Civil Resistance in South Africa 1970s & 1980s Notes PDF

TOPIC 4: CIVIL RESISTANCE IN SOUTH AFRICA: 1970s & 1980s Sections according to the SAGS document: What was the nature of the civil society resistance in the 1970s and 1980s? What was the nature of the Apartheid state from 1964 to the 1970s? [NOT EXAMINABLE] A brief understanding of how the Apa...

TOPIC 4: CIVIL RESISTANCE IN SOUTH AFRICA: 1970s & 1980s Sections according to the SAGS document: What was the nature of the civil society resistance in the 1970s and 1980s? What was the nature of the Apartheid state from 1964 to the 1970s? [NOT EXAMINABLE] A brief understanding of how the Apartheid State had crushed opposition but early 1970s. What opposition existed in SA by the early 1970s? How did the Black Consciousness Movement challenge the Apartheid state? An analysis of the growth of opposition to the Apartheid government in the early 1970s. ➔ The nature and aims of Black Consciousness ➔ The role of Steve Biko Factors that led to the 1976 Soweto Uprising Developing an understanding around the debates about whether or not the students were influenced by Black Consciousness thinking − The events of 1976 Soweto Uprising [NOT EXAMINABLE] − The legacy of Black Consciousness on South African politics What were the internal and external pressures on the South African Government in the 1980s? An in-depth analysis of the factors that attempted to erode National Party control and White power. ➔ How did the Botha government attempt to deal with increased opposition in SA from the late 1970s? ➔ Total Onslaught. Total Strategy.'/ Repression and Reform Internal Pressures ➔ Response to Botha's 'reforms' – new methods of mobilisation; labour's 'rolling mass action'; mass civic action to make the country ungovernable (role of civics, UDF/Mass Democratic Movement, End Conscription Campaign, Black Sash, role of churches) External Pressures ➔ International anti-Apartheid movements ➔ Boycotts (sports boycott/cultural boycott/academic boycott/consumer boycott/ ➔ Disinvestment/sanctions/Release Mandela campaign) ➔ Role of the international trade unions [NOT EXAMINABLE] ➔ Support for the anti-Apartheid struggle in Africa –viz 'frontline states'  1 Term Definition Institutionalised Established as a norm within an institution, often referring to practices or systems that have become accepted and ingrained in society or an organisation. Oppressive Exercising harsh and authoritarian control, often leading to the restriction of freedoms and rights. Protest A public demonstration or action expressing objection or dissent towards a particular issue or policy. Grassroots The most basic level of an activity or organisation, involving ordinary people as the main body of membership or supporters. Separate A policy of racial segregation and economic discrimination Development Policy enforced by the apartheid regime to maintain white supremacy. Guerilla Members of an irregular military force that uses Soldiers/Fighters unconventional tactics, such as ambushes and sabotage, typically against larger, traditional forces. Total Strategy A comprehensive approach used by the apartheid government in South Africa to counteract internal and external resistance, including military, political, and economic measures. Total Onslaught The belief by the apartheid regime that they were facing a coordinated attack from both internal and external enemies, requiring an extensive and all-encompassing defensive response. Military Conscription The mandatory enlistment of individuals into the armed forces. Civics Local community organisations or movements focused on addressing civic issues and promoting social change at the grassroots level. Trade Unions Organisations formed by workers to protect their rights and interests through collective bargaining and industrial action. Resistance The refusal to accept or comply with something, often in the form of active opposition or struggle. Disinvestment The withdrawal of investments from a country or company as a form of protest or economic pressure. Divestment The action of selling off subsidiary business interests or investments, often for ethical, political, or financial reasons. Boycotts The refusal to purchase or use goods and services as a form of protest against certain policies or practices. 2 Bannings The prohibition of certain activities, organisations, or individuals, often by a government as a means of control and suppression. Detention The act of holding someone in custody, often without trial, for political or security reasons. Reforms Changes made to improve a system, policy, or law, often in response to public demands or social movements. Sanctions Penalties or other measures imposed on a country or organisation to compel compliance with international laws or standards. Popular Resistance Widespread opposition and protest by the general populace against perceived injustice or oppression. Strikes The refusal to work organised by a body of employees as a form of protest, typically to gain concessions from their employer. State of A period during which normal constitutional procedures are Emergency South suspended, and special measures are taken to maintain order, Africa often used by the apartheid regime to suppress dissent. Individuals who actively promote and incite support for Communist Agitators communist ideologies and movements, often viewed as subversive by governments. Liberation Movements Organised efforts by a group of people to achieve freedom from oppression or colonial rule. ANC and PAC in South Africa. Intensified Made more intense, severe, or extreme. Exile The state of being barred from one's native country, typically for political or punitive reasons. Sabotage Deliberate destruction or disruption of something, often for political or military advantage. Underground Secret or covert operations are often used to describe resistance movements operating out of sight of authorities.  