Development Across the Life Span, Global Edition PDF

Chapter 1 An Introduction to Lifespan Development Learning Objectives LO 1.1 Define the field of lifespan development LO 1.8 Describe how the humanistic perspective and describe what it encompasses. explains lifespan development. LO 1.2 Describe the area...

Chapter 1 An Introduction to Lifespan Development Learning Objectives LO 1.1 Define the field of lifespan development LO 1.8 Describe how the humanistic perspective and describe what it encompasses. explains lifespan development. LO 1.2 Describe the areas that lifespan LO 1.9 Describe how the contextual perspective development specialists cover. explains lifespan development. LO 1.3 Describe some of the basic influences LO 1.10 Describe how the evolutionary perspective on human development. explains lifespan development. LO 1.4 Summarize four key issues in the field LO 1.11 Discuss the value of applying multiple of lifespan development. perspectives to lifespan development. LO 1.5 Describe how the psychodynamic LO 1.12 Describe the role that theories perspective explains lifespan and hypotheses play in the study development. of development. LO 1.6 Describe how the behavioral LO 1.13 Compare the two major categories perspective explains lifespan of lifespan development research. development. LO 1.14 Identify different types of correlational LO 1.7 Describe how the cognitive perspective studies and their relationship to cause explains lifespan development. and effect. 21 22 PART 1 Beginnings LO 1.15 Explain the main features of an LO 1.17 Compare longitudinal research, ­ experiment. cross-sectional research, and sequential research. LO 1.16 Distinguish between theoretical research and applied research. LO 1.18 Describe some ethical issues that affect psychological research. Chapter Overview An Orientation to Lifespan Development The Contextual Perspective: Taking a Broad Approach Characterizing Lifespan Development to Development The Scope of the Field of Lifespan Development Evolutionary Perspectives: Our Ancestors’ Contributions Influences on Lifespan Development to Behavior Key Issues and Questions: Determining the Nature— Why “Which Approach Is Right?” Is the Wrong Question and Nurture—of Lifespan Development Research Methods Theoretical Perspectives on Lifespan Development Theories and Hypotheses: Posing Developmental The Psychodynamic Perspective: Focusing on the Inner Questions Person Choosing a Research Strategy: Answering Questions The Behavioral Perspective: Focusing on Observable Correlational Studies Behavior Experiments: Determining Cause and Effect The Cognitive Perspective: Examining the Roots Theoretical and Applied Research: Complementary of Understanding Approaches The Humanistic Perspective: Concentrating Measuring Developmental Change on the Unique Qualities of Human Beings Ethics and Research Prologue: New Conceptions What if for your entire life, the image that others held of you was colored by the way in which you were conceived? In some ways, that’s what it has been like for Louise Brown, who was the world’s first “test tube baby,” born by in vitro fertilization (IVF), a procedure in which fertilization of a mother’s egg by a father’s sperm takes place outside of the mother’s body. Louise was a preschooler when her parents told her how she was conceived, and throughout her childhood she was bombarded with questions. It became routine to explain to her classmates that she, in fact, was not born in a laboratory. As a child, Louise sometimes felt completely alone. “I thought it was something peculiar to me,” she recalled. But as she grew older, her isolation declined as more and more children were born in the same manner. In fact, today Louise is hardly isolated. More than 5 million babies have been born using the same procedure, which has become almost routine. And at the age of 28, Louise became a mother herself, giving birth to a baby boy named Cameron—conceived, incidentally, the old-fashioned way (Falco, 2012; ICMRT, 2012). Looking Ahead Louise Brown’s conception may have been novel, but her development, from infancy, through childhood and adolescence, to her marriage and the birth of her baby, has fol- lowed a predictable pattern. The specifics of our development vary: some encounter eco- nomic deprivation or live in war-torn ­territories; others contend with genetic or family issues like divorce and step-parents. The broad strokes of development, however, set in motion in that test tube all those years ago, are remarkably similar for all of us. Like  Chapter 1 An Introduction to Lifespan Development 23 ­ eBron James, Bill Gates, and the Queen of England, each and L every one of us is traversing the territory known as lifespan ­development. Louise Brown’s conception in the lab is just one of the brave new worlds of the twenty-first century. Issues ­ranging from cloning to the consequences of poverty on development or the prevention of AIDS raise significant concerns that affect human development. Underlying these are even more funda- mental ­issues: How do we develop physically? How does our understanding of the world grow and change throughout our lives? And how do our personalities and our social relationships develop as we move from birth through the entire span of our lives? Each of these questions, and many others we’ll encoun- Louise Brown and her son. ter throughout this book, are central to the field of lifespan ­development. As a field, lifespan development ­encompasses not only a broad span of time—from before birth to death—but also a wide range of areas of ­development. Con- sider, for example, the range of interests that different specialists in lifespan development focus on when considering the life of Louise Brown: Lifespan development researchers who investigate behavior at the level of biological processes might determine if Louise’s functioning prior to birth was affected by her conception outside the womb. Specialists in lifespan development who study genetics might examine how the ­genetic endowment from Louise’s parents affects her later behavior. For lifespan development specialists who investigate the ways thinking changes over the course of life, Louise’s life might be examined in terms of how her under- standing of the nature of her conception changed as she grew older. Researchers in lifespan development who focus on physical growth might ­consider whether her growth rate differed from children conceived more traditionally. Lifespan development experts who specialize in the social world and social rela- tionships might look at the ways that Louise interacted with others and the kinds of friendships she developed. Although their interests take many forms, these specialists in lifespan development share one concern: understanding the growth and change that occur during the course of life. Taking many differing approaches, developmentalists study how both the biologi- cal inheritance from our parents and the environment in which we live jointly affect our behavior. Some developmentalists focus on explaining how our genetic background can ­determine not only how we look but also how we behave and relate to others in a con- sistent manner—that is, matters of personality. They explore ways to identify how much of our potential as human beings is provided—or limited—by heredity. Other lifespan development specialists look to the environment, exploring ways in which our lives are shaped by the world that we encounter. They investigate the extent to which we are shaped by our early environments, and how our current circumstances influence our be- havior in both subtle and evident ways. Whether they focus on heredity or environment, all developmental specialists ­acknowledge that neither heredity nor environment alone can account for the full range of human development and change. Instead, our understanding of people’s ­development requires that we look at the interaction of heredity and environment, ­attempting to grasp how both, in the end, contribute to human behavior. In this chapter, we orient ourselves to the field of lifespan development. We begin with a discussion of the scope of the discipline, illustrating the wide array of topics it 24 PART 1 Beginnings covers and the full range of ages, from conception to death, that it examines. We also survey the key issues and controversies of the field and consider the broad perspectives that developmentalists take. Finally, we discuss the ways developmentalists use research to ask and answer questions. An Orientation to Lifespan Development Have you ever wondered how it is possible that an infant tightly grips your finger with tiny, perfectly formed hands? Or marveled at how a preschooler methodically draws a picture? Or at the way an adolescent can make involved decisions about whom to invite to a party or the ethics of downloading music files? Or the way a middle-aged politician can deliver a long, flawless speech from memory? Or wondered what it is that makes a grandfather at 80 so similar to the father he was when he was 40? If you’ve ever wondered about such things, you are asking the kinds of questions that scientists in the field of lifespan development pose. In this section, we’ll examine how the field of lifespan development is defined, the scope of the field, as well as some basic influences on human development. Defining Lifespan Development LO 1.1 Define the field of lifespan development and describe what it encompasses. lifespan development Lifespan development is the field of study that examines patterns of growth, change, the field of study that examines and stability in behavior that occur