However, human remains dating from about 90,000 years ago, found in Palestine, descending from the African forms of Homo have been recognised as evidence of the origins of the Homo sapiens species, that is, present day human beings. Homo sapiens was believed to possess a large brain. This physical f eature provided Homo sapiens with an enormous advantage, which earlier species lacked. Although not endowed with great strength and not equipped with natural means of attack and defence, such as, claws, beaks, fangs, shells, venom and the like, paleontolog ical evidence suggests that Homo sapiens possessed a remarkable intelligence that provided a powerful edge in the contest for survival. Intelligence enabled Homo sapiens to adapt to widely varying environmental conditions and to establish the species secur ely throughout the world. Beginning more than 100,000 years ago, communities of Homo sapiens spread and populated the temperate lands of Africa, Europe and Asia. At sites of early settlements in Africa, archaeologists have discovered increasingly sophistic ated tools that reflect Homo sapiensâ€™ progressive control over the environment. In addition to the choppers, scrapers, axes and other tools that earlier species possessed, Homo sapiens used knives, spears, bows, and arrows. Individuals made dwelling for themselves in caves and in hut -like shelters fabricated from wood, bones, and animal skins. Homo sapiens learned to use spoken languages to communicate complex ideas and coordinate their efforts in common interest. Homo sapiens thus used superior intelligenc e, sophisticated tools, and language to exploit the natural world more effectively than any other species the earth had seen. Economy and Society of Early Humans in Africa The principal characteristic of the Paleolithic era was that human beings foraged f or their food: they hunted wild animals and Africa and the Early Humans 7 gathered edible plants. Men travelled on sometimes distant hunting expeditions in search of animals, while women and children gathered edible plants, roots, nuts and fruits. Hunting and gathering, peoples did not just wander aimlessly about hoping to find food. Rather, they exploited the environment systematically and effectively by timing their movements to coincide with the seasonal migrations of the animals they hunted and the plant species they gathered. Meat from hunt was the most highly prized item in the Paleolithic diet, but plant foods were essential for survival. As a source of protein, meat was a crucial supplement to the diet. Apart from supplying meat, the bones of the animals served as tools, skins f or clothing and shelter, leather bags for gathering, water jugs and rubber strings for hunting and for carrying babies. Early humans fashioned special tools such as sharp knives, spears and bows and arrows, and devised special tactics for hunting large ani mals such as, elephants, rhinoceros, antelopes, buffaloes, and wild cattle. The hunters wore disguises such as, animal skins and coordinated their movements so as to attack a game simultaneously from different directions. They sometimes even started fires or caused disturbances to drive herds into swamps or enclosed areas where hunters could kill them more easily. Gathering was mostly done by women and children who used digging sticks and carrying leather bags. They collected a variety of large nuts, fruits , edible roots and tubers. Gathering accounted for up to three quarter of the normal daily diet. For those who lived near the big rivers, fishing developed to become a major pre-occupation and source of protein. Aquatic animals were caught by bone hooks, t idal traps, baskets and nets. A hunting and gathering economy had implications for community size and organisation. The foraging lifestyle of hunters and gatherers meant that they lived in small bands of about thirty to fifty members. Larger groups could not move effectively or find enough food to survive over a long period. Although individual bands had relationships with their neighbours, the immediate community was the focus of social life. Archaeologists have identified several Paleolithic sites in dif ferent parts of Africa. These include Sango Bay in Lake Victoria, Still Bay in South - 8 D.O. Ajayi Central Africa, Congo South Africa, North Central Africa and East Africa. The Nigerian examples of Paleolithic sites include Mejiro Cave, Near Old Oyo, Rop- Rock Shelter on the Jos Plateau and Iwo Eleru in present day Ondo State. Similarly, a hunting and gathering economy virtually prevented individuals from accumulating private property and basing social distinction on wealth. Given their mobility, the notion of private landed property had no meaning at all. Individuals possessed only a few items like weapons and tools that they can carry easily as they move. Social distinctions nonetheless arose, and some individuals became influential because of their age, strength, courage, intelligence, force of personality or some other traits. The transition from Paleolithic to Neolithic (New Stone Age), which began some 80,000 to 70,000 years ago, was marked by the invention and adoption of techniques for food production and the domestication of animals. These new techniques altered the natural world and steered early human societies in new direction. Man ceased to be a forager, eternally following his food supply, and became a sedentary being, residing and growing his food in one spot. Instead of just collecting available foods in the wild, Neolithic societies began to nurture plants. Similarly, instead of just stalking game with the intention of killing it for meat, Neolithic men began to capture animals and domesticate them by providing for their needs and supervising their breeding. These practices gradually led to the formation of agricultural economies. The origin of agriculture has remained the subject of controversy among scholars; while some claimed that agriculture started in Anatolia, southwest Asia, from where it spread, first to Lower Egypt and from thence to other parts of the continent, others maintained that Africa experienced food production independently. An assured food supply to carry over lean seasons led to a grea t increase in the population in most of the formerly inhabited areas, and the opening up of new settlements. The altered conditions equally made possible the accumulation of possessions, the creation and satisfaction of new needs, the leisure for invention and speculation, the growth of large communities and cities, the development of more complex social organisation, and all the progress witnessed ever since. Africa and the Early Humans 9 Conclusion Long before the invention of writing, human beings made a place for their species i n the natural world and laid the social, economic and cultural foundations on which their successors built increasingly complex societies. A series of spectacular discoveries in Tanzania, Kenya, Ethiopia, South Africa and other places has thrown valuable l ight on the development of human species and the culture of early humans. Early humans in Africa lived in tiny communities with no permanent home. They formed compact, mobile societies, each consisting of a few dozen people and they travelled regularly in pursuit of game and edible plants. Intelligence set human beings apart from other members of the animal kingdom and enabled them to invent tools and techniques that enhanced their ability to exploit the natural environment. About 12,000 years ago, human gr oups began to experiment with agriculture and it soon became clear that cultivation provided a larger and reliable means of food supply than did foraging. The adoption of agriculture led to rapid population growth and the emergence of complex societies. Bibliography Bently, J. and H. Ziegler. 2006. Traditions encounters: A global perspective on the past. New York: McGraw Hill. Clark, J.D.C. 1970. The prehistory of Africa. London: Thames and Hudson. Davidson, B. 1964. Old Africa rediscovered. London: G ollancz. __________. 1969. The Africans: An entry to culture history. London: Longman. __________. 1972. Guide to African h istory London: Allen and Uwin Ltd. Fage, J.D. 1978. A history of Africa. London, Falola, T. Ed. 2000. Africa: African cultures and societies before 1885. Vol. 2 Durham, North Carolina: Carolina Academic Press. Gilbert, E. and J.T. Reynolds. 2004. Africa in world history: From pre - history to the present. New Jersey: Pearson Education Inc. Kathy, D.S. and T. Nicholas. 1993. Making sil ent stones speak: Human evolution and the dawn of technology. New York. 10 D.O. Ajayi Leakey, L.S.B. 1962. The progress and evolution of man in Africa. London. McEwan, P.J.M. 1969. Africa from earliest times to 1800. London. Oliver, R. and Fagan, B.M. 1975. Africa in the iron age C. 500 to A.D. 1400. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pilbeam, D. 1984. The descent of hominoids and hominids. Scientific American Vol. 250. Robert, S.A. 2007. Simpler origin for life. Scientific American June 2007 Sik, E. 1970. The hi story of black Africa. Budapest: Akademiai Kiado. Suzan, M. 2008. The Origin of Forms was Abrupt not Gradual Archaeology Available @ www.archaeology.org./online/ interviews/ newman.html 2 EARLY AFRICAN CENTRES OF CIVILISATION: EGYPT, KUSH AND AXUM V.O. Edo Introduction Egypt, Kush and Axum were probably the main centres of early African civilisation in Africa. Of these three great civilisations, Egypt was the earliest and a number of factors were responsible for its growth. Egypt was located at a point northeast of Africa where it was externally influenced by Asia, and the food production revolution as well as technological revolution leading to the use of iron implements. By 5,000 B.C., immigra76nts from South- West Asia had introduced food production techniques to Egypt. The consequence of this was the development of food producing communities in the middle Egypt. The first of these were the Tasians and Badarians who moved down the flood plains into the Nile Valley where th ey lived in fortified villages such as El -Amra and Nagada. Hitherto, the Paleolithic hunters had avoided the Nile Valley and Delta, which were jungle swamps. With the cultivation of cereals and domestication of animals, settled communities (one of the indi ces of civilisation) began to emerge. The River Nile aided the growth of the agricultural communities. Its annual floods replenished its narrow valley with silts. This enriched the