Political prisoner Someone imprisoned for their political beliefs or actions. Detainees Individuals held in custody, typically without trial, for political or security reasons. Political activists Individuals who actively campaign for political change, often challenging existing power structures and advocating for social justice. Solitary confinement The isolation of a prisoner in a separate cell as a form of punishment, often for long periods. 3 Armed Struggle The use of physical force, including violence and weapons, to achieve political goals. Constitution A system of fundamental principles or established precedents according to which a state or organisation is governed. Mass Mobilisation The process of engaging and organising large numbers of people to participate in a collective action or movement. Referendum A direct vote by the electorate on a specific proposal or issue. Stayaway A form of protest where workers stay away from their jobs, effectively a general strike, to show dissent. Rolling Mass Action A strategy of sustained, consecutive protests or strikes aimed at maintaining pressure on authorities over an extended period. Ungovernable Describes a situation where a region or country becomes impossible to govern due to widespread resistance, chaos, or lack of authority. Cadet System A training program for young people, often with a military or paramilitary focus, aimed at preparing them for future service. Conscientious Objectors Individuals who refuse to serve in the armed forces or participate in military activities due to moral, ethical, or Politicised religious beliefs. Having or expressing strong political opinions or being engaged Tricameral Parliament in political activities. The parliamentary system was introduced in South Africa in 1983, which included three separate chambers for Whites, Coloureds, and Indians, excluding Black Africans. UDF (United A major anti-apartheid organisation in South Africa formed in Democratic Front) 1983, which united numerous anti-apartheid groups and individuals under a common umbrella. Mass Democratic A coalition of anti-apartheid groups in South Africa during the Movement (MDM) 1980s, including trade unions, student organisations, and other civil society groups. Umkhonto we The armed wing of the African National Congress (ANC) founded Sizwe (MK) in 1961 to carry out acts of sabotage against the apartheid regime in South Africa. End Conscription A movement in South Africa during the 1980s that opposed Campaign (ECC) compulsory military service for white males under the apartheid regime. Congress of South The largest federation of trade unions in South Africa, African Trade established in 1985, playing a significant role in the struggle Unions (COSATU) against apartheid. 4 National Union of A major trade union in South Africa representing workers in Mineworkers (NUM) the mining, construction, and energy sectors, known for its activism against apartheid. Wiehahn Commission A commission of inquiry into labour legislation in South Africa, established in 1977, which recommended significant reforms including the recognition of black trade unions. Riekert Commission A commission set up in South Africa in the late 1970s to investigate and recommend reforms to the country's apartheid-era labour and urban policies. Uprising A spontaneous or organised rebellion against authority, often involving a significant number of people and sometimes violent actions. Militarised Equipped or organised for military purposes; having a strong military presence or influence. National Service Mandatory service in the military or other national institutions, often required by law. Detained Held in custody, often without trial, usually for political reasons. Vigilantes Members of self-appointed groups that undertake law enforcement without legal authority, often using violence. Vaal Triangle An industrial region in South Africa, located south of Johannesburg, known for its role in anti-apartheid protests and violence. The Vaal Triangle included Vereeniging, Sharpeville, Vanderbijlpark and Sasolburg. Activists Individuals who actively campaign for political or social change. Non-racialism The principle of rejecting racial distinctions and promoting equality among all races. Paternalistic Managing or governing individuals or groups in a manner that resembles a father's approach, often characterised by providing for needs while restricting freedom and responsibility. Marginalised Treated as insignificant or peripheral, often by being pushed to the edge of society or excluded from mainstream activities and opportunities. Frontline States The neighbouring countries of South Africa that opposed apartheid and supported the liberation movements. Onslaught A fierce or destructive attack. 5 BOSS (Bureau of The intelligence agency of the apartheid government in South State Security) Africa, responsible for internal security and counterintelligence operations. Dirty war Referring to underhanded or unethical actions, often in a political or military context, such as "dirty tricks" or covert operations. Assassination The deliberate killing of a prominent or public figure, often for political reasons. Puppets Individuals or governments that are controlled by external forces, often without real power or authority of their own.  Casspir An armoured personnel carrier used by the South African police and military during the apartheid era for riot control and counter-insurgency operations. People's Power A concept of grassroots political and social empowerment, where ordinary people take control of their own lives and communities. Groundswell A rapid and spontaneous increase in support or enthusiasm among the general public for a cause or movement. Inflation The rate at which the general level of prices for goods and services is rising, leading to a decrease in purchasing power. Rubicon Referring to a critical point of no return, often used in a political context following the famous 1985 speech by South African President P.W. Botha. 