throughout the entire life span. Although the defini- patterns of growth, change, and tion of the field seems straightforward, the simplicity is somewhat misleading. In order stability in behavior that occur to understand what development is actually about, we need to look underneath the vari- throughout the entire life span ous parts of the definition. In its study of growth, change, and stability, lifespan development takes a ­scientific ­approach. Like members of other scientific disciplines, researchers in lifespan ­development test their assumptions about the nature and course of human develop- ment by applying scientific methods. As we’ll see later in the chapter, they develop theo- ries about development, and they use methodical, scientific techniques to validate the ­accuracy of their assumptions systematically. Lifespan development focuses on human development. Although there are ­developmentalists who study the course of development in nonhuman species, the vast majority examine growth and change in people. Some seek to understand universal principles of development, whereas others focus on how cul- tural, racial, and ethnic differences affect the course of development. Still others aim to understand the unique aspects of individuals, looking at the traits and characteristics that differentiate one person from another. Regardless of approach, however, all developmentalists view development as a continu- ing process throughout the life span. As developmental specialists focus on the ways people change and grow during their lives, they also consider stability in people’s lives. They ask in which areas, and in what periods, people show change and growth, and when and how their behavior reveals consistency and continuity with prior behavior. How people grow and change over the course of their lives is the focus of lifespan Finally, developmentalists assume that the development. process of development persists ­throughout every  Chapter 1 An Introduction to Lifespan Development 25 part of people’s lives, beginning with the moment of conception and continuing until death. Developmental specialists assume that in some ways people continue to grow and change right up to the end of their lives, while in other respects their behavior remains stable. At the same time, developmentalists believe that no particular, single period of life governs all development. Instead, they believe that every period of life contains the po- tential for both growth and decline in abilities and that individuals maintain the capacity for substantial growth and change throughout their lives. The Scope of the Field of Lifespan Development LO 1.2 Describe the areas that lifespan development specialists cover. Clearly, the definition of lifespan development is broad and the scope of the field is ex- tensive. Consequently, lifespan development specialists cover several quite diverse areas, and a typical developmentalist will choose to specialize in both a topical area and an age range. TOPICAL AREAS IN LIFESPAN DEVELOPMENT. Some developmentalists focus on physical development, examining the ways in which the body’s makeup—the brain, ner- physical development vous system, muscles, and senses, and the need for food, drink, and sleep—helps deter- development involving the body’s mine behavior. For example, one specialist in physical development might examine the physical makeup, including the effects of malnutrition on the pace of growth in children, while another might look at how brain, nervous system, muscles, athletes’ physical performance declines during adulthood (Fell & Williams, 2008; Muiños and senses, and the need for food, & Ballesteros, 2014). drink, and sleep Other developmental specialists examine cognitive development, seeking to under- cognitive development stand how growth and change in intellectual capabilities influence a person’s behavior. development involving the Cognitive developmentalists examine learning, memory, problem-solving skills, and ways that growth and change in intelligence. For example, specialists in cognitive development might want to see how ­intellectual capabilities influence a problem-solving skills change over the course of life, or whether cultural differences ex- ­person’s behavior ist in the way people explain their academic successes and failures. They would also be interested in how a person who experiences significant or traumatic events early in life would remember them later in life (Alibali, Phillips, & Fischer, 2009; Dumka et al., 2009; Penido et al., 2012). Finally, some developmental specialists focus on personality and social devel- opment. Personality development is the study of stability and change in the en- personality development during characteristics that differentiate one person from another over the life span. development involving the ways Social ­d evelopment is the way in which individuals’ interactions with others and that the enduring characteristics their s­ ocial relationships grow, change, and remain stable over the course of life. A that differentiate one person from ­d evelopmentalist interested in personality development might ask whether there another change over the life span are stable, enduring personality traits throughout the life span, whereas a special- social development ist in ­social ­development might examine the effects of racism or poverty or divorce the way in which individuals’ on development (Evans, Boxhill, & Pinkava, 2008; Lansford, 2009; Tine, 2014). These interactions with others and their four major topic areas—physical, cognitive, social, and personality development— social relationships grow, change, are summarized in Table 1-1. and remain stable over the course of life AGE RANGES AND INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES. In addition to choosing to special- ize in a particular topical area, developmentalists also typically look at a particular age range. The life span is usually divided into broad age ranges: the prenatal period (the period from conception to birth), infancy and toddlerhood (birth to age 3), the preschool period (ages 3 to 6), middle childhood (ages 6 to 12), adolescence (ages 12 to 20), young adulthood (ages 20 to 40), middle adulthood (ages 40 to 65), and late adulthood (age 65 to death). It’s important to keep in mind that these broad periods—which are largely ­accepted by lifespan developmentalists—are social constructions. A social construction is a shared notion of reality, one that is widely accepted but is a function of society and culture at a given time. Consequently, the age ranges within a period—and even the periods 26 PART 1 Beginnings Table 1-1 Approaches to Lifespan Development Orientation Defining Characteristics Examples of Question Asked* Physical development Emphasizes how the brain, What determines the sex of a child? (2) nervous system, muscles, sensory What are the long-term results of premature birth? (3) capabilities, and needs for food, What are the benefits of breast milk? (4) drink, and sleep affect behavior What are the consequences of early or late sexual maturation? (1) What leads to obesity in adulthood? (13) How do adults cope with stress? (15) What are the outward and internal signs of aging? (17) How do we define death? (19) Cognitive development Emphasizes intellectual abilities, What are the earliest memories that can be recalled from infancy? (5) including learning, memory, problem What are the intellectual consequences of watching television? (7) solving, and intelligence Do spatial reasoning skills relate to music practice? (7) Are there benefits to bilingualism? (9) How does an adolescent’s egocentrism affect his or her view of the world? (11) Are there ethnic and racial differences in intelligence? (9) How does creativity relate to intelligence? (13) Does intelligence decline in late adulthood? (17) Personality and social Emphasizes enduring characteristics Do newborns respond differently to their mothers than to others? (3) development that differentiate one person from What is the best procedure for disciplining children? (8) another, and how interactions with When does a sense of gender identity develop? (8) others and social relationships grow How can we promote cross-race friendships? (10) and change over the lifetime What are the causes of adolescent suicide? (12) How do we choose a romantic partner? (14) Do the effects of parental divorce last into old age? (18) Do people withdraw from others in late adulthood? (18) What are the emotions involved in confronting death? (19) *Numbers in parentheses indicate in which chapter the question is addressed. t­ hemselves—are in many ways arbitrary and often culturally derived. For example, later in the book we’ll discuss how the concept of childhood as a special period did not even exist during the seventeenth century; at that time, children were seen simply as ­miniature adults. Furthermore, while some periods have a clear-cut boundary (infancy begins with birth, the preschool period ends with entry into public school, and adolescence starts with sexual maturity), others don’t. For instance, consider the period of young adulthood, which at least in Western cul- tures is typically assumed to begin at age 20. That age, however, is notable only because it marks the end of the teenage period. In fact, for many people, such as those enrolled in higher education, the age change from 19 to 20 has little special significance, coming as it does in the middle of the college years. For them, more substantial changes may occur when they leave college and enter the workforce, which is more likely to happen around age 