soil by making it fertile and suitable for agriculture. The farmers who had moved from the flood plains to the valley were able to produce surplus food and their population grew phenomenally. By 5,000 B.C., the population of Egypt was estimated to be less than 20,000 had by 3,500 B.C., risen to 3 million. The growth in population was concomitant with the specialis ation and improvement in the culture of the people. Farming communities grew into villages and villages into towns with elaborate political organisation. Apart from providing silts for 12 V.O. Edo soil rejuvenation, the Nile provided a line of communication for the Egyptians. As the Egypti an population grew and specialis ation increased, the people were no longer self -sufficient. The River Nile was one of the important means by which they made contact with their southern neighbours for the provision of their needs such as gold, wood, Ivory etc. Besides, Egypt developed an elaborate and stable system of monarchy at the head of which was a divine king regarded as god. In theory, he had absolute power of life and death over his subjects. T he Egyptian king, Pharaoh was surrounded by officials, priests and army officers. The kingdom was divided into forty local districts, each supervised by a governor appointed by the Pharaoh. The day -to- day administration was carried out by a bureaucracy of well - educated civil servants such as scribes, tax collectors etc. The Pharaohs were able to maintain strong control because their position as divine kings gave them power and authority. Egypt, Meroe and Axum Civilisations Kush, Meroe and Axum however, suc ceeded Egypt as the centres of civilisations in Africa as we shall see later. It is significant that it was Meroe in Southern Kush that really became the next major centre of civilisation, but had to later give way to Axum. Egypt developed one of the oldes t forms of writing, namely, Hieroglyphics, which was a unique combination of pictures and sounds. In the same vein, Egyptians developed the art of irrigation, mathematics and astronomy. They studied the moon and the stars in order to understand the season and calculate the timing of the flood. In the process, they were among those who developed the first twelve months calendar of 365 days as well as the Nilometer for recording the rise and fall of the Nile and water clock for measuring the time of the day. In addition, Egyptians believed in many gods. Each god had its shrine and temple. For example, Ra â€”the sun god, Amunâ€”the god of the wind had separate shrines. Other gods were related to the worship of animals such as the hawk, crocodile, snake, jackal etc. Egyptians also believed in life after death. The bodies of the wealthy were mummified, that is, wrapped in linen cloth and Early African Centres o f Civilisation : Egypt, Kush and Axum 13 placed in tombs filled with personal possessions of food and drinks considered as grave goods. Worthy of mention too is the fact that the Pharaohs were buried in pyramidal order. Moreover, it is significant that Egyptians high standard of architecture was manifested in the building of pyramids. According to Herodotus, the greatest of these was the pyramid of Gizeh, which was 48ft high a nd consisted of about two million, three thousand stone blocks of an average weight of 2Â½ tons that engaged the labour of about 100,000 people for twenty years. The Egyptians were stone builders; they built their temples, statutes and pyramids with stones. Besides, the Pharaohs also employed craftsmen and artists who helped in building their houses with mud walls, strong wooden doors and windows. In the early dynastic period, Egypt established extensive trade links with the outside world. It imported silver from the Aegen Islands, Obsidian from Ethiopia, gold and copper from the Red Sea hills. Hence, while -it could be said that agriculture was the pillar of the Egyptian economy; trade was hence merely one of the superstructures. Egyptian influence spread thr ough the Nile Valley region. As they found their expansion towards Asia threatened by the Hittites, the Egyptians turned attention southwards. Their colonies grew along the Nile Valley. Their motives were the search for securit y and gold. Hence, by 1500 B.C., they had conquered and annexed all the territories along the Nile Valley as far as the 4 th cataract and made themselves master of Kush (present day Sudan). Majority of the Egyptians were farmers who produced agricultural surplus on which the wealth, power and fame of Egyptian civilisation was built. The peasants lived in small mud houses, ate bread, onions and fish. Their main crops were wheat, barley and flax. They also grew figs and grapes. They kept cattle, goats, geese and hunted wild birds. They ha rvested large surplus from their crops, but these were taken by Pharaohsâ€™ tax masters leaving them with just enough to feed themselves. Peasant farmers were heavily taxed. Taxes were assessed according to the level of the Nile. Peasant labours were used fo r large irrigation works, digging of canals and building large stone palaces. All said, Egypt was a very prosperous and powerful empire, which extended from the Sudan in Africa to western Asia as far 14 V.O. Edo north as Syria. During this period, however, imperial power led to Egypt becoming greatly cosmopolitan, and some of the foreign influences that entered the culture eventually began to work negatively on the state. In 1670 B.C., the first foreign invasion of Egypt occurred, when the Hyksos invaded the Delta from Western Asia using bronze weapons superior to the copper types used by the Egyptians. They rode horse - drawn chariots, but were later driven out by the Thebean kings (1570 - 1085 B.C.). However, after 1100 B.C., the empire was attacked from across the de sert in the west and in the Mediterranean in the north. By 1050 B.C., Persia and Nubia had broken free. There followed invasions from Nubia, Assyria and Persia. By 666 B.C., Egyptian land was invaded and its capital sacked. Egypt was despoiled of its wealth and magnificence by the Assyrians, whose culture included iron metallurgy. After this invasion from a power from across the Mediterranean Sea, Pharaonic Egypt was never to recover its earlier grandeur. Today, what remains of that great African culture or civilisation are the archaeological relics. Egyptâ€™s most lasting influence can be seen from the successor - civilisation which emerged to the south east, up the Nile Valley and around the Horn of Africa. With the decline of Egypt emerged the kingdom of Kush that spread over the present day Republic of Sudan and lay to the south of Egypt as the next centre of African civilisation. Like Egypt, Kush depended on the river Nile for its life. From about 2000 B.C., the Nile Valley up to the 4th cataract was under E gyptian influence. However, with the decline of Egypt as from about 1100 B.C., its political control of Nubia (Northern Sudan) became tenuous. Thereafter, the local rulers of Nubia built a kingdom known as Kush. Kush seized the opportunity of the decline t o assert its independence. In 700 B.C., the Kushite King, Kashta, rebelled against the Egyptian authority and declared Kush an independent kingdom. He also invaded and conquered Egypt and ruled over her as far as Thebes, capital of Upper Egypt. Kashtaâ€™s so n, Piankhy, completed the conquest of Egypt. It is significant to note that, the Kushite kings established the 25 th dynasty in Egypt. Taharqa, Piankhyâ€™s son and successor, ruled at a Early African Centres o f Civilisation : Egypt, Kush and Axum 15 time when Egypt was threatened by the Assyrians. Consequently, he moved his capital to the Egyptian Delta so as to keep watch over external aggression from Asia Minor. However, in 671 B.C., Egypt was attacked by Assyria and Taharqa was driven to Memphis. In 669 B.C., he drove out the Assyrians, but did not succeed in eliminatin g their threat. They eventually drove him out of Egypt in 666 B.C., and he died in 663 B.C. The Kushites were finally outsted from Egypt in the reign of his successor Tanwetamani. Having been finally flushed out of Egypt, the Kushite kings returned to Napa ta, their ancient capital, as kings of Upper and Lower Egypt. Their kingdom extended as far south as Sennar and as far north as Kalabsha in Egyptian Nubia. The kingdom of Kush was ruled from Napata until the 6 th century B.C. In 591 B.C., an Egyptian expedi tion led by Amasis and Potasimto captured Napata. Consequently, the capital of Kush was transferred to Meroe. Meroe lay at the northern end of the tropical rainfall belt. It had great expanse of land under cultivation during the rainy season. Put different ly, Meroe stands within the region of annual rainfall â€“ the broad valleys of the Butana, the Wadi Awateib and the Wadi Hawad â€“ which produced an abundance of crops and pasture for animals (advantages lacking in the Napata region) to support an urban civili sation. Meroe, therefore, benefited from the annual floods of the River Nile and River Atbara, its tributary. As a result of all these ecological advantages, crops could be grown in the plains and in the river valley. Cattle rearing were also done. In addi tion, Meroe lay on a trade route along the River Atbara into the Abyssinian hills and hence to India. The city was, therefore, well placed for trade as it is being located on a navigable stretch of river at the end of easy caravan routes from the Red Sea. Furthermore, Meroe was a centre of iron mining. There was an abundance of iron ore as well as timber for iron- smelting and it is very significant that iron -technology in Kush (as in Egypt) dates from after this time. The production of iron weapons in Meroe greatly contributed to the military superiority of Kush over its neighbours and enabled it to control the trade routes leading to 16 V.O. Edo Egypt and the Red Sea Coast. All these economic advantages made Meroe more attractive as a capital than Napata. From their capital at Meroe, the Kushites traded with the people of the Sudanic Belt of Africa, Egypt, Saudi -Arabia and Abysinia (Ethiopian Highlands). Its export included ivory, slaves, animal skins, ostrich feather, ebony, gold etc. The kushites were the first group of African people to achieve a position of importance as they won the respect of the early civilis ed world. The structure of the Kushite houses was essentially African. Their houses consisted of open courtyards surrounded by a series of rooms all open into