6 Civil Resistance in South Africa Timeline 1970s and 1980s Steve Biko NP Government Internal Resistance External Pressure 195 Anti-Apartheid Movement forms in Britain (and in Ireland in 1964) 9 196 BJ Vorster becomes Prime Minister 6 196 Black university students break away from NUSAS 8 Biko laid plans for formation of South African Students’ Organisation 196 Launch of SASO in Turffontein and the Black People’s Convention grew from there 9 1970 197 Black Consciousness Movement started by Biko 1 197 Biko expelled from medical school for his political activities 2 Black People’s Convention formed in Edendale Black Community Programs set up clinics and daycare centres South African Students Movement (SASM) established the National High School Student Movement 197 World Oil Crisis: OPEC oil embargo impacts negatively on the South African 3 economy The cost of living rose impacting on the poor especially in South Africa fueling frustrations and unrest Series of Worker Strikes increasing in South Africa, especially in Durban NP Government clamp down on BCM and SASO BCM receives support from Black businessmen and white liberals like Donald Woods Steve Biko arrested and then banned Black Allied Workers’ Union was established 197 Mozambique fighting for independence 4 Rallies in South Africa supported this 197 Mozambique and Angola Independence from Portugal 5 Minister of Bantu Education MC Botha announced that Black students would study half their subjects in the medium of Afrikaans Inkatha Freedom Party formed by Chief Minister of Kwazulu Mangosuthu Buthelezi October 1975 – South Africa invaded Angola 197 By June SASM inspired by BC ideas decided to hold a mass rally led to 16 June 6 1976 Soweto Uprising – wave of violence erupted New Zealand Rugby Tour toured SA and 28 countries boycotted Montreal Olympics British Actors’ Union Equity stopped the broadcast of any TV programme involving its members 197 18 August 1977 Steve Biko was arrested in a police roadblock in Port Elizabeth. 7 He was tortured and interrogated by the police and then transported to Pretoria by road September Steve Biko died in detention October 1977 Kruger banned all organisations associated with Black Consciousness Conscription is extended to two years (continued militarisation of SA) Gleneagles Agreement stated Commonwealth countries cut sporting ties with South Africa  7 US set up the Sullivan Principles to guide Americans who wanted to change the policies of American companies investing in South Africa Sullivan Principles – stated as a condition that American employers had to treat employees equally and make a racially integrated environment was provided both inside and outside the workplace The Sullivan Principles were the first attempt to encourage sanctions against South Africa 197 April. Azanian People’s Organisation (AZAPO) formed 8 BJ Vorster forced to resign PW Botha becomes Prime Minister of South Africa PW Botha implements policy of “Total Onslaught -Total Strategy” 197 Riekert Report recommended reforms: removed most restrictive aspects of 9 the pass system SA Government recognizes African trade unions Wiehahn Commission appointed to investigate the labour situation Government formalises the recommendations of the commission as an amendment to the Industrial Conciliation Act – recognises trade unions FOSATU founded initially by 12 new unions Soweto Civic Organisation formed. Botha sets up State Security Council (militarisation of SA) Zimbabwe gained independence 198 A number of democratic unions set up CUSA (ideology of Black 0 Consciousness) School boycotts begin in Cape Town by Coloured students demanding “free education for all” UN compiled a list of sports people and officials who participated in events in SA 198 Massive protests during Springbok tour to New Zealand 1 Massive increase in State military spending from R700 million in 1974 – to R3000 million (Repression) 198 Urban Bantu (Black Local) Authorities passed (Reform) 2 Formation of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) Massive strikes, many work days lost Internal Security Act – people can be detained indefinitely (Repression) 198 School boycotts started in Cape Town and spread and continued to rest of 3 Cape Province, slogan of “Liberation before Education” used 1985 New Constitution introduced – Tricameral Constitution January - Reverend Allan Boesak called for all opposed to the Tricameral to unite, August UDF was formed at a meeting held in Mitchell’s Plain Cape Town 2 November a referendum held – white voters voted in favour of the new constitution (Reform) 198 August elections for Tricameral government (Reform) 4 Township Revolts and Uprisings began with school boycotts and rent boycotts in Vaal Triangle Township National Forum formed in June 1984 by Saths Cooper and Neville Alexander 5/6 November largest stayaway of more than a million workers. IAAM Dunnes Department store boycott 198 Continued school boycotts 5 Township Revolts and Uprising – flashpoint in Gugulethu and Mitchell’s Plain in Cape Town UDF has estimated 3 million in membership July, State of Emergency declared in 18 magisterial districts 8 80% of Indians and Coloureds protested against Tricameral 15 August 1985, Botha’s address to Parliament – Rubicon Speech ANC called for the townships to be UNGOVERNABLE and the country to be UNWORKABLE December COSATU is formed Vigilante groups set up Kangaroo Courts to administer “people’s justice” Leaders from 16 church groups issued the Kairos Document urging all Christians to participate in the in the liberation