22. Furthermore, in some non-Western cultures, a­ dulthood may be consid- ered to start much earlier, when children whose educational opportunities are limited begin full-time work. In fact, some developmentalists have proposed entirely new developmental pe- riods. For instance, psychologist Jeffrey Arnett argues that adolescence extends into emerging adulthood, a period beginning in the late teenage years and continuing into the ­mid-­twenties. During emerging adulthood, people are no longer adolescents, but they haven’t fully taken on the responsibilities of adulthood. Instead, they are still trying out different identities and engage in self-focused exploration (Arnett, 2010, de Dios, 2012; Sumner, Burrow, & Hill, 2015). In short, there are substantial individual differences in the timing of events in people’s lives. In part, this is a biological fact of life: People mature at different rates and reach developmental milestones at different points. However, environmental factors also play a significant role in determining the age at which a particular event is likely to occur. For This wedding of two children in India example, the typical age of marriage varies substantially from one culture to another, de- is an example of how environmental factors can play a significant role in pending in part on the functions that marriage plays in a given culture. determining the age when a particular It is important to keep in mind, then, that when developmental specialists d ­ iscuss event is likely to occur. age ranges, they are talking about averages—the times when people, on average, reach  Chapter 1 An Introduction to Lifespan Development 27 particular milestones. Some people will reach the milestone earlier, some later, and many will reach it around the time of the average. Such variation becomes noteworthy only when children show substantial deviation from the average. For example, parents whose child begins to speak at a much later age than average might decide to have their son or daughter evaluated by a speech therapist. THE LINKS BETWEEN TOPICS AND AGES. Each of the broad topical areas of lifespan development—physical, cognitive, social, and personality development—plays a role throughout the life span. Consequently, some developmental experts focus on physical development during the prenatal period, and others during adolescence. Some might specialize in social development during the preschool years, while o ­ thers look at social relationships in late adulthood. Still others might take a broader a­ pproach, looking at cognitive development through every period of life. In this book, we’ll take a comprehensive approach, proceeding chronologically from the prenatal period through late adulthood and death. Within each period, we’ll look at different topical areas: physical, cognitive, social, and personality. Furthermore, we’ll also be considering the impact of culture on development, as we discuss next. Influences on Development LO 1.3 Describe some of the basic influences on human development. Bob, born in 1947, is a baby boomer; he was born soon after the end of World War II, when an enormous bulge in the birth rate occurred as soldiers returned to the United States from overseas. He was an adolescent at the height of the civil rights movement and the beginning of protests against the Vietnam War. His mother, Leah, was born in 1922; she is part of the generation that passed its childhood and teenage years in the shadow of the Great Depression. Bob’s son, Jon, was born in 1975. Now building a c­ areer after graduating from college and starting his own family, he is a member of what has been called Generation X. Jon’s younger sister, Sarah, who was born in 1982, is part of the next generation, which sociologists have called the Millennial Generation. These people are, in part, products of the social times in which they live. Each ­belongs to a particular cohort, a group of people born at around the same time in the cohort same place. Such major social events as wars, economic upturns and depressions, fam- a group of people born at around ines, and epidemics (like the one due to the AIDS virus) work similar ­influences on the same time in the same place members of a particular cohort (Mitchell, 2002; Dittmann, 2005; Twenge, Gentile, & Campbell, 2015). Cohort effects provide an example of history-graded inf luences, which are biologi- cal and environmental influences associated with a particular historical moment. For instance, people who lived in New York City during the 9/11 terrorist attack on the World Trade Center experienced shared biological and environmental challenges due to the attack (Bonanno et al., 2006; Laugharne, Janca, & Widiger, 2007; Park, Riley, & Snyder, 2012). In contrast, age-graded inf luences are biological and environmental influences that are similar for individuals in a particular age group, regardless of when or where they are raised. For example, biological events such as puberty and menopause are universal events that occur at relatively the same time throughout all societies. Similarly, a socio- cultural event such as entry into formal education can be considered an age-graded influ- ence because it occurs in most cultures around age six. From an educator’s perspective How would a student’s cohort membership affect his or her readiness for school? For example, what would be the benefits and drawbacks of coming from a cohort in which Internet use was routine, compared with earlier cohorts prior to the appearance of the Internet? 28 PART 1 Beginnings Development is also affected by sociocultural-graded inf luences, the social and cul- tural factors present at a particular time for a particular individual, depending on such variables as ethnicity, social class, and subcultural membership. For example, sociocul- tural-graded influences will be considerably different for children who are white and affluent than for children who are members of a minority group and living in poverty (Rose et al., 2003). Finally, non-normative life events are specific, atypical events that occur in a person’s life at a time when such events do not happen to most people. For example, a child whose parents die in an automobile accident when she is six years old has e­ xperienced a signifi- cant non-normative life event. Developmental Diversity and Your Life How Culture, Ethnicity, and Race Influence Development Mayan mothers in Central America are certain that almost The concept of race has proven especially problematic. constant contact between themselves and their infant children is necessary for good parenting, and they are physically Although it formally refers to biological factors, race has upset if contact is not possible. They are shocked when they taken on substantially more meanings—many of them see a North American mother lay her infant down, and they inappropriate—that range from skin color to religion to culture. attribute the baby’s crying to the poor parenting of the North Moreover, the concept of race is exceedingly imprecise; American. (Morelli et al., 1992) depending on how it is defined, there are between 3 and 300 What are we to make of the two views of parenting expressed races, and no race is genetically distinct. The fact that 99.9 in this passage? Is one right and the other wrong? Probably percent of humans’ genetic makeup is identical in all humans not, if we take into consideration the cultural context in which makes the question of race seem comparatively insignificant the mothers are operating. Different cultures and subcultures (Bamshad & Olson, 2003; Helms, Jernigan, & Mascher, 2005; have their own views of appropriate and inappropriate Smedley & Smedley, 2005). childrearing, just as they have different developmental goals In addition, there is little agreement about which names for children (Huijbregts et al., 2009; Chen, Chen & Zheng, best reflect different races and ethnic groups. Should the 2012; Eeckhaut et al., 2014). term African American—which has geographical and cultural It has become clear that in order to understand implications—be preferred over black, which focuses primarily development, developmentalists must take into consideration on skin color? Is Native American preferable to Indian? broad cultural factors, such as an orientation toward Is Hispanic more appropriate than Latino? And how can individualism or collectivism. They must also consider finer researchers accurately categorize people with multiethnic ethnic, racial, socioeconomic, and gender differences if they backgrounds? The choice of category has important are to achieve an understanding of how people change and implications for the validity and usefulness of research. grow throughout the life span. If developmentalists succeed The choice even has political implications. For example, in doing so, not only can they achieve a better understanding the decision to permit people to identify themselves as of human development, but they may be able to derive “multiracial” on U.S. government forms and in the U.S. Census more precise applications for improving the human social initially was highly controversial (Perlmann & Waters, 2002). condition. In order to fully understand development, then, we Efforts to understand how diversity affects development need to take the complex issues associated with human have been hindered by difficulties in finding an appropriate diversity into account. It is only by looking for similarities and vocabulary. For example, members of the research differences among various ethnic, cultural, and racial groups community—as well as society at large—have sometimes that developmental researchers can distinguish principles used terms such as race and ethnic group in inappropriate of development that are universal from principles that are ways. Race is a biological concept, which should be employed culturally determined. In the years ahead, then, it is likely that to refer to classifications based on physical and structural lifespan development will move from a discipline that focuses characteristics of species. In contrast, ethnic group and primarily on North American and European development to one ethnicity are broader terms, referring to cultural background, that encompasses development around the globe (Fowers & nationality, religion, and language. Davidov, 2006; Matsumoto & Yoo, 2006; Kloep et al., 2009).  