the courtyards and their huts were like elongated beehives with arch doorways. As former Egyptian colonies, the Kushites were culturally influenced by Egypt. Their temples, which bore inscriptions in Egyptian hieroglyphics, were dedicated to the Egyptian gods. Their kings led priestly lives of Egyptian Pharaohs and styled themselves as kings of Upper and Lower Egypt. They inherited the idea of divine monarchy from Egypt. The office of the king was hereditary in the royal lineage. The king was selected after consulting the oracles. After being pronounced king at Meroe, he proceeded to Napata, the religious capital for coronation. Despite the above Egyptian influences, the Kushites developed an indigenous culture known as the Meroitic culture. A local language, that is, the Meroitic language came to replace Egyptian as the spoken court language. A distinctive Meroitic alphabet and script were developed. They added their own local gods and shrines to the Egyptian ones. Prominent among these was the lion godâ€”Ape demek. They also built pyramids, but were distinct from those of Egypt. Meroitic pyramids were small, rectangular in size and shape. Indeed, the pyrasmids were flat -tipped. Meroe was economically distinct from Egypt. The economy was not based primarily on irrigation as in Egypt. They received rains in the summer and could grow crops extensively far away from the valleys. As a result, their population spread over wide areas. They lived in small rural villages ruled by chiefs and family heads. They were less politically controlled than their Egyptian counterparts who lived in the flood plains of the Nile. They paid taxes in form of annual dues. The herdsmen were semi -nomadic, Early African Centres o f Civilisation : Egypt, Kush and Axum 17 less controlled by the central government provided they paid dues in livestock. The r ulers, government officials, and craftsmen all live in towns. Although the ruler was theoretically absolute, an unpopular ruler could be removed. The king derived wealth from the control of trade. Exports came from the products of mining and hunting. These were controlled by the king. Hunters formed the nucleus of the army. Elephants were used in war. Trained elephants from Meroe were exported to Egypt for military purpose. Iron -smelting was their principal industry. Farming tools and weapons were made from the availability of iron implements. Soldiers, hunters and farmers used superior iron tools and weapons. It is worthy of note that, iron was responsible for the growth and wealth of the kingdom. In this vein, iron smelting spread widely in the Meroitic kingdom. The advent of this technology to sub- Saharan Africa was an event of very great significance for the development of the continent, and it caused a dramatic change in the ways of life as well as the social and political organisation of the African peoples. Most of Africa went directly from a predominantly stone -using economy to one incorporating the use of iron in the manufacture of tools and weapons. But the introduction of this technology must have been gradual. Stone tools and weapons continued long in use alongside their iron counterparts. How the technology of iron- smelting emerged in Africa is still a much debated question. Also, decisive evidence as to the source or sources of this knowledge, the routes by which it came, and the dates of its arri val in various parts of the continent, south of the Sahara would be of extremely great value for our understanding of a critical period in the history of the continent. It is, however, very probable that East and Central Africa acquired this knowledge through diffusion from Meroe. In West Africa, the proof is more difficult to ascertain. Some scholars suggest diffusion from North Africa, with Carthage as the probable origin from where it came to West Africa. There is, however, need for further research to confirm this assertion. Herodotus, the Greek historian, who visited Egypt in 430 B.C., when Meroe was flourishing, explained that Greek culture borrowed a great deal from the culture of the Northern Nile Valley, and especially in the area of religion. This view was shared by 18 V.O. Edo many other ancient Greek intellectuals. The real importance of Meroe for the history of Africa cannot, therefore, be confined to its putative role as a disseminator of technologies and ideas, some of which will have come to Meroe itself from across the Mediterranean and from Africa in the first instance. Indeed, iron technology brought about great changes. The use of iron, apart from enabling agriculture to make great stride through the aid of iron implements (which led to increases in productivity and, therefore, in population), also provided weapons which made possible the development of centralised authority. The African States that emerged in the middle ages, notably in the Western Sudan (for example, Ghana, Mali and Songhai) may have derived some of their ideas of state organisation from Meroe along with their knowledge of iron- working, since the use of iron- working was of paramount significance. The kingdom of Meroe which lies in Southern Kush rose and expanded as far as the 2 nd catar act, and in 23 B.C., its army attacked Syrene, a border town between it and Roman ruled Egypt. A number of statues were taken away, including the Bronze Head of Augustus, the Roman Emperor. This invasion, led to a counter attack by Roman soldiers who raide d Meroe as far as Napata, causing destruction. Meroe, however, recovered under Netekaniani (12 B.C. - 12 A.D.). The Kingdom of Meroe expanded from the Ethiopian hills in the south to the first cataract in the north. As it turned out, the kingdom collapsed after 300 A.D due to a number of factors. The economy of the kingdom declined as a result of the over -exploitation of land. Excessive felling of trees for fuel in the smelting industries led to deforestation, erosion and loss of top soil. The land lost its fertility and became unproductive agriculturally. Its trade was also closely tied to the wealth of Egypt and so a decline in the wealth of Egypt meant less demand for Meroeâ€™s luxury goods. Consequently, Meroe lost its Red Sea trade to Axum (Ethiopia). Finally, in c.Â 350 A.D. an Axumite army invaded the kingdom and this signified the fall of the empire. In its place rose the Axumite kingdom, namely, present day Ethiopia. Axum Axum, therefore, became the third ancient African centre of civilisation. In its hey days, it was known as the Axumite kingdom Early African Centres o f Civilisation : Egypt, Kush and Axum 19 in the land now called Ethiopia. Axum was for a long time a rival of the Meroitic kingdom. Iron- smelting technology reached Axum from Southwest Asia at about the same time as it came to Kush and Egypt, that is, about the 6th century B.C. However, the immense expansion of Axumite power was contemporaneous with the decline of Meroe. The kingdom of Axum covered an area, which was about 300km by 160km. Axum was a rich agricultural kingdom. The crops planted include wheat and other cereals. The Axumite people used ploughs drawn by oxen to till their soil. They raised livestockâ€™s which included sheep, cattle, goat etc. They were also able to domesticate elephants. Like the Kushites, the Axumites were artisans and craft smen â€”blacksmiths, metal workers, potters, builders and carvers. The kingdom was also noted for commerce. Axum has been described as the main commercial centre between the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean during this period. Its hinterland provided ivory, shells, gold etc. Axumâ€™s major port was Adulis and this attracted traders from Greece, Persia and India. Apart from the items mentioned above, others include olive oil from Italy, slaves, wine, cereals and grape juice from Egypt. A projected Axumite allia nce with the Roman Byzantine Empire in 531 A.D. with the objective of destroying the Persian monopoly of the silk trade with Shri Lanka failed to materialise. But Axum maintained immense commercial transactions with many other nations from the first centur y onwards. Axumite commercial relations were obviously aided by the kingdomâ€™s employment of three languages for communication. These were Geâ€™ez (Ethiopic), Greek (also used occasionally in public documents), and Sabaean, the language of the Yemen. The king dom of Axum was perhaps the first state in Africa to introduce its own coin. It minted its own gold, silver and copper coins. The names of its kings as well as motto were inscribed on their coins. The first king of Axum to put coin into circulation was called Edybis and this took place in the 2 nd half of the 3rd century A.D. Moreover, Axum had a great army with which it embarked on impressive military campaigns. For example, the king of Axum campaigned northwards as far as the River Nile and it captured Meroe in 350 A.D. Towards the south, it went as far as the Ethiopian Mountain and toward the east, across the straits of 20 V.O. Edo Yemen. Under king Ezana in early 4th century A.D., the Axumites attacked and conquered the Meroitic kingdom. Axum under king Ezana control led the maritime and caravan trade - routes of north east Africa and southern Arabia. Already, in the latter part of the 3 rd Century A.D. Axum was ranked third among the great powers of the contemporary Meditteranean world -after Rome and Persia. In the ear ly 4th century A.D., Axum became an independent Christian kingdom, though its church acknowledges the general authority of the Monophysite patriarchs of Alexandria in Egypt. However, before the introduction of Christianity by the Greeks and Assyrians in the 4th century A.D., the people of Axum were polytheists and, therefore, worshipped many gods. Such gods included Astar, Venus and Beher which was known as the god of the earth. They also worshipped the god of war called Mahrem. They made sacrifices of domestic animals to these gods as atonements. They also believed in life after death. To confirm this, Axumite kings were buried with wealth and property, which the deceased were expected to enjoy in the life beyond. They also engaged in ancestral worship and the graves of their kings were regarded as holy places. Very little is known about the political organisation of the Axumites. However, we do know that they were ruled by divine kings. They believed that their kingdom was entrusted to the kings by the gods. The office of the king was hereditary in the royal family. The king entrusted