struggle by supporting disobedience campaigns, boycotts and strikes End Conscription Campaign launched to oppose the conscription of white males into the SADF Black Sash activity restricted by State of Emergency – stood alone with posters and protested Artists United against Apartheid formed in the US – refused to perform in SA including Sun City  198 Township Revolts and Uprising 6 State of Emergency declared nationwide (until 1990) In October CUSA and AZACTU merged to form the National Council of Trade Unions May 1st– 1.5 million stayed at home – crippling effect on the economy National Education Crisis Committee formed – slogan shifts to “Education for Liberation” Irish government announced boycott of coal and food products, closed tourist office in South Africa Mixed Marriages Act and Separate Amenities Acts repealed as part of the reform of petty Apartheid (Reform) US Congress passes Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act COSATU organised a Mineworkers strike of over 300 000 workers. Adopted 198 the Freedom Charter 7 Anglican Church recognized the legitimacy of the armed struggle Many US companies such as Kodak and IBM, General Motors, Mobil and General Electric closed factories in SA Investment in and loans to South Africa banned Divestment by US Universities 198 UDF banned and was forced to continue under the guise of the Mass 8 Democratic Movement, thousands of activists detained Free Mandela Concert in London at Wembley. SACC headquarters in Johannesburg were bombed injuring 23 people (Repression) 198 Mass Democratic Movement – ANC calls for a year of rolling mass action to 9 make the country “ungovernable” - Year of Mass Action included massive defiance campaigns, strikes and boycotts In June South African Council of Churches (SACC) committed church members to bring an end to apartheid. This call was supported by “Call of Islam” and “Jews for Justice” PW Botha has a stroke FW De Klerk becomes the President November: End of Cold War – Communism collapsed in Eastern Europe 9 199 2 February 1990 – FW De Klerk’s speech in Parliament announcing the unbanning 0 of ANC, PACP and SACP and others. Announcement of release of political prisoners including Nelson Mandela 11 February 1990 – Mandela released The crisis of Apartheid in the 1980s The Soweto Uprising is seen as a watershed moment in the history of apartheid as it signified the return of active resistance inspired by the BCM. However, by the late 1970s apartheid was clearly under strain for a number of reasons. The “golden years” were over. The economy was badly affected by the oil crisis of the 1970s, growth slowed and then the economy went into recession. This increased worker discontentment and resulted in the growth of unrecognised trade unions and illegal strikes. The protective border of White-dominated states was eroded when Angola and Mozambique gained independence and this protection was further eroded by the independence of Zimbabwe in 1980. PW Botha included the liberation of these frontline states in his “Total Onslaught” claim. The threat of guerrilla warfare inside South Africa increased, fuelled by the flood of exiles after 1976. The system of apartheid was coming under increasing pressure internationally and also began to feel the knock of sanctions. For example, from 1964 South Africa could no longer participate in the Olympics and in 1979 OPEC refused to sell oil to the country. Additionally, the apartheid ‘Homeland policy’ was fully entrenched and with it came the forced removal of millions of people, the hardships of migrant labour and a new kind of sinister political manipulation. ‘Homelands’ referred to the creation of ‘independent states’ in which the majority of Black people would live and to which all would belong as citizens. The policy of separate development sought to assign every Black person to a homeland according to their ethnic identity. Under the Bantu Homelands Citizenship Act of 1970, the Government stripped Black South Africans of their South African citizenship, depriving them of their few remaining political and civil rights in South Africa, and declared them to be citizens of these homelands – now ten in total. This act expanded on the 1959 Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act which introduced the concept of ‘Bantustans’ or ‘separate development’ to both South Africa and South West Africa (Namibia). By 1970, ten homelands existed, each with a degree of self-government. The central aim behind this act was to grant independence to the homelands eventually and thereby deprive the Black people of their South African citizenships and in turn effectively increase the percentage of White people in South Africa. It also sought to create a hierarchy of local governments for the Black rural ‘reserves’. Thus headmenships, chieftaincies, paramount chieftaincies, and territorial authorities assumed a place in an orderly progression of power. 10 The local governments were allowed to tax their own people (as defined by the government in Pretoria), control public works and allocate licences and trading rights. Each homeland possessed its own flag, national anthem and guise of political control. Homeland: Ethnic group: Bophuthatswana Ciskei Xhosa Gazankulu Tsonga (Shangaan) KaNgwane Swazi KwaNdebele Ndebele KwaZulu Zulu Lebowa Northern Sotho (Pedi) QwaQwa Southern Sotho Transkei Xhosa Venda Venda  11 Contradictions of Apartheid emerge Apartheid’s laws were based upon the idea of completely separating races and keeping each in its own area. The majority Black population were restricted to homelands and the White population had control of 87% of the territory. The contradiction that made this system unworkable, however, was that the White-dominated economy relied on Black labour to function. Increased industrialisation required increased