Chapter 1 An Introduction to Lifespan Development 29 Key Issues and Questions: Determining the Nature—and Nurture—of Lifespan Development LO 1.4 Summarize four key issues in the field of lifespan development. Lifespan development is a decades-long journey. Though there are some shared ­markers along the way—such as learning to speak, going to school, and finding a job—there are, as we have just seen, many individual routes with twists and turns along the way that also influence this journey. For developmentalists working in the field, the range and variation in lifespan devel- opment raises a number of issues and questions. What are the best ways to think about the enormous changes that a person undergoes from before birth to death? How impor- tant is chronological age? Is there a clear timetable for development? How can one begin to find common threads and patterns? These questions have been debated since lifespan development first became ­established as a separate field in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, though a fascination with the nature and course of human development can be traced back to the ancient Egyptians and Greeks. We will look at some of these issues, which are summa- rized in Table 1-2. CONTINUOUS CHANGE VERSUS DISCONTINUOUS CHANGE. One of the p ­ rimary issues challenging developmentalists is whether development proceeds in a continuous or discontinuous fashion. In continuous change, development is gradual, with achieve- continuous change ments at one level building on those of previous levels. Continuous change is quantita- gradual development in which tive in nature; the basic underlying developmental processes that drive change remain achievements at one level build on the same over the course of the life span. Continuous change, then, produces changes those of previous levels that are a matter of degree, not of kind. Changes in height prior to adulthood, for ex- ample, are continuous. Similarly, as we’ll see later in the chapter, some theorists sug- gest that changes in people’s thinking capabilities are also continuous, showing gradual quantitative improvements rather than developing entirely new cognitive processing capabilities. In contrast, one can view development as being made up of primarily ­discontinuous discontinuous change change, occurring in distinct stages. Each stage or change brings about behavior that is development that occurs in dis- assumed to be qualitatively different from behavior at earlier stages. Consider the exam- tinct steps or stages, with each ple of cognitive development again. We’ll see later in the c­ hapter that some cognitive de- stage bringing about behavior that velopmentalists suggest that as we develop, our thinking changes in ­fundamental ways, is assumed to be qualitatively dif- and that such development is not just a matter of quantitative change but of qualitative ferent from behavior at earlier change. stages Table 1-2 Major Issues in Lifespan Development Continuous Change Discontinuous Change  Change is gradual. Change occurs in distinct steps or stages.  Achievements at one level build on previous level.  Behavior and processes are qualitatively different  Underlying developmental processes remain the at different stages. same over the life span. Critical Periods Sensitive Periods  Certain environmental stimuli are necessary for  People are susceptible to certain environmental normal development. stimuli, but consequences of absent stimuli are  Emphasized by early developmentalists. reversible.  Current emphasis in lifespan development. Lifespan Approach Focus on Particular Periods  Current theories emphasize growth and change  Infancy and adolescence emphasized by early throughout life, relatedness of different periods. ­developmentalists as most important periods. Nature (Genetic Factors) Nurture (Environmental Factors)  Emphasis is on discovering inherited genetic  Emphasis is on environmental influences that traits and abilities. affect a person’s development. 30 PART 1 Beginnings Most developmentalists agree that taking an either/or position on the c­ ontinuous– discontinuous issue is inappropriate. While many types of developmental change are continuous, others are clearly discontinuous. CRITICAL AND SENSITIVE PERIODS: GAUGING THE IMPACT OF ­E NVIRON- MENTAL EVENTS. If a woman comes down with a case of rubella (German m ­ easles) in the first twenty weeks of pregnancy, the consequences for the child she is carrying are likely to be devastating: They include the potential for blindness, deafness, and heart defects. However, if she comes down with the exact same strain of rubella in the thirtieth week of pregnancy, damage to the child is unlikely. The differing outcomes of the disease in the two periods demonstrate the concept critical period of critical periods. A critical period is a specific time during development when a par- a specific time during develop- ticular event has its greatest consequences. Critical periods occur when the presence of ment when a particular event has certain kinds of environmental stimuli is necessary for development to proceed normally its greatest consequences and the (Uylings, 2006). presence of certain kinds of envi- Although early specialists in lifespan development placed great emphasis on the ronmental stimuli is necessary for importance of critical periods, more recent thinking suggests that in many realms, development to proceed normally ­individuals are more malleable than was first thought, particularly in the domain of per- sonality and social development. For instance, rather than suffering permanent damage from a lack of certain kinds of early social experiences, there is increasing evidence that people can use later experiences to their benefit, to help them overcome earlier deficits. Consequently, developmentalists are now more likely to speak of sensitive ­periods sensitive period rather than critical periods. In a sensitive period, organisms are particularly s­ usceptible a point in development when to certain kinds of stimuli in their environment. A sensitive period represents the optimal organisms are particularly sus- period for particular capacities to emerge, and children are particularly sensitive to envi- ceptible to certain kinds of stimuli ronmental influences. in their environments, but the It is important to understand the difference between the concepts of critical periods absence of those stimuli does not and sensitive periods. In critical periods, it is assumed that the absence of certain kinds of always produce irreversible conse- environmental influences is likely to produce permanent, irreversible consequences for quences the developing individual. In contrast, although the absence of particular environmental influences during a sensitive period may hinder development, it is possible for later ex- periences to overcome the earlier deficits. In other words, the concept of sensitive period recognizes the plasticity of developing humans (Armstrong, et al., 2006; Hooks & Chen, 2008; Hartley & Lee, 2015). LIFESPAN APPROACHES VERSUS A FOCUS ON PARTICULAR PERIODS. On which part of the life span should developmentalists focus their attention? For early develop- mentalists, the answers tended to be infancy and adolescence. Most attention was clearly concentrated on those two periods, largely to the exclusion of other parts of the life span. Today, the story is different. Developmentalists now believe that the entire life span is important, for several reasons. One is the discovery that developmental growth and change continue during every part of life—as we’ll discuss throughout this book. Furthermore, an important part of every person’s environment is the presence of other people around him or her, the person’s social environment. To fully understand the social influences on people of a given age, we need to understand the people who are in large measure providing those influences. For instance, to understand development in infants, we need to unravel the effects of their parents’ ages on their social environments. A fifteen-year-old first-time mother will provide parental influences of a very different sort from those provided by an experienced thirty-seven-year-old mother. Consequently, infant development is in part an outgrowth consequence of adult development. In addition, as lifespan developmentalist Paul Baltes points out, development across the life span involves both gains and losses. With age, certain capabilities ­become more refined and sophisticated, while others involve loss of skill and capacity. For example, vocabulary tends to grow throughout childhood and continues this growth through most of adulthood. At the same time, certain physical abilities, like reaction time, ­improve  Chapter 1 An Introduction to Lifespan Development 31 ­ ntil early and middle adulthood, when they begin to decline (Baltes, Staudinger, & u ­Lindenberger, 1999; Baltes, 2003). People also shift in how they invest their resources (in terms of motivation, ­energy, and time) at different points during the life span. Early in life, more of one’s personal resources are devoted to activities involving growth, such as studying or learning new skills. As one grows older, more resources are devoted to dealing with the losses people face during late adulthood (Staudinger & Leipold, 2003). THE RELATIVE INFLUENCE OF NATURE AND NURTURE ON DEVELOPMENT. One of the enduring questions of development involves how much of people’s behavior is due to their genetically determined nature and how much is due to nurture, the influ- ences of the physical and social environment in which a child is raised. This issue, which has deep philosophical and historical roots, has dominated much work in l­ ifespan devel- opment (Wexler, 2006). In this context, nature refers to traits, abilities, and capacities that are inherited from one’s parents. It encompasses any factor that is produced by the predetermined unfold- ing of genetic information—a process known as maturation. These genetic, ­inherited maturation influences are at work as we move from the one-cell organism that is created at the mo- the predetermined unfolding of ment of conception to the billions of cells that make up a fully formed human. Nature genetic information influences whether our eyes are blue or brown, whether we have thick hair throughout life or eventually go bald, and how good we are at athletics. Nature allows our brains to develop in such a way that we can read the words on this page. In contrast, nurture refers to the environmental influences that shape behavior. Some of these influences may be biological, such as the impact of a pregnant mother’s use of cocaine on her unborn child or the amount and kind of food available to c­ hildren. Other environmental influences are more social, such as the ways parents discipline their chil- dren and the effects of peer pressure on an adolescent. Finally, some influences are a result of larger, societal-level factors, such as the socioeconomic circumstances in which people find themselves. THE LATER ACTION OF NATURE AND NURTURE. If our traits and behavior were de- termined solely by either nature or nurture, there would probably be little debate re- garding the issue. However, for most critical behaviors this is hardly the case. Take, for instance, one of the most controversial areas: intelligence. As we’ll consider in detail in Chapter 9, the question of whether intelligence is determined primarily by inherited, genetic factors—nature—or is shaped by environmental factors—nurture—has caused lively and often bitter arguments that have spilled out of the scientific arena and into the realm of politics and social policy. Consider the implications of the issue: If the extent of one’s intelligence is primarily determined by heredity and consequently is largely fixed at birth, then efforts to improve intellectual performance later in life may be doomed to failure. In contrast, if intelligence is primarily a result of environmental factors, such as the amount and quality of school- ing and stimulation to which one is exposed, then we would expect that an improvement in social conditions could bring about an increase in intelligence. The extent of social policy affected by ideas about the origins of intelligence ­illustrates the significance of issues that involve the nature–nurture question. As we ad- dress this question in relation to several topical areas throughout this book, we should keep in mind that developmentalists reject the notion that behavior is the ­result solely of either nature or nurture. Instead, the question is one of degree—and the specifics of that, too, are hotly debated. Furthermore, the interaction of genetic and environmental factors is complex, in part because certain genetically determined traits have not only a direct influence on children’s behavior, but an indirect influence in shaping children’s environments as well. For exam- ple, a child who is consistently cranky and who cries a great deal—a trait that may be produced by genetic factors—may influence his or her environment by making his or her 32 PART 1 Beginnings parents so highly responsive to the insistent crying that they rush to comfort the child whenever he or she cries. Their responsivity to the child’s genetically determined behavior consequently becomes an environmental influence on his or her subsequent development (Bradley & Corwyn, 2008; Stright, Gallagher, & Kelley, 2008; Barnes & Boutwell, 2012). Similarly, although our genetic background orients us toward particular behaviors, those behaviors will not necessarily occur in the absence of an appropriate ­environment. People with similar genetic backgrounds (such as identical twins) may behave in very different ways; and people with highly dissimilar genetic backgrounds can behave quite similarly to one another in certain areas (Coll, Bearer, & Lerner, 2004; Kato & Pedersen, 2005; Segal et al., 2015). In sum, the question of how much of a given behavior is due to nature, and how much to nurture, is a challenging one. Ultimately, we should consider the two sides of the nature–nurture issue as opposite ends of a continuum, with particular behaviors fall- ing somewhere between the two ends. We can say something similar about the other controversies that we have considered. For instance, continuous versus discontinuous development is not an either/or proposition; some forms of development fall toward the continuous end of the continuum, whereas others lie closer to the discontinuous end. In short, few statements about development involve either/or absolutes (Rutter, 2006; Deater-Deckard & Cahill, 2007). Module 1.1 Review Lifespan development, a scientific approach to understanding also play an important role in development, both broad human growth and change throughout life, encompasses culture and aspects of culture, such as race, ethnicity, and physical, cognitive, social, and personality development. socioeconomic status. Developmentalists focus on physical development, cognitive Four important issues in lifespan development are continuity development, and on personality and social development. In versus discontinuity in development, the importance of addition to choosing to specialize in a particular topical area, critical periods, whether to focus on certain periods or on the developmentalists also typically look at a particular entire life span, and the ­nature–nurture controversy. age range. Membership in a cohort, based on age and place of birth, subjects people to influences based on historical events Journal Writing Prompt (history-graded influences). People are also subject to Applying Lifespan Development: Give some examples of the age-graded influences, sociocultural-graded influences, ways culture (either broad culture or aspects of culture) affects and non-normative life events. Culture and ethnicity human development. Theoretical Perspectives on Lifespan Development In Europe, there was no concept of “childhood” until the seventeenth century. Instead, children were simply thought of as miniature adults. They were assumed to be subject to the same needs and desires as adults, to have the same vices and virtues as adults, and to warrant no more privileges than adults. They were dressed the same as adults, and their work hours were the same as adults. Children also received the same punishments for misdeeds. If they stole, they were hanged; if they did well, they could achieve prosperity, at least so far as their station in life or social class would allow. This view of childhood seems wrong-headed now, but at the time it was what passed for lifespan development. From this perspective, there were no differences due to age; except for size, people were ­assumed to be virtually unchanging, at least on a psychological level, throughout most of the life span (Ariès, 1962; Acocella, 2003; Hutton, 2004; Wines, 2006).  Chapter 1 An Introduction to Lifespan Development 33 Although, looking back over several cen- turies, it is easy to reject the medieval view of childhood, it is less clear how to formulate a contemporary substitute. Should our view of development focus on the ­biological aspects of change, growth, and stability over the life span? The cognitive or social aspects? Or some other factors? People who study lifespan development approach the field from a number of different perspectives. Each general perspective encom- passes one or more theories—broad, organized explanations and predictions concerning phe- nomena of interest. A theory provides a frame- work for understanding the relationships among a seemingly unorganized set of facts or principles. Society’s view of childhood, and what is appropriate to ask of children, has changed We all develop theories about develop- through the ages. These children worked full-time in mines in the early 1900s. ment, based on our experience, folklore, and articles in magazines and newspapers. However, theories in lifespan development are different. Whereas our own personal theories are built on unverified observations that are developed haphazardly, developmentalists’ theories are more formal, based on a sys- tematic integration of prior findings and theorizing. These theories ­allow developmen- talists to summarize and organize prior observations, and they also permit them to move beyond existing observations to draw deductions that may not be immediately apparent. In addition, these theories are then subject to rigorous ­testing in the form of research. By