his relatives or close relations with power and authority. He exercised direct control in the capital and its environs, while regional rulers administered areas far away from t he capital. The Axumite regional rulers paid tribute to the kings, but this could be withheld whenever the capital was weak. Indeed, they could assert their independence. Therefore, the authority of the king depended on his ability to control the regional rulers militarily. Apart from tributes, the king derived revenue from his control of trade at the port of Adulis where his officials charged taxes on all imported goods as well as exports. To the credit of the Axumites, they were reputed to be good in the art of stone building. They built temples, houses, palaces and tombs for their kings and wealthy aristocrats. They were also literate and they developed their schools called the Geeds. Early African Centres o f Civilisation : Egypt, Kush and Axum 21 It was on the basis of the ancient Axumite achievements that the late E mperor of Ethiopia, Haile Selassie, assumed the praise name of â€œthe Lion of Judahâ€, recalling the manner in which his distant Axumite predecessor, Ezana, had described his subjugation and sovereignty over the South Arabian territories of Himyar, Raidan, Sa ba, and Sahlem as well as Siyambo to the south of Axum, the Blemmye peoples in the desert region to the north of Axum, and the Island of Meroe. King Ezana had published a record of these exploits in two inscriptions, the first a trilingual document in Gree k, Ethiopic and Sabaean, and the second in Ethiopic. Nevertheless, in spite of all these exploits, the kingdom started to collapse from the 6 th century A.D., due to a number of factors, having reached the height of its power in this period. The decline of Axum was brought about by the Persian conquest of Yemen and the Arab conquest of Egypt, which disrupted commerce in the Red Sea. By 700 A.D., its trade links with India and the Eastern Mediterranean had been disconnected. At this period, groups of Axumites began to migrate into the interior of Ethiopia mixing with the indigenous people. The products of this admixture were the people of Amhara, Tigre and Gojam who are the nucleus of the present day Ethiopia. Hence, it could be argued that the rise of Islam a nd its spread across northern Africa in the 6 th and 7th centuries A.D. caused much of the trade of Axum to be diverted away from the Red Sea from where came the bulk of Axumite commerce. The trade between the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean now passed t hrough the Persian Gulf. Besides, environmental deterioration just as it hit Meroe also affected the fortunes of Axum. The felling of trees and the exploitation of soil led to soil infertility and erosion as was the kingdom of Meroe, when it collapsed. By 800 A.D., Axum had become depleted and the capital had been moved to the interior central Island of Ethiopia where there could be found a more distinctive African Christian culture. Conclusion Such was the great civilisation of Africa, which started with Egypt, through the Sudan represented by Kush, and ended with Axum (present day Ethiopia). These three civilisations matched other 22 V.O. Edo civilisations in the world at the earliest times and so place Africa on the world map. The African continent was, therefore, not a push over considering the landmarks identified above. Subsequent other African centres of great significance are the Great Zimbabwe, typified by the Monomatapa Empire, the Swahili culture, the Western Sudanese Empires â€”Old Ghana, Mali and Songhai as w ell as the civilisations of Nigeria â€”the Nok, Ife, Benin, Igbo- ukwu, among several others. Bibliography Boahen, A. 1966. Topics in West African history. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Bovil, E.E. 1966. The golden trade of the moors. London. Daniel, G. 1964. Th e first civilizations. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Davidson, B. 1964. Old Africa rediscovered. London: Gollancz. Davidson, B. 1969. The Africans: An entry to culture history. London: Longman. Fage, J. D. 1978. A history of Africa. London. Falola, T. (ed). 2000. Africa: African cultures and societies before 1885 Vol. 2. Durham, North Carolina: Carolina Academic Press. Gilbert, E. and J.T. Reynolds. 2004. Africa in world history: From pre - history to the present. New Jersey: Pearson Education Inc. Leakey, L.S. B. 1962. The progress and evolution of man in Africa. London. McEwan, P.J.M. 1969. Africa from earliest times to 1800. London. Murduck, G.P. 1959. Africa: Its peoples and their culture. New York. Philip, Curtin et al.Â 1978. African h istory. London. Shinnie, M. 1968. Ancient African k ingdoms. London: Edward Arnold Ltd. Shinnie, P.L. 1967. Meroe: A civilization of the Sudan. London: Thames and Hudson. Thompson, L.A. and J. Ferguson. 1969. Africa in classical antiquity. Ibadan: IUP. Trigger, B.G. 1976. Nubia unde r the Pharaohs. London: Thames and Hudson. Trigger , B.G. and J. Kemp. 1983. Ancient Egypt: A social history. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 3 INDIGENOUS AFRICAN POLITICAL SYSTEM A.A Adedire and S.A. Okunade Indigenous political organisations discuss political organisations or institutions which had been established by the African indigenous people before the advent of Western system. African societies have often linked their institutional power with supernatural elements which can be located in various myths of origin. African political systems and institutions were traditionally mostly based on kinship and on lineage sanctioned by a founding myth. Thus, there exists a lot of historical propaganda to conceptualise political institutions in Africa. Examples are widespread in Africa. Among the Yoruba of south- western Nigeria, Oduduwa, who was an eponymous ancestor, became the first king of Ife which is the cradle of the Yoruba society. The Bayajidda legend in Hausalandâ€”the Bayajidda legend is probably regarded as the most important single source for Hausa history. The Zulu (of South Africa) believe that Unkulunku (the High God) created chiefs in the last order of creation to maintain social stability. Among the Nyoro of the Bunyoro â€“ Kitara Kingdom located in western Uganda- Ruhanga (God) created the earth and the first family, serving as the locus of Pedigree of the Nyoro. This suggests that in many African societies, the family is the unit of political culture. Indeed, the family system in African forms the bedrock of political organisation and the wherewithal of comprehending social relations, leadership trust and the basis of experimenting and implementing the rule of law which contextualis es locus of power, legitimacy and conflict resolution as will be discussed in the course of this chapter. According to Fortes, the Tallensi of Northern Ghana located their origin in the ancestors referred to as â€œtendanaâ€. Similarly, the Nupe anchored their origin on the super -power of Tsoede. All over Africa, there are myths to explain and justify the origin of political culture. The myths, often pre - suppose the fact 24 A.A. Adedire and S.A. Okunade that society or state is an offshoot of the supernatural (who controls events) in the social engineering. For example, African may describe their g ods or heroes in as many ways as the myriads of languages which abound in the continent but behind this multiplicity of language and concepts lurks a uniformity of metaphysics and, even, of epistemology. Such uniformity is to be found in the critical areas of the political thought system. These include beliefs about the origins and nature of the state, the authority of the ruler, the rights of citizens and social structure, and so on. In traditional African societies, government was based on established cu stom and tradition with no written constitutions. The lack of written constitution gave rise to a lot of mythology and misconceptions about Africa. There are varied forms and levels of political organisations. The parameter for measuring the social relevan ce of whatever political organisations in vogue is the application of the rule of law in African societies, it does not entail the existence of written statutes for regulating behaviour. The rule of law, on the other hand, may be constructed to mean respec t for and adherence to the machinery of justice geared towards conflict resolution in African societies. Significantly, every society, at one time or the other has evolved its own peculiar political system whose structure and functions are germane to the institutionalisation of social order and harmony eked out of a web or network of relationships. The legendary African, Nelson Mandela, described former indigenous political institutions thus: â€œThen our people lived peacefully, under the democratic rule of t heir kingsâ€¦. Then the country was ours, in our name and rightâ€¦. All men were free and equal and this was the foundation of government. The council of elders was so completely democratic that all members of the tribe could participate in its deliberatio n.