influx of Black labour from the homelands, making the idea of total segregation impossible. The architects of apartheid had envisioned that the Black population in cities would begin to decline by the 1970s. In fact, it had increased dramatically and continued to do so. Apart from the need for workers, an impact of the declining economy was that millions of workers began to migrate from the desperately poor homelands to cities in search of employment. Despite the pass laws, the police could not cope, and influx control broke down. Those workers who had jobs had already shown their power in the Durban and Uitenhage strikes in 1973 and employers pressured the government to legalise representation for Black workers. A new Prime Minister Throughout the 1970s the NP government tried to argue to the South African public and the world that apartheid was justified and necessary. Censorship restricted what South Africans could read and the government stressed to countries in the West how important South Africa was, both for resources and the control of trade routes, in the Cold War. This effort was backed up by actions taken in secret. In 1978 it was revealed that the Prime Minister, BJ Vorster, and the Minister for Information, Dr Connie Mulder, had illegally used government money to fund a propaganda war through bribes to international news agencies, the secret purchase of a US newspaper and the creation of a newspaper in South Africa – The Citizen – that would support the government line. These revelations were known as the “Information Scandal” and Vorster was forced to resign. He was replaced as Prime Minister by the Defence Minister, PW Botha. Of the ten homelands, Transkei (1976) and Bophuthatswana (1977) had already been declared independent countries before Botha took office. Importantly, he continued this policy and Ciskei and Venda became independent in 1981 and 1983 respectively. However, these were to be the last of the homelands to accept independence. The largest remaining homeland, Kwa-Zulu, under the leadership of Mangosuthu Buthelezi, refused to accept this sham independence and so no other homeland leader would do so. As a last attempt, Botha’s government tried to give the smallest homeland, KaNgwane, as well as the northern part of Kwa-Zulu, to Swaziland, which they bordered. Both Buthelezi and the leader of KaNgwane challenged the plan in court. Their victory in the case marked the end of any plans to remove 12 more homelands from South Africa. This may also have been because of the cost of supporting the homelands: in 1976, transfers of money to Bophuthatswana, KwaZulu and Transkei had cost almost R230 million. However, the four “independent” homelands remained an issue until 1994. The crisis of apartheid in the 1980s - The policies of PW Botha’s government, repression, and reform Total Onslaught and Total Strategy Botha told his supporters that the combined effects of the increased resistance in South Africa, the guerrilla threat from across the border and the increased international pressure represented a “Total Onslaught”, or attack, on South Africa which was ultimately directed by the forces of communism and the Soviet Union. In the face of this attack, he said that White South Africans must “adapt…or die”. Botha argued, therefore, that increased repression alone would not be enough and it had to be combined with some measure of reform. This policy of repression and reform was called “Total Strategy”. Reform: economic and political Botha made concessions in a number of different areas including: a) Legalisation and recognition of Black trade unions in 1979 b) Increased expenditure on Black education in 1981 c) Passing of the Black Local Authorities Act in 1982. d) The passing of the Republic of South Africa Constitution Act of 1983 and the introduction of the Tricameral Parliament in 1984. e) Granting of independence to a number of homelands. f) The abolishment of job reservation in 1984. g) Private schools were desegregated in 1985. h) Passing of the Immorality and Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Amendment Act in 1985. i) Pass Laws were repealed in 1986 (However the Group Areas Act of 1966 was not repealed so most residential areas remained segregated) j) The recognition of a permanent urban African population. k) Attempts to create an African middle class. l) Reservation of Public Amenities Act was relaxed during the 1980s (The law itself was not repealed in the 1980s) 13 Legalisation of the Trade Unions Botha’s Total Strategy included the idea that repression alone could not succeed and that changes had to be made to apartheid. The first legal change was designed to be an economic one which had been under consideration throughout the 1970s. Black South African workers had proved their economic power in the Durban strikes of 1973 when over 100,000 workers went on strike. This put pressure on employers and the economy. In its wake, industry pressured the government to legalise labour representation for Black workers. Such pressure increased after the Soweto Uprising and in 1977 the Wiehahn Commission was set up to investigate. It recommended that Black trade unions be allowed to form. This was implemented from 1979, albeit with restrictions: unions could not be political. The Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU) was formed that year as the first non-racial trade union federation. The number of unions grew quickly and the vital mining workers were represented when the NUM was formed in 1982. The Tricameral Parliament The most important part of Botha’s reform policy was a new constitution that gave Coloured and Indian South Africans the right to vote in national elections. However, the basic policy of apartheid regarding the separation of racial groups would still apply. The new parliament would have three