contrast, the developmental theories of individuals are not subject to such testing and may never be questioned at all (Thomas, 2001). We will consider six major theoretical perspectives used in lifespan development: the psychodynamic, behavioral, cognitive, humanistic, contextual, and evolutionary ­perspectives. Each emphasizes somewhat different aspects of development and steers developmentalists in particular directions. Furthermore, each perspective continues to evolve and change, as befits a growing and dynamic discipline. The Psychodynamic Perspective: Focusing on the Inner Person LO 1.5 Describe how the psychodynamic perspective explains lifespan development. When Marisol was six months old, she was involved in a bloody automobile ­accident— or so her parents tell her, since she has no conscious recollection of it. Now, however, at age 24, she is having difficulty maintaining relationships, and her therapist is seeking to determine whether her current problems are a result of the earlier accident. Sigmund Freud. Looking for such a link might seem a bit far-fetched, but to proponents of the ­psychodynamic perspective, it is not so improbable. Advocates of the psychodynamic psychodynamic perspective perspective believe that much of behavior is motivated by inner forces, memories, and the approach stating that behavior conflicts of which a person has little awareness or control. The inner forces, which may is motivated by inner forces, stem from one’s childhood, continually influence behavior throughout the life span. memories, and conflicts that are generally beyond people’s FREUD’S PSYCHOANALYTIC THEORY. The psychodynamic perspective is most closely ­awareness and control associated with a single person and theory: Sigmund Freud and his psychoanalytic theory. Freud, who lived from 1856 to 1939, was a Viennese physician whose revolutionary ideas ultimately had a profound effect not only on the fields of psychology and psychiatry but also on Western thought in general (Masling & Bornstein, 1996; Greenberg, 2012). 34 PART 1 Beginnings psychoanalytic theory Freud’s psychoanalytic theory suggests that unconscious forces act to determine the theory proposed by Freud that personality and behavior. To Freud, the unconscious is a part of the personality about suggests that unconscious forces which a person is unaware. It contains infantile wishes, desires, demands, and needs act to determine personality and that, because of their disturbing nature, are hidden from conscious awareness. Freud behavior suggested that the unconscious is responsible for a good part of our everyday behavior. According to Freud, everyone’s personality has three aspects: id, ego, and ­superego. The id is the raw, unorganized, inborn part of personality that is present at birth. It repre- sents primitive drives related to hunger, sex, aggression, and irrational impulses. The id operates according to the pleasure principle, in which the goal is to maximize satisfaction and reduce tension. The ego is the part of personality that is rational and reasonable. The ego acts as a buffer between the real world outside of us and the primitive id. The ego operates on the reality principle, in which instinctual energy is restrained in order to maintain the safety of the individual and help integrate the person into society. Finally, Freud proposed that the superego represents a person’s conscience, incorpo- rating distinctions between right and wrong. It begins to develop around age five or six and is learned from an individual’s parents, teachers, and other significant figures. In addition to providing an account of the various parts of the personality, Freud also suggested the ways in which personality developed during childhood. He argued psychosexual development that psychosexual development occurs as children pass through a series of stages in according to Freud, a series of which pleasure, or gratification, is focused on a particular biological function and body stages that children pass through part. As illustrated in Table 1-3, he suggested that pleasure shifts from the mouth (the oral in which pleasure, or gratification, stage) to the anus (the anal stage) and eventually to the genitals (the phallic stage and the focuses on a particular biological genital stage). function and body part According to Freud, if children are unable to gratify themselves sufficiently during a particular stage, or conversely, if they receive too much gratification, fixation may o ­ ccur. Table 1-3 Freud’s and Erikson’s Theories Approximate Freud’s Stages Major Characteristics Erikson’s Stages Positive and Negative Outcomes of Age of Psychosexual of Freud’s Stages of Psychosocial Erikson’s Stages Development Development Birth to 12–18 Oral Interest in oral gratification Trust vs. mistrust Positive: Feelings of trust from environmental support months from sucking, eating, Negative: Fear and concern regarding others mouthing, biting 12–18 months to Anal Gratification from expelling Autonomy vs. shame Positive: Self-sufficiency if exploration is encouraged 3 years and withholding feces; and doubt Negative: Doubts about self, lack of independence coming to terms with society’s controls relating to toilet training 3 to 5–6 years Phallic Interest in the genitals; Initiative vs. guilt Positive: Discovery of ways to initiate actions coming to terms with Negative: Guilt from actions and thoughts Oedipal conflict, leading to identification with same-sex parent 5–6 years to Latency Sexual concerns largely Industry vs. inferiority Positive: Development of sense of competence adolescence unimportant Negative: Feelings of inferiority, no sense of mastery Adolescence to Genital Reemergence of Identity vs. role Positive: Awareness of uniqueness of self, knowledge of role adulthood (Freud) sexual interests and diffusion to be followed Adolescence establishment of mature Negative: Inability to identify appropriate roles in life (Erikson) sexual relationships Early adulthood Intimacy vs. isolation Positive: Development of loving, sexual relationships and (Erikson) close friendships Negative: Fear of relationships with others Middle adulthood Generativity vs. Positive: Sense of contribution to continuity of life (Erikson) stagnation Negative: Trivialization of one’s activities Late adulthood Ego-integrity vs. Positive: Sense of unity in life’s accomplishments (Erikson) despair Negative: Regret over lost opportunities of life  Chapter 1 An Introduction to Lifespan Development 35 Fixation is behavior reflecting an earlier stage of development due to an unresolved ­conflict. For instance, fixation at the oral stage might produce an adult who is unusually absorbed in oral activities—eating, talking, or chewing gum. Freud also argued that fixa- tion is represented through symbolic sorts of oral activities, such as the use of “biting” sarcasm. ERIKSON’S PSYCHOSOCIAL THEORY. Psychoanalyst Erik Erikson, who lived from 1902 to 1994, provided an alternative psychodynamic view in his theory of psychosocial development, which emphasizes our social interaction with other people. In ­Erikson’s view, both society and culture challenge and shape us. Psychosocial ­development psychosocial development ­encompasses changes in our interactions with and understandings of one another as well the approach that encompasses as in our knowledge and understanding of ourselves as members of society ­(Erikson, changes in our interactions with 1963; Dunkel, Kim, Papini, 2012; Jones et al., 2014). and understandings of one an- Erikson’s theory suggests that developmental change occurs throughout our lives in other, as well as in our knowledge eight distinct stages (see Table 1-1). The stages emerge in a fixed pattern and are similar and understanding of ourselves as members of society for all people. Erikson argued that each stage presents a crisis or conflict that the indi- vidual must resolve. Although no crisis is ever fully resolved, making life ­increasingly complicated, the individual must at least address the crisis of each stage sufficiently to deal with demands made during the next stage of development. Unlike Freud, who regarded development as relatively complete by adolescence, ­E rikson suggested that growth and change continue throughout the life span. For ­instance, as we’ll discuss further in Chapter 16, Erikson suggested that during middle adulthood, people pass through the generativity versus stagnation stage, in which their con- tributions to family, community, and society can produce either positive feelings about the continuity of life or a sense of stagnation and disappointment about what they are passing on to future generations (de St. Aubin, McAdams, & Kim, 2004). ASSESSING THE PSYCHODYNAMIC PERSPECTIVE. It is hard for us to grasp the full significance of psychodynamic theories represented by Freud’s psychoanalytic ­theory and Erikson’s theory of psychosocial development. Freud’s introduction of the notion that unconscious influences affect behavior was a monumental accomplishment, and that it seems at all reasonable to us shows how extensively the idea of the unconscious has pervaded thinking in Western cultures. In fact, work by contemporary researchers studying memory and learning suggests that we carry with us memories—of which we are not consciously aware—that have a significant impact on our behavior. The example Erik Erikson. of Marisol, who was in a car accident when she was a baby, shows one application of psychodynamically based thinking and research. Some of the most basic principles of Freud’s psychoanalytic theory have been called into question, however, because they have not been validated by subsequent ­research. In particular, the notion that people pass through various stages in childhood that de- termine their adult personalities has little definitive research support. In addition, be- cause much of Freud’s theory was based on a limited population of upper-middle-class Austrians living during a strict, puritanical era, its application to broad, multicultural populations is questionable. Finally, because Freud’s theory focuses primarily on male development, it has been criticized as sexist and may be interpreted as devaluing women. For such reasons, many developmentalists question Freud’s theory (Guterl, 2002; Messer & McWilliams, 2003; Schachter, 2005). Erikson’s view that development continues throughout the life span is highly ­important—and has received considerable support. However, the theory also has its ­drawbacks. Like Freud’s theory, it focuses more on men’s than women’s development. It is also vague in some respects, making it difficult for researchers to test rigorously. And, as is the case with psychodynamic theories in general, it is difficult to make d­ efinitive predictions about a given individual’s behavior using the theory. In sum, then, the p ­ sychodynamic perspective provides good descriptions of past behavior, but imprecise predictions of fu- ture behavior (Zauszniewski & Martin, 1999; de St. Aubin & McAdams, 2004). 