Â Chief and subject, warrior and medicine man, all took part and endeavoured to influence its decisionâ€ (Ayittey, G.B.N. 1992). Africa betrayed. New York: Saint Martinâ€™s Press. There have always existed different forms of governance within African societies, even before the advent of the colonial Indigenous African Political System 25 powers. These were African based, and built around the values, traditions and norms of Africans. These forms of governance did not conform to the western notions of written constitutionalism, which entailed a un ilateral form of governance where the need for a controlled, formal, governmental authority, as seen in western societies, is expressed. Pre- colonial African societies had laws, which while not manifesting as codified or formal laws, were of the nature tha t they might be heard rather than seen. In pre -colonial African societies, governance was usually determined by existing systems of succession to power. Societal norms regulated these systems of succession to office and legitimacy was conferred through the respect accorded to these lines of authority. Inherent values did exist in the different political systems practiced in those societies. Also within the pre -colonial African societies, there were checks and balances on the powers of the rulers. These were evidenced in some of the practices, traditions and beliefs of the different societies. The allegiance of the subjects could, for example, easily be transferred from one ruler to another, if the ruler turned out to be despotic, cruel or a tyrant. The ruler is also expected to earn the respect of his people, and this was not based on force or intimidation. The powers and privileges of African kings were, no doubt, exceedingly great but in practice they were circumscribed. All kings were limited by the custo ms and usages of their kingdoms as well as by the structure of governments within which they had to operate. Thus, the absolutism of African ruler was more apparent than real. The king was expected to work, in almost all cases, within a structure character ised by several layers of chieftaincy groups, secret religious cults, which exercised great powers of control and age -grade associations. All these groups were sources of pressure and checks on the rulersâ€™ use of the powers allowed by his society. The Afri can political model did not provide for absolutism or tyranny. All societies provide elaborate and explicit rules of behaviour for their rulers. They expect their rulers to uphold their traditions, defend their territory from aggressors, expand, if possibl e, their wealth through wars but they also expect them to be just, considerate and conscious of the conventions and 26 A.A. Adedire and S.A. Okunade interests of the people at all times. In short, kings are looked upon as the symbols of the authority and legitimacy of their kingdoms. Their rights and privileges are expected to be coterminous, and no more, with those which the society would ordinarily confer on the people. Thus, when a king is eulogised as the owner of all the territories in his kingdom, it is not intended to mean anything more than that he is the symbol of the peopleâ€™s ancestry and legitimacy of their claim to the lands they occupy. Just as the rulerâ€™s right to issue commands and be obeyed was validated by custom and the common good of the society, the obligation of the people to obey derived from the acceptance of a common descent, custom and a common perception of the good of the society. All African societies operated within the context of myths which provided the ideological framework for the relationship between the rul er and the ruled. Acceptance of the myth of descent and the superintending role of the supernatural world involves a disposition to obey. So also is the general belief in the organic nature of the society. The society is a system of interlocking familial r elationships and destinies. There is, therefore, a common good which is in the interest of all to protect and enhance. To do otherwise is to invoke the wrath of the god(s) or ancestors whose existence provides an essential ingredient of social order. African Family System in the Context of Political Culture J.F. Ade Ajayi (1985:11 -12) posits that the family is the unit of political system in Africa. It is the bedrock of understanding the dynamics of power relations and devolution of power as well as issuan ce of wielding of authority germane to social engineering. The art of living together (in lineage and compounds) suggests a great deal of communalism and collective ethos. Sociologists and cultural anthropologists identified various types of family system. There are basically nuclear and extended family systems (which are popular reference points in a discussion about the family). In a nuclear family system, the father, the mother and their children form the nucleus of relationship. This is the foundation of a much larger family in Africa. Thus, the nuclear Indigenous African Political System 27 family is a means to an end of power relations and political culture. It is significant, therefore, to observe that the nuclear family is the foundation of a political system exhibitable in the power holdings and authority wielding within the family set -up. Obviously, there is hierarchy of power in the family system in Africa. The head of the family (the father) often issues forth power being the oldest and experienced member of the family web. The father often exhibits executive position, and power and authority flow from him. He is the food provider (bread winner), protector (securing the future livelihood) of other members of the family, executor of plans and projects, and facilitator of peace and harm ony of the family. His personality towers, far and above other members of the family but he does not arrogate autocratic power to himself because he has confidence in his wife and mother of his children. In the African society, the mother occupies the posi tion of a caretaker in all aspects of family relations and development. She usually acts as a safety valve, controller of achievable goals for the family, and a pursuer of justice, and has advisory roles to play in the scheme of developments. The developme nt of the family and protection over health, nutrition, aspiration and projection are evidences of her capacity to maintain balance of power within the family. In a nutshell, the political rights and roles of an African mother (within the family system) ar e complementary to those of the father. Thus, consultation and consolidation on agenda of development resonated in the display and control of power by both father (executive power holder) and the African mother (checkmate of power). Fundamentally, there ar e check s and balances of power and authority in African family organisation. In patrilineal society (such as in Nigeria), the executive power of the father looms large while in matrilineal society (such as in Ghana) the political power of the mother supers edes that of the father. As there are Queen mothers in Ghana, there are female kings in Nigeria (Ondo and Ile - Oluji). Therefore, political rights and roles are not stereotypically sex-specific. 28 A.A. Adedire and S.A. Okunade However, the other type of family system exhibitable in the African society is that of extended family. This type of family is an extended form of hitherto discussed nuclear family. It is, therefore, an enlarged family system with many political role -players. There are two types of extended family system in Africa th e first is known as the monogamous, extended joint -family. It consists of two or more nuclear families. This is characterised by the level of shared obligations and common interests. The second type is the polygamous extended family which consists of an adult male, his two or many wives and children. The paralegal polygamous extended family is peculiar to West African societies. Family is very important throughout Africa. Families, not individuals, are the building blocks of African society. Most people live in households that include not only the nuclear family (mother, father and children) but also members of their extended family (grandparents, aunts, uncles, cousins, and others). Family members act as both an economic and emotional network and provide in dividuals with a sense of who they are and where they belong. From the trend of discussion in this section, African family system symbolises power relations and legitimacy of authority. It is in the family system (by tradition that power thereto evolved). The evolution of political power, therefore, suggests the basis of understanding the foundation of political culture in African societies. The failure of the family system in modern African obviously translates to the collapse of good governance as present ly witnessed in contemporary African society. Emphasis is here placed on the fact that the indigenous family in Africa had a lot that it offered within the context of traditionalism. These include: robust sense of responsibility; collective ethos; common ground of orientation; solidarity front; exhibition of African personality; hospital injunctions; facilitation of peace and harmony; and projection of common goal and destiny. Indigenous African Political System 29 Type of African Political Systems There are basically four types of political systems that exist in traditional African societies. The first type is known as centralised political organisation, second involved rulers with centralised authority. The third category of society however showcased the characteristics of both centralised and non- centralised political organisation and the fourth had to do with small band societies which had their political organisation synonymous with kinship organisation. Ajayi 2005:81- 82, posits that a bout four types of political systems can be identified among traditional African Societies, these include those who operated the centralised political organisation model. In this group, the societies existed as separate, distinct and independent political entities. Such ethnic groups that fall under this categ ory include the Yoruba and Hausa of Nigeria, the Fanti and Ashanti of Ghana, as well as the Mossi of Burkina - Faso. Others were the Swazi and Zulu of South Africa as well as the Buganda. Besides, there were African societies that dispensed with monocratic r ulers and preferred to govern themselves. These societies can be referred to as non - centralised societies. Examples, of these were the Igbo of Nigeria, the Kru of Liberia, and the Tallensi of Ghana. They also included the Konkomba of Togoland, the Somali, the Jie of Uganda, and the Mbeere of Kenya. Yet others included the Massai and the Nyjakusa of Tanzania. In addition, there were those societies that exhibited the characteristics of the above two categories, that is, characteristics of centralised political organisation and non- centralised societies. Such societies are referred to as poly cephalous. It is significant that the Kpelle of Liberia practised this type of political system. They had no king or chief; rather, there were paramount chiefs with equa l authority. Finally, there were the small band societies that had their political organisation synonymous with kinship organisation. Examples could be found among the pygmies living in the forests between Zaire and Angola and the Khoisan of the Kahalari D esert in Southern Africa. The band societies had diffused political leadership. They were preoccupied with hunting, food gathering or animal husbandry. 