separate chambers: White voters would elect 178 members to the House of Assembly. Coloured voters would elect 85 members to the House of Representatives. Indian voters would elect 45 members to the House of Delegates. The ratio of about 4:2:1 guaranteed White people a majority in the parliament, even though these three houses would only occasionally sit together. Government responsibility was divided into “own affairs” and “general affairs”. “Own affairs” were matters where each racial House would make laws for themselves only, such as for education and health. Laws relating to “general affairs”, considered to apply to all groups – such as defence, justice, police, finance, and foreign affairs required a majority in all three houses to pass. This requirement seemed to counteract the White majority. However, the 1983 constitution made other changes: The post of Prime Minister was abolished, and merged with the previously ceremonial role of President, to create an executive State President with very broad powers, like a US President. The President was elected by an 88-member electoral college composed of 50 White people, 25 Coloured people and 13 Indian people, each group chosen by its respective house in parliament. The overall White majority virtually guaranteed a White President. The NP majority in the Assembly guaranteed that PW Botha was the first State President. The President could decide which laws were general and which were own affairs. 14 When all three houses could not agree on a general affairs law, a President's Council would make the decision. This council consisted of 60 members – 20 members appointed by the House of Assembly, 10 by the House of Representatives, 5 by the House of Delegates and 25 directly by the State President. As a result, a White majority was guaranteed. Although a White majority was certain, it could not be guaranteed that all or most White members would always vote along lines of apartheid policy. Under Botha, this possibility also did not matter. The State Security Council was originally set up to advise the government on security matters. It included the President, Ministers of Defence, Foreign Affairs, Justice and Police, the Chief of the Defence Force, the Chief of the Police and the head of the Bureau for State Security (BOSS) (later National Intelligence Service (NIS)). Most of these were appointed by the President or with his approval. This body sidelined the rest of the official Cabinet and the tricameral Parliament. It should be clear that the largest group of people in South Africa – Black people - received no representation at all in the tricameral parliament. Botha could explain this through the policy of independence for homelands, so long as this lasted. However, we have noted that the Black population in cities was growing, and so Botha needed to make changes here too. 1982 Black Local Authorities Act In recognition of the fact that Black people now formed a permanent part of the urban population and instead of providing for Black representation in parliament, the 1982 Black Local Authorities Act created local government structures such as town councils in Black areas. These Black local authorities would be elected by Black residents and would run the townships. It was hoped that this would lessen the discontent in the townships. While similar in structure to local authorities in White areas, these Black local authorities faced several problems which limited their appeal and ability, including: ⮚ They were self-financing, so they could only raise money to do anything by raising rents. This made them unpopular.  ⮚ Unlike local councillors in White, Indian or Coloured areas, they had no links with political parties that had national representation, so their power and influence was very limited. Far from lessening discontent, the Black local authorities were seen as stooges of the apartheid system and had very little support. 15 Black Middle Class It was believed that if more Black South Africans had access to a middle-class life, they would be less attracted to communism and less likely to risk their property or livelihood by rebelling. Increased educational and employment opportunities from the 1970s were part of this, but changes in the townships needed to be made for a middle-class lifestyle to be possible. ⮚ Although still denied the right to own property, 99-year leases were introduced. This security of tenure made it possible for leaseholders to get bank loans, as the lease length was little different from actually owning the house. ⮚ Larger plots were made available for the building of larger houses in certain areas of townships – creating more affluent suburbs. ⮚ Restrictions on trade in townships were eased. For example, the Black minibus taxi industry was legalised and became the largest Black-owned industry in the country. Later in the 1980s, the reduction of petty apartheid laws such as the Separate Amenities Act meant that the Black middle class could also spend money in restaurants or shopping malls previously reserved for White people only. At the same time, other apartheid laws were crumbling: the impossibility of enforcing the pass laws resulted in their abolition in 1986. Botha also repealed the Abolition of Mixed Marriages and Immorality Amendment Act, declaring that he could find no justification in the Bible for keeping them. Significance of Reforms On the one hand, it must be acknowledged that the abolition of some apartheid laws and the willingness to provide for better lifestyles, employment and legislation made a difference in the lives of many and were significant changes from the previous 30 years of NP policy. The changes were considered cosmetic changes as they did not do away with apartheid but rather tried to make it more tolerable. However, none of these reforms changed, nor