36 PART 1 Beginnings The Behavioral Perspective: Focusing on Observable Behavior LO 1.6 Describe how the behavioral perspective explains lifespan development. When Elissa Sheehan was three, a large brown dog bit her, and she needed dozens of stitches and several operations. From the time she was bitten, she broke into a sweat whenever she saw a dog, and in fact never enjoyed being around any pet. To a lifespan development specialist using the behavioral perspective, the explana- tion for Elissa’s behavior is straightforward: She has a learned fear of dogs. Rather than behavioral perspective looking inside the organism at unconscious processes, the behavioral ­perspective sug- the approach suggesting that gests that the keys to understanding development are observable behavior and outside the keys to understanding stimuli in the environment. If we know the stimuli, we can predict the behavior. In this development are observable respect, the behavioral perspective reflects the view that nurture is more important to behavior and outside stimuli in development than nature. the environment Behavioral theories reject the notion that people universally pass through a series of stages. Instead, people are assumed to be affected by the environmental stimuli to which they happen to be exposed. Developmental patterns, then, are personal, reflecting a par- ticular set of environmental stimuli, and behavior is the result of continuing exposure to specific factors in the environment. Furthermore, developmental change is viewed in quantitative, rather than qualitative, terms. For instance, behavioral ­theories hold that advances in problem-solving capabilities as children age are largely a result of greater mental capacities rather than changes in the kind of thinking that children are able to bring to bear on a problem. CLASSICAL CONDITIONING: STIMULUS SUBSTITUTION. Give me a dozen healthy infants, well-formed, and my own specified world to bring them up in and I’ll guarantee to take any one at random and train him to become any type of specialist I might select—doctor, lawyer, artist, merchant-chief, and yes, even beggar-man and thief, regardless of his talents, penchants, tendencies, abilities. (­Watson, 1925) With these words, John B. Watson, one of the first American psychologists to advocate a behavioral approach, summed up the behavioral perspective. Watson, who lived from 1878 to 1958, believed strongly that we could gain a full understanding of ­development John B. Watson. by carefully studying the stimuli that composed the environment. In fact, he argued that by effectively controlling a person’s environment, it was possible to produce virtually any behavior. classical conditioning As we’ll consider further in Chapter 5, Classical conditioning occurs when an or- a type of learning in which an or- ganism learns to respond in a particular way to a neutral stimulus that normally does not ganism responds in a particular evoke that type of response. For instance, if a dog is repeatedly exposed to the pairing of way to a neutral stimulus that the sound of a bell and the presentation of meat, it may learn to react to the bell alone in normally does not bring about that the same way it reacts to the meat—by salivating and wagging its tail with excitement. type of response Dogs don’t typically respond to bells in this way; the behavior is a result of conditioning, a form of learning in which the response associated with one stimulus (food) comes to be connected to another—in this case, the bell. The same process of classical conditioning explains how we learn emotional ­responses. In the case of dog-bite victim Elissa Sheehan, for instance, Watson would say that one stimulus has been substituted for another: Elissa’s unpleasant experience with a particular dog (the initial stimulus) has been transferred to other dogs and to pets in general. operant conditioning OPERANT CONDITIONING. In addition to classical conditioning, other types of learn- a form of learning in which a vol- ing also derive from the behavioral perspective. The learning approach that probably has untary response is strengthened or had the greatest influence is operant conditioning. Operant conditioning is a form of weakened by its association with learning in which a voluntary response is strengthened or weakened by its a­ ssociation positive or negative consequences with positive or negative consequences. It differs from classical conditioning in that the  Chapter 1 An Introduction to Lifespan Development 37 response being conditioned is voluntary and purposeful rather than a­ utomatic (such as salivating). In operant conditioning, formulated and championed by psychologist B. F. S ­ kinner (1904–1990), individuals learn to act deliberately on their environments in order to bring about desired consequences (Skinner, 1975). In a sense, then, people ­operate on their envi- ronments to bring about a desired state of affairs. Whether children and adults will seek to repeat a behavior depends on whether it is followed by reinforcement. Reinforcement is the process by which a stimulus is pro- vided that increases the probability that a preceding behavior will be repeated. Hence, a student is apt to work harder in school if he or she receives good grades; workers are likely to labor harder at their jobs if their efforts are tied to pay increases; and people are more apt to buy lottery tickets if they are reinforced by winning occasionally. In addition, punishment, the introduction of an unpleasant or a painful stimulus or the r­ emoval of a desirable stimulus, will decrease the probability that a preceding behavior will occur in the future. Behavior that is reinforced, then, is more likely to be repeated in the future, while behavior that receives no reinforcement or is punished is likely to be discontinued, or in the language of operant conditioning, extinguished. Principles of operant conditioning are used in behavior modification, a formal technique for promoting the frequency of behavior modification desirable behaviors and decreasing the incidence of unwanted ones. Behavior modifica- a formal technique for promoting tion has been used in a variety of situations, ranging from teaching severely retarded the frequency of desirable behav- people the rudiments of language to helping people stick to diets (Matson & LoVullo, iors and decreasing the incidence 2008; Wupperman et al., 2012; Wirth, Wabitsch & Hauner, 2014). of unwanted ones ­ HEORY: LEARNING THROUGH ­IMITATION. A SOCIAL-COGNITIVE LEARNING T five-year-old boy seriously injures his 22-month-old cousin while imitating a ­violent wres- tling move he had seen on television. Although the infant sustained spinal cord injuries, he improved and was ­discharged five weeks after his hospital ­admission (Reuters Health eLine, 2002). Cause and effect? We can’t know for sure, but it certainly seems possible, e­ specially looking at the situation from the perspective of social-cognitive learning theory. Accord- ing to developmental psychologist Albert Bandura and colleagues, a significant amount social-cognitive learning theory of learning is explained by social-cognitive learning theory, an approach that empha- learning by observing the behavior sizes learning by observing the behavior of another person, called a model (Bandura, of another person, called a model 1994, 2002). According to social-cognitive learning theory, behavior is learned primarily through observation and not through trial and error, as it is with operant conditioning. We don’t need to experience the consequences of a behavior ourselves to learn it. Social-cognitive learning theory holds that when we see the behavior of a model being rewarded, we are likely to imitate that behavior. For instance, in one clas- sic ­experiment, children who were afraid of dogs were exposed to a model, nicknamed the “Fearless Peer,” who was seen playing hap- pily with a dog (Bandura, Grusec, & Menlove, 1967). After exposure, the children who previ- ously had been afraid were more likely to ap- proach a strange dog than children who had not seen the model. Bandura suggests that social-cognitive learning proceeds in four steps (Bandura, What form of learning is being demonstrated in this picture? 38 PART 1 Beginnings 1986). First, an observer must pay attention and perceive the most critical features of a model’s behavior. Second, the observer must successfully recall the behavior. Third, the observer must reproduce the behavior accurately. Finally, the observer must be moti- vated to learn and carry out the behavior. From a social worker’s perspective How do the concepts of social learning and modeling relate to the mass media, and how might ­exposure to mass media influence a child’s family life? ASSESSING THE BEHAVIORAL PERSPECTIVE. Research using the behavioral ­ erspective has made significant contributions, ranging from techniques for educating p children with severe mental retardation to identifying procedures for curbing aggression. At the same time, some controversies surround the behavioral perspective. For ­example, although they are part of the same general behavioral perspective, classical and oper- ant conditioning and social learning theory diverge in some basic ways. Both classical and operant conditioning present learning in terms of external stimuli and responses, in which the only important factors are the observable features of the environment. In such an analysis, people and other organisms are like inanimate “black boxes,” nothing that occurs inside the box is understood—nor much cared about, for that matter. To social learning theorists, such an analysis is an oversimplification. They argue that what makes people different from rats and pigeons is the occurrence of mental activity, in the form of thoughts and expectations. A full understanding of people’s development, they maintain, cannot occur without moving beyond external stimuli and responses. In many ways, social learning theory has come to predominate in recent decades over classical and operant conditioning theories. In fact, another perspective that ­focuses explicitly on internal mental activity has become enormously influential. This is the cog- nitive approach, which we consider next. The Cognitive Perspective: Examining the Roots of Understanding LO 1.7 Describe how the cognitive perspective explains lifespan development. When three-year-old Jake is asked why it sometimes rains, he answers “so the flowers can grow.” When his 11-year-old sister Lila is asked the same question, she responds “be- cause of evaporation from the surface of the earth.” And when their cousin Ajima, who is studying meteorology in graduate school, considers the same question, her extended answer includes a discussion of cumulonimbus clouds, the Coriolis effect, and synoptic charts. To a developmental theorist using the cognitive perspective, the difference in the so- phistication of the answers is evidence of a different degree of knowledge and under- cognitive perspective standing, or cognition. The cognitive perspective focuses on the processes that ­allow the approach that focuses on the people to know, understand, and think about the world. processes that allow people to The cognitive perspective emphasizes how people internally represent and think know, understand, and think about about the world. By using this perspective, developmental researchers hope to under- the world stand how children and adults process information and how their ways of thinking and understanding affect their behavior. They also seek to learn how cognitive abilities change as people develop, the degree to which cognitive development represents quanti- tative and qualitative growth in intellectual abilities, and how different ­cognitive abilities are related to one another. PIAGET’S THEORY OF COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT. No single person has had a greater impact on the study of cognitive development than Jean Piaget. A Swiss psy- chologist who lived from 1896 to 1980, Piaget proposed that all people pass in a fixed  Chapter 1 An Introduction to Lifespan Development 39 sequence through a series of universal stages of cognitive development. He suggested that not only does the quantity of information increase in each stage, but the quality of knowledge and understanding changes as well. His focus was on the change in cognition that occurs as children move from one stage to the next (Piaget, 1952, 1962, 1983). Although we’ll consider Piaget’s theory in detail beginning in Chapter 5, we can get a broad sense of it now. Piaget suggested that human thinking is arranged into schemes, that is, organized mental patterns that represent behaviors and a­ ctions. In infants, such schemes represent concrete behavior—a scheme for sucking, for reaching, and for each separate behavior. In older children, the schemes become more sophisticated and ab- stract, such as the set of skills involved in riding a bike or playing an interactive video game. Schemes are like intellectual computer software p ­ rograms that direct and deter- mine how data from the world are looked at and handled (Parker, 2005). Piaget suggests that the growth in children’s understanding of the world can be ex- plained by the two basic principles of assimilation and accommodation. Assimilation is the process in which people understand an experience in terms of their current stage of cognitive development and way of thinking. Assimilation occurs when people use their current ways of thinking about and understanding the world to perceive and understand a new experience. In contrast, accommodation refers to changes in existing ways of think- ing in response to encounters with new stimuli or events. Assimilation and accommoda- tion work in tandem to bring about cognitive development. Assessing Piaget’s Theory. Piaget has profoundly influenced our understanding of cognitive development and is one of the towering figures in lifespan d ­ evelopment. He provided masterful descriptions of how intellectual growth proceeds during c­ hildhood— descriptions that have stood the test of literally thousands of ­investigations. By and large, then, Piaget’s broad view of the sequence of cognitive development is a­ ccurate. However, the specifics of the theory, particularly in terms of change in ­cognitive capabilities over time, have been called into question. For instance, some cogni- tive skills clearly emerge earlier than Piaget suggested. Furthermore, the ­universality of Piaget’s stages has been disputed. A growing amount of evidence suggests that the emergence of particular cognitive skills occurs according to a different timeta- ble in non-Western cultures. And in every culture, some people never seem to reach ­Piaget’s highest level of cognitive sophistication: formal, logical thought (McDonald & Stuart-Hamilton, 2003; Genovese, 2006; De Jesus-Zayas, Buigas, & Denney, 2012). Ultimately, the greatest criticism leveled at the Piagetian perspective is that cogni- tive development is not necessarily as discontinuous as Piaget’s stage theory suggests. Remember that Piaget argued that growth proceeds in four distinct stages in which the quality of cognition differs from one stage to the next. However, many developmental researchers argue that growth is considerably more continuous. These critics have sug- gested an alternative perspective, known as the information processing ­approach, which focuses on the processes that underlie learning, memory, and thinking throughout the life span. INFORMATION PROCESSING APPROACHES. Information processing approaches have become an important alternative to Piagetian approaches. Information ­processing information processing approaches to cognitive development seek to identify the ways individuals take in, use, approaches and store information. models that seek to identify the Information processing approaches grew out of developments in the electronic pro- ways individuals take in, use, and store information cessing of information, particularly as carried out by computers. They assume that even complex behavior such as learning, remembering, categorizing, and thinking can be bro- ken down into a series of individual, specific steps. Like computers, children are assumed by information processing approaches to have limited capacity for processing information. As they develop, however, they e­ mploy increasingly sophisticated strategies that allow them to process information more ­efficiently. 40 PART 1 Beginnings In stark contrast to Piaget’s view that thinking undergoes qualitative advances as children age, information processing approaches assume that development is marked more by quantitative advances. Our capacity to handle information changes with age, as does our processing speed and efficiency. Furthermore, information processing ­approaches suggest that as we age, we are better able to control the nature of processing and that we can change the strategies we use to process information. An information processing approach that builds on Piaget’s research is known as neo-Piagetian theory. In contrast to Piaget’s original work, which viewed cognition as a single system of increasingly sophisticated general cognitive abilities, ­neo-Piagetian ­theory considers cognition as being made up of different types of individual skills. ­Using the terminology of information processing approaches, neo-Piagetian theory suggests that cognitive development proceeds quickly in certain areas and more slowly in others. For example, reading ability and the skills needed to recall stories may progress sooner than the sorts of abstract computational abilities used in algebra or trigonometry. Further- more, neo-Piagetian theorists believe that experience plays a greater role in advancing cognitive development than t­ raditional ­Piagetian approaches claim (Case, Demetriou, &