30 A.A. Adedire and S.A. Okunade All said, whatever be the nature of the political system in any African society, the king by whatever name he was called, was regarded as paramount and ruled with the support of a group of chiefs also called by different names among the different ethnic groups. Among the Yoruba, it was and is still called the Igbimo (Council of Chiefs). It would also appear that the king, even though paramount, was not autocratic. Even if he was autocratic in theory, he was not so in practice. This was the trend virtually throughout the continent of Africa. The king was absolute only in name. To this extent, the king was at t he head of the political hierarchy in any African kingdom. He was assisted by a group of chiefs of varying and different ranks. However, at the village level, there was also a leader known as the village head or headman. Like the king, he presided over the affairs of the village. Among the Yoruba, he was and is still called the BaÃ¡lÑ. In the Benin kingdom, the Enogie presided over the villages. The king in the traditional African societies performed numerous political functions. He was the overseer of publi c affairs. He presided over the court for the administration of justice. This was the most significant task of a Shona Chief. Among the Shona, he was the guardian of social morality called Rupenya (life) and Simba (strength, vitality, and well-being). The African king was the religious or spiritual head of the society. Indeed, he represented the ancestral spirits of land and engaged in ritual sacrifice and offerings to curry their favour for the development of the society. Thus, it can be summarised that the traditional African king performed executive, legislative and judicial functions. Features of Centralised Political Power in Non -Monocratic Societies In the centralised traditional political systems in Africa, authority was centralised in a hierarchical order. The king was at the apex of the political organisation and highly revered by his subjects. At the lower echelon of administration were the village heads. However, the enormity of centralisation was different from one African society to the other. I t is significant that subsumed in the centralised structures of political organisation was the Indigenous African Political System 31 concentration of power in the hands of few political rulers, which facilitated abuse of power. Indeed, the abuse of power was a flagrant disregard for the rule of law, which often called to question the manipulation of state apparatus for governance, and gave vent to reactions and counter -reactions in African communities. However, the occurrence of the abuse of power was checked and controlled through institutiona lised machineries. In fact, institutional checks and balances came through constitutional prerequisites of empowerment. For instance, after the installation of a king in Benin and Oyo, they usually had consultation with the council of Chiefs known as the U zama and Oyomesi respectively. The consultation was based on the recognition of the advisory roles of the councils. Without doubt, the chiefs had played very prominent roles in the kingâ€™s installation as the overall head of the community. Also, the age -grades and members of the secret cults were formidable apparatus for enforcing social ethnics, especially among the Igbo and peoples of the Niger Delta in Nigeria. With these institutions on ground, it would be foolhardy for the king not to carry them along. From the afore -stated, it is important that the king must respect tradition; failure to do this was greeted with massive protests and dethronement, which differed from one African society to the other. In the old Oyo Empire, the king might be made by the Oyomesi to â€œopen the calabashâ€, that is, commit suicide. Very few African communities did not have institutionalised methods of removing their kings from office. The emirate system, for example, had no formal method of destooling the Sultan of Sokoto, even though he could be devolved. The implication of this is that the king cannot rule arbitrarily, knowing fully well that if he did, the people could rise against him and remove him from office. Characteristics of Non -Monocratic Societies The bedrock of the maintenance of law and order in non- monocratic societies in Africa was the diffusion of political power. At this point, authority was endowed in people of virtuous and proven integrity as well as titled men. For instance, in Igbo 32 A.A. Adedire and S.A. Okunade traditional political org anisation titled societies played a crucial role. The most common of them was the Ozo and Nze which was conferred on men of honour and virtue. Holders of the title could, among other things, intervene in disputes and bring peace in their communities. This representative model made popular participa - tion in governance possible. Indeed, governance was by consensus. There was no imposition or reinforcement of ideas by the individual. Decision- making was based on ideals that were popular and acceptable to the community. However, even in current debates in Nigeria, most people continue to view Igbo society as being traditionally based on â€˜democratic principlesâ€™ as expressed in the common proverb Igbo enwe(ghi) eze , â€˜the Igbo have no kingâ€™ but this does not mean t hat they had no state, just as with ancient Egbas. Contrasting the centralised political system, misuses of traditional political power in non -centralised societies were very limited and wherever discovered there were many institutional and constitutional checks against them. Clearly, the councils, the elders and the titled men could derail in their constitutional responsibilities towards the people for reasons best known to them. The existence of a general assembly, where meetings were held and important i ssues were raised and discussed was one of the constitutional checks against abuse of power and shirking of responsibilities. In such general meetings, actions of leaders could be reproved. It would be appropriate for them to sue for peace. Closely related to the first point above were the age -grades. This was also another formidable institutional control against autocracy. The age grades were empowered by the community to carry out seemingly difficult task in public works, warfare and other social callings. They serve as enforcers and facilitators of public or community will. Among the segmented societies of the western Delta area of Nigeria, there were diverse categories of the age-grades performing different roles in the society. The most junior set was m ade up of boys less than fifteen years, who executed commercial duties like sweeping and clearing village paths. The next groups were men of about forty years old who functioned basically as the labour force. They constructed public Indigenous African Political System 33 buildings and major projects within the society. They were also the men used in defence of the society. The last age - grade comprised men of about fifty years old and above. These men constituted the council of elders in the society. Also, the Tiv, for example, diligently use age -grades as powerful forces to reckon with. As a matter of fact, the Tiv of Nigeria lived in constant fear of powerful domination by power possessors. They often resisted it. Thus the Igbo, Tiv and Dagaaba were always aware of political structure of the typ e peculiar to the centralised societies but merely used centralised power of a limited form during warfare. Such a power was discarded at the time of peace. Recognition of achievements, virtues and valour was pertinent to non- centralised societies. Titles were a metaphor for wealth, influence and prestige, which invested on holder advantages of having a voice in the development of their communities. Thus title holders, as role -models in the public eyes were heard and listened to from time to time. They could, therefore, moderate disputes and check excessive manipulations of political authority. Association of craftsmen and warriors usually played monitoring roles to checkmate abuses of political authority. These are widespread in Igbo communities and Somali societies respectively. Kinship ties were very strong in segmented societies and they constituted formidable forces against abuse of power. The kingship groups provided the basis for moderating the power of the councils, elders and leaders of segmented soc ieties. This mode of moderation ensured the limitation of the exercise of political authority. Moreover, communal customs, rituals, values and sanctions have been considered by Ikelegbe to have â€œguided and moderated leadershipâ€. He also adjudges â€œmode of s uccessionâ€ in segmented societies, as militating against undue exercise of power. Indeed political offices were hardly hereditary and this suggests that political authority would have meant greater opportunities for public service and each holder upholds a strong point of expectation towards contributing to the community through performance. In this way, title holders hardly thought of engaging in reckless leadership or total neglect of responsibilities. From the above -mentioned, thus, it could be said that unlike the centralised 34 A.A. Adedire and S.A. Okunade political system, abuse of traditional political power in segmented societies was restricted in view of the various measures through which they could be checked. Conflicts and Conflict Resolution in African Society Part of the agenda of political culture in African society was the phenomenon of conflicts and conflicts resolution which quite often set the pace of development in the scheme of things. To understand the concept of conflicts is akin to situating it within the context of political culture. Conflicts occur naturally in the society. It is part of life with lots of challenges. Simply defined, conflict is a clash of interest among two or more parties to it. Conflict permeates every human society. It cannot be avoided but can be prevented, managed and resolved. Conflict, therefore, is very necessary and can set the pace for development in a society when properly handled. In other words, conflicts have its handling style. In pre -colonial African society, conflict was the order o f the day. It happened so frequently and for a desired purpose. Conflict can occur, in that context, with a view to determining the personal temperament of people, test the character traits, weigh the interest of the people in other neighbouring kingdoms, test the level of neighbourhood hospitality and showcase the ammunitions manufactured by one kingdom or the other. In all the above conflict generating situations, there was always a signal to peaceful atmosphere and strength of neighbours and kingdoms. Indeed, it is within the atmosphere