were they meant to change, the truth that political power remained in White hands. Botha’s aims were to make enough concessions so that, combined with harsh repression, Black, Coloured and Indian South Africans would be persuaded to live with a slightly friendlier version of apartheid. This would not be the case. Botha’s reforms in fact sparked the most intense phase of resistance against apartheid in the years leading to the release of Mandela. At the same time, many conservative White people were outraged by the minimal reform, leading to a split within the National Party between reform-minded “verligtes” and conservative “verkramptes”. Most notable among these verkramptes was Andries Treurnicht, who had been appointed Education Minister in 1976 and had immediately ordered the Afrikaans Language Policy that had sparked the Soweto Uprising. In 1982 he and 22 other MPs quit the NP in protest at Botha’s reforms, believing that any lessening of apartheid would lead to its collapse. He formed the Conservative Party, which became the official opposition and reduced the NP majority in parliament over the remaining years of the decade. 16 In 1985, President PW Botha addressed parliament in what later became known as the “Rubicon Speech.” Botha stated, “Today we have crossed the Rubicon...” (To ‘cross the Rubicon’ means to begin something enormous from which there is no turning back.) The majority of South Africans, as well as the international community, had expected PW Botha to announce major changes to South African politics and the system of Apartheid. In effect, he announced no major changes at all. People were disappointed and ridiculed Botha for his analogy of crossing the Rubicon. The lack of change resulted in resistance organisations becoming even more committed to change and to forcing the government to dismantle Apartheid. Botha’s reforms had only made people angrier and more militant in their approach. They vowed to commit themselves to mass action against the government to force their hand. This mass action happened at community level to make the ‘grass root’ levels of South African townships ungovernable. At the same time, the international community seemed finally to lose all patience with Botha’s government and the pace of sanctions and disinvestment increased. Repression: Overt and Covert As had always been the case, the government increased repression to counter threats. This included both overt (formal, open) and covert (secret, often illegal) repression. Overt repression Militarisation Up to this point the NP government had been able to rely on the police to combat resistance internally and there had been little significant external threat. To combat the threat of guerrilla war or invasion and the effects of an arms embargo, Botha increased military expenditure dramatically.  Companies such as Armscor were set up to make the weapons that South Africa could not buy abroad. The period of military conscription for White men was increased to two years, followed by a further two years of “camps” spread over twelve years. Generals were given a growing role in advising the government and developing government policy. The defence budget increased from R707 million in 1974 to R3 billion in 1982 and the number of active military from 328,000 to 592,000. Cross-border raids took place against ANC bases and large operations to support UNITA in the Angolan Civil War took place throughout the 1980s – the “Border War”. From 1985, troops were used in townships in South Africa (see the township revolt below). 17 In 1979, Botha also established a highly influential and sinister State Security Council, consisting of army generals and police chiefs, to advise him on matters relating to the repression of resistance groups. The State Security Council was a very powerful group of leaders in the defence force (including the Minister of Defence).It would make decisions without going through the cabinet. Thus it is evident that South Africa was not a democracy but a police state. Within South African borders, the government ruthlessly continued its attempt to stamp out ‘subversive' activities. Anti-apartheid organisations were banned and their leaders were imprisoned. Many were placed in detention i.e. they were kept in prison without a trial. Repression within South Africa Censorship continued, particularly after “Black Wednesday” in 1977 when six publications were banned, and the Registration of Newspapers Amendment Act of 1982, which forced newspapers to pay R40,000 deposit to the government when registering and which would be forfeited if the newspaper was banned. New security legislation increased the already draconian powers of the police. The Internal Security Act of 1982 allowed the state to detain a person without trial indefinitely. Over 80,000 people were detained in this way during the 1980s, some for over two years. Bannings of individuals and organisations continued to be used. Many public gatherings were also banned and events which could not be banned, such as funerals, were often subject to a heavy police presence. Despite these measures, the inability to prevent demonstrations and to control the Township Revolt led to a State of Emergency being declared in parts of the country in 1985, and then over the whole country in 1986. This state of emergency continued until 1990. Covert repression There was a hidden system of repression which did not rely on laws or parliament and was directed through the State Security Council (SSC) (see the section on the Tricameral Parliament above). One example was police brutality against prisoners in detention, where many detainees were beaten and tortured. Detainees were often tortured and many of them died. Between 1963 and 1990, at least a hundred people died in detention. These victims died either as a result of