of peace that development can take place. Thus conflicting parties, neighbours and communities in the pre - colonial African societies often had a sense of conflict management and resolution. The handling style of conflict in pre -colonial African society was focused on conflict management and resolution. Some methods were also in place to make the handling style of conflict effective and workable. These included adjudication, negotiation, reconciliation, meditation and arbit ration. The wedlock of both handling styles and the anchorable mechanism stood out, African society in the context of conflict de -escalation. Conflict management involves the level of control attendant on the stages of Indigenous African Political System 35 the conflict. Thus level of conflict management was determined by the severity of the issues. Although conflict management does not write off all the issues of conflict, greater percentage of them would have been controlled. Conflict resolution is more concrete evidence of checking off the ro ot of conflicts. In pre -colonial Africa, conflict resolution wrote off issues of conflict. It was more effective than conflict management because of the mechanism of rating and the mechanism of the engaging techniques. Thus in African society, there were i nstitutions of conflict resolutions. These included palace/political institution (Kings and chiefs), family institution (head of the family), age -grade associations (the head), market institution (market leaders, commodity association (executive leaders), professional guilds (the leaders) and secret societies (their leaders). In order to ensure proper peace making and conflict resolutions, leaders of the various institutions were always at their best to facilitate peace and enhance harmony in Africa. In tra ditional Africa, there was a way of ensuring the effectiveness of modes of conflicts resolutions. Apart from the fact that the deities and the ancestors watch over the scene, the rules of conflict resolutions were also followed to the letter. Again, the rule of the law which was earlier mentioned in this chapter was favourably applied. Furthermore, the wisdoms of elders along the line of the norms and customs, was practically displayed. Elders are respected as trustworthy mediators all over Africa, because of their accumulated experiences and wisdom. The concept of agba (elders) in Yoruba conflict management system, for example, is a Yoruba socio- political model for conflict resolution, and it is the third -party that is responsible for effective conflict res olution in indigenous Yoruba societies. Agba (elders) were usually relied upon as arbitrators and agents of conflict resolution in view of certain qualities possessed by this category of human beings. Agba (elders) are respected individuals identified by age and other qualities, which mark them out in their families, communities, nations, regions and the world. To be identified as an agba (elder), s/he must be fearless person (alakikanju) ; s/he must be 36 A.A. Adedire and S.A. Okunade knowledgeable and wise but must be someone who gives r oom for criticisms (ologbon, oloye, afimo ti elomiran se) ; s/he must be tolerant (alamumora) ; s/he must be upright in all ways (olotito, olododo) ; s/he must not be selfish (anikanjopon). As a matter of fact, a ceremony usually concluded the conflict resol ution scene. This involved the parties to the conflict to exhibit willingness to give peace a chance by eating some lobe of broken kolanut as in the Igbo society, eating pieces of bean cake (akara) as among the Yoruba or even drinking milk from the same calabash as among the Fulani of Northern Nigeria and the Masai of East Africa, to name a few. Thus the ceremony concluding the scene of conflict resolution was an attestation to the fact that the parties to the conflict have vowed never to allow such a confl ict to erupt again. It also shows the approval of the seal of the supernatural on the peace move or initiative. In the process of restoring conflict, oath taking and administration of ordeal were resorted to. This was to ascertain the truth and validity, i nnocence and honesty of purpose. The oath- taking include touching war or farm implements and the like. On the other hand, the ordeal was by drinking concocted water from smithery or sass wood. Certain pronouncement was made to the objects in questions and few curses could also follow the pronouncements. Marriage is one of the means to the prevention, management and resolution of conflict before slave trade, colonialism and religion changed the societal life of indigenous Africans. Marriages reduced inter -group wars as children who possessed mixed blood were used to prevent, manage and resolve conflict. Most of those marriages were inter -cultural and most times involve the royalty such as the one between Adaeze, the daughter of Obi Ossa; of Aboh and Amain, the king boy of Brass and that between King Jajaâ€™s daughter and Alafin of Oyo and Alafin of Oyoâ€™s daughter and King Jaja in 1730. The colonial administration introduced colonial statutes, ordinances and law which were used to transform African society, thereby jettisoning the hitherto existing conflict resolution model Indigenous African Political System 37 in traditional African society. The pre -colonial African institution of conflict resolution was overturned with the colonial legal courts. Thus, litigation was the method used by the colonial administrators to institutionalise peace and order. Many African kings fell prey of the litigation process and were severely punished. It is significant to note that litigations led the African society to â€œtroubled water sâ€. Not only were there inadequacie s of the existence of legal personnel to administer justice, the nature of the administered justice was corrosive. Thus in post -independence era, new ideas emerged towards decongesting the colonial law courts. This brought about the idea of introducing Alt ernative Dispute Resolution (ADR), which has since been re -christened â€” Appropriate Dispute Resolution (ADR) which largely borrowed from hitherto existed conflict resolution model of African style. Consequently, conflict resolutions are, indeed a focal point in the administration of justice, development initiative, organising programming and promotion of cultural heritage within the realm of political culture. Considered also in this chapter are the African family system viewed from the microscopic lens of political culture. The family has been conceptualised as the unit of political culture in Africa. Until the breakdown of this family system, unity of purpose and social harmony were instutionalised. African kings and chiefs as well as other socio -political o rganisations (such as the age -grade association) played tremendous role in fostering peace and harmony among Africans. As natural as conflict was, conflict management and conflict resolution were mechanisms of conflicts handling style in pre -colonial Afri ca. Such conflict handling styles were adjudged to be fundamental to the instutionalisation of peace which was the prerequisite for development agenda in African political culture. Thus conflict resolution was the hallmark of political institution in traditional Africa. The modern day political development in Africa, however, jettisoned the hitherto existed conflict resolutions model that was later reshaped and re -christened as Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) that has overwhelmed the colonial structure of the maintenance of law and order. 38 A.A. Adedire and S.A. Okunade African Traditional Governance and the Search for Recognition Since the colonisation of African territories by the Europeans powers, a lot of water has passed under the bridge of political culture. Plurality of political system permeated the body politics of African countries with several problems of identity and recognition, there emerged a dichotomy between the old and the new political dispensations. African countries have since the colonial period grappled with the dilemma of governance without appreciable development. African leaders who inherited the political culture of the colonial administrators were torn between two gruesome worlds of governance, viz -a-viz traditionalism and modern democracy. The problems faci ng African leaders today include unceremonious dismissal from political office by military coup dâ€™Ã©tat kleptocracy which is borne out of official greed; electoral malpractices and euphoria for foreign standards. A critical review of the problems will sugg est that African political leaders find it difficult to apply foreign rule to traditional governance. The crucial point to note is that traditional African government lacked the components of elective government. Traditional African states were sometimes ethnic -based as opposed to present -day multi- ethnic states. Furthermore, Ekong E. Ekong reasoned that public accountability of funds was absent in traditional African government, adaptation of modern political systems of the west has been on trial and error basis. However, not all nationsâ€™ states were mono -national entities. There were conquest s and assimilations sometimes by Oyo, Benin, Ghana and Mali empires which grew beyond mono- national boundaries and impacted on other people/nations within their legal boundaries. Most African countries now practise presidential system of government. There are, however, three categories of presidential regimes in Africa namely: rationalised, parliamentary and partisan regimes. The rationalised category is characterised by military regimes bereft of political party system as experienced in Uganda, Nigeria, Mauritania Central African Republic and Chad. Indigenous African Political System 39 The parliamentary system of governance networks with the presidential system of government and it is peculiar to both the Francophone and Anglophone countries in Africa. Presidentialism under one -party state structure is operational in Ivory Coast, Gabon, Cameroun, Togo, Zaire, Tanzania and Kenya. The partisan regime has the characteristics of multi- party system and can be identified in Senegal, Nigeriaâ€™s Second Republic and Ghanaâ€™s Third Republic. As earlier stated, African leaders are currently in a dilemma to apply new political orientation to the old dispensation. The emergent situation is that African leaders (as presiden ts) often formulated several theories to explain their ideological leanings. Some of the theories have been found to be contradictory to the principles governing their administration. As a matter of fact, most African leaders have used monarchical paradox to establish their claims for adapting presidential rule. Similarly, legitimating paradigms have been cited here namely African socialism, consciencism and negritude. At best, these ideologies formulation have produced African philosophers on the throne wi thout appreciable inauguration of very articulate modern day governance. Indeed, the situation had always produced systemic motive of philosophis ing away public funds into accounts. This also led to mystification of political authority as demonstrated by President Mobutu in Zaire. There are, however, enduring democratic values subsumed in traditional political systems in African societies. A good example is that of a two -way communication between the rulers and the people they governed. This was through vi llage square meetings. The political ideals in African political system, when properly fine - tuned and articulated, could be fused with presidential system. When this will be done in Africa is difficult to prophesy but it is not an illusion to make it happe n. 40 A.A. Adedire and S.A. Okunade Further Readings Anyanwu, U.D. 2002. â€œKingship and Leadership in Igbo Culture: A Historical Portraitâ€ In Readings in Nigerian History and Culture , G.O. Oguntomisin and S. Ademola Ajayi. (eds.). Ibadan: Hope Publishers. Ayisi, E.O. 1979. An introduct ion to the study of African culture. Nairobi: Heinemann Educational Books Ltd. Ayittey, G.K.N. 1991. Indigenous African institutions. USA: Transitional Publishers. Ayoade, J.A. and A.A.B. Agbaje. 1989. African traditional political thought and institutions. Lagos: CBAAC. Cohen, R. and E.L. Service. (eds.). 1978. Origins of the state: The anthropology of political evolution. Philadelphia Institute for the Study of Human Issues. Den, F.G. and I.W. Zartman. (eds.). 1990. Conflict resolutions in Africa. Washing ton. Donald Rothchild and Naomi Chazan (eds.). 1988. The precarious balance: State and society in Africa. Boulder, CO: Westview Press Inc. Ahmed Idha Salim (ed.). 1985. State formation in East Africa. New York: St.Â Martinâ€™s Press. Elias, T.O. 1963. Governm ent and politics in Africa. London: Asia Published House. Fortes, M. and E. Evans -Pritchard. 1940. African political system. London: Oxford University Press. Gluckman, M. 1995. Custom and conflict in Africa. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Lemarchand, R. (ed.). 1977. African kingships in perspective: Political change and modernization in monarchical settings. London: Frank Cass and Co.Â Ltd. 4 AFRICAN RELIGION AND CULTURE J.K. Ayantayo and S.A. Fatokun Introduction In understanding the interaction between culture and religion it is pertinent to ask the followings questions: What are the essentials of religious thought of African people, taking into cognizance the interconnectivity between religion and culture? What are the sources of traditional religion(s) s ince it does not have elaborated written scripture(s) like Christianity and Islam? What was the state of religions in Africa before the advent of Christianity and Islam? What has been the impact of these religions on African culture? What moral value could we learn from these religions and how can we explore them to meet contemporary need? This chapter attempts to provide answers to these questions. What is Religion? It is difficult to have an acceptable definition of religion because it is a sensitive phe nomenon, which stands for different things among different people. Indeed, religion is defined on the basis of individual conviction, which is the end product of religious experience. In other words, religious experience precedes religious conviction and ultimately religious expression and belief. Religious experience is the practical encounter, which a person has with the ultimate Being or God. This experience provides justification for peopleâ€™s religious conviction. For example, a man who experiences the goodness of God in one way or the other would express his conviction about the existence of God on the one hand and His goodness on the other. What he expresses as the outcome of his experience, therefore, would become the basis for his religious belief. R eligious belief informs religious practices, which are manifested in liturgical activities like singing, dancing, jumping and bowing, among others. In the same vein, somebody 42 J.K. Ayantayo and S. A. Fatokun else whose encounter is different from the first person would anchor his/her reli gious beliefs on the basis of his or her religious experience. On account of the above, it is not practicable to have a consensus definition of religions. However, for the purpose of this discussion, we can adopt a working one. In this sense, Kennyâ€™s defin ition of religion is apposite. He defines religion as any system which relates man to ultimate values, whether God or something else, and which embodies a creed, a code, a cult and a communion (Dzurgba 1987: 18). Every religion possesses all the qualities so itemis ed by Kenny. Besides, other things central to a religion are belief about God or gods, the nature and destiny of man, the meaning of history and the hope for the future. With this submission, we can argue that every man has a right to define whate ver practices he performs as religion in as much as such falls within the features mentioned above. This is why we have many religions in the world. What A -Z profess or define as religion should be respected by all religious persons in the society. In fact , religion in our society could be likened to a football field, where we have many football players at the two ends and the ambition of every player is to score a ball through a channel the (goal post). Once the ball passes through the channel, it makes a score irrespective of the direction the ball comes from within the field. Thus as earlier indicated, the ultimate aim of every player including the goal keeper is to score through the goal post no matter the direction the ball comes from. The inference we can draw from the illustration is that central to every religion is belief in the existence of God or something supernatural, no matter how each religi ous person interprets and analys es his/her religious encounter. Relationship between Religion and Cultur e Religion is a product of culture because it is an integral part of the way of life (like arts and literature) of a people. Since religion has to do with belief system, it is essentially a product of culture, Peopleâ€™s belief arises from the interpretatio n of things around them (Akonga 2003: 24- 25). A systematic reflection and interpretation of what people see around them informs religious encounter, which African Religion and Culture 43 later translates to religious conviction and ultimately religious beliefs. The religious thinking of a people is reflected in what they say about God. For instance, the people in the riverine areas who experience large expanse of water every day are likely to conclude that God is a God of water. In the same vein, somebody in the forest area is likely to link God to forest. It is in the light of the above, that one could understand the import of the parable of Jesus based on the Lillie and the mustard seeds which are things he saw in his immediate environment and from which he drew reference about the kingdom of God. For us to understand this thesis, we must note that religion is man -made, that is, it is based on manâ€™s projection. For instance, nobody has ever seen God, yet religious people believe that He exists. Nevertheless, what they see around them such as the sun, water and the moon, among others, inform their religious convictions about the existence of God, who is regarded as the architect of those things. Africans particularly interpret most things (which are elements of culture) religiously. Thus, because of their physical environment, the people in riverine areas worship water divinities and people who live in mountainous areas worship divinities of mountains like the Ã’ kÃ¨-ÃŒbÃ dÃ n in Ibadan and the Ol Ãºmá» Rock in AbÃ©Ã²kÃºta, among others. The above submission implies that culture or perhaps cultural environments shape peopleâ€™s perception, attitudes, tastes, needs and aspirations, which usually have religious undertone. Seen in this perspective, it can be safely argued that religion evolves from peoplesâ€™ culture. Nature of African Indigenous Religion African Indigenous Religion is the religion which is rooted in African culture. However, some scholars call this religion several other names such as African Traditional Religion (A.T.R.), African Religion, African belief system, African thought and African primal heritage, among others. But the one that gains much currency among these names and which is also used consistently by leading scholars of African religion like Mbiti and Parrinder is African Traditional Religion. We need to understand basic things about the word â€˜traditionalâ€™. The word does not suggest an archaic or unsophisticated religion as most people believe, but it means 44 J.K. Ayantayo and S. A. Fatokun religion that has been part and parcel of the customs or way of lif e of a particular people, precisely African people. It is in the context of the above submission that Christianity and Islam are often referred to as imported religions. African Traditional Religion has no historical founder. It is as old as the beginning of humanity. Immediately Africans found themselves on the earth, they began to think, act, behave and hope religiously. The idea of religion came to them in their attempt to provide meanings and interpretations to bewildering questions about manâ€™s destiny and his nature. For example, the Africans ruminated on issues such as how he came into being, who brought him into existence, and what happens to him now and in the future. Upon long pondering, he conceived the idea of religion, which constantly reflects o n his day -to-day activities. Mbiti and Idowu maintained that religion permeates all aspects of the life of Africans so fully that â€˜ it is not easy or possible to isolate it; (Mbiti 1969). Citing the Yor Ã¹bÃ¡ as an example, Idowu categorically remarks that: The religion permeates their life so much that it expresses itself in multifarious ways: it forms t

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