suicide by hanging or because of police torture. The government always claimed that detainees had died as a result of suicide or strange accidents. Those that were brought to trial were brutally punished. Between 1982 and 1983, 40 000 people were punished by whipping. The large majority of these people had committed political offences and were lashed 10 times. If convicted of treason, a person could be hanged. The government executed some political offenders in this way. Over 70 prisoners died in detention with little attempt to investigate the causes. Security police used threats and intimidation against people who had not been arrested. Security Police burglarised and destroyed buildings belonging to anti-apartheid organisations. During 18 this period, the number of political assassinations intensified. Examples documented include Ruth First who was killed by a letter bomb in Maputo; Griffiths and Nonyamezelo Victoria Mxenge who were killed in separate incidents in Durban, and the Cradock Four — activists Matthew Goniwe, Fort Calata, Sparrow Mkhonto and Sicelo Mhlauli — who were mysteriously murdered.Hit squads existed within the police and the SADF to assassinate certain people. Examples include David Webster - an anthropology lecturer at Wits who was shot in the street - and the “Pebco Three”, anti-apartheid activists who were kidnapped, tortured and murdered. Some assassinations were carried out outside of South Africa, with bombs, assassins or even the air force being sent to target individuals or places in Lesotho, Zimbabwe, Botswana and Zambia for example. Tools of Repression used by the National Party: State of Emergency was applied by PW Botha throughout the 1980s. The aim was to crush the growing resistance. This law gave the government wide powers to: Arrest and interrogate people Search buildings Stop meetings Censor the news, only news supplied by the Bureau of Information was permitted to be published. Weekly Mail and New Nation (anti- NP/Apartheid newspapers) were shut down under emergency laws. The State of Emergency was re-imposed in 1986 over the whole country and was eventually extended until 1990. The Army (SADF) and Police (SAP) patrolled the townships and monitored the growing resistance and unrest. Together they were called the security forces. Political challenges facing Botha on the 1980s Despite the challenges faced as a result of the growing resistance the NP was still firmly in power. Clear victories had been won during the general elections and the NP had the support of the majority of the White electorate in the 1983 referendum in favour of the changes to the constitution. But the reforms of 1983 would result in a split within the party: The birth of the Conservative Party under Andries Treurnicht in 1982 presented a challenge to the NP. This split in Afrikaner ranks was the result of opposition to Botha’s reforms, especially his constitutional reforms to bring Indian and Coloured people into the government. 19 Right wing Afrikaner numbers were also growing and the Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB) was formed under Terre Blanche. The AWB was prepared to use violence to oppose any reforms. It was estimated that membership was between 50 000 and 100 000. The AWB adopted Nazi-style symbols and actions and called for the establishment of a separate Afrikaner state or Volkstaat. Division between Afrikaners weakened the reform movement. The policy of Total Strategy was not working, despite the fact that thousands of activists had been banned, detained or imprisoned (and even killed). The ANC’s call from the mid-80s to make the country ungovernable was beginning to take effect. Although Botha’s reforms had tried to improve conditions for urban Black people, the majority remained poor and many were unemployed and illiterate. The army and police were still controlling the townships where thousands of people were still being detained without trial. Botha’s policy of reform had led to expectations of change for Black people, which had not been forthcoming. Thus the level of dissatisfaction amongst Black people remained high, and Botha failed to drive a wedge between middle and working class Black people, who showed unity in their opposition to the government. The Crisis of Apartheid in the 1980s - Internal Resistance in the 1980s Trade Unions In 1979 PW Botha legalised trade unions. The government hoped to be able to control Black trade unions, but it failed. In the early 1980s most of the unions began to move closer to the increasingly militant community organisations. Workers felt that the issues of the workplace and issues of the communities in which they lived could no longer be separated. In spite of differences most unions agreed that there was a need for cooperation in order to achieve what they regarded as the ideal: one country, one federation. This movement resulted in the formation of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) in December 1985. COSATU would be closely aligned to the UDF. Strike Action was the most powerful weapon used by the Trade Unions. Whilst their concerns initially focused on conditions in the workplace, they realised that this was linked to the overall political policy of apartheid, which they needed to destroy. Thus the TU became a vital part of the political struggle against apartheid. They also realised that they had strength in numbers which gave them the power to enter the political struggle. The economy of the country could not function properly without their cooperation. Thus the workers became involved in a populist approach. (involved in the political struggle). The role Trade Unions played in civil society protests was significant on two levels: As trade unions they used their collective bargaining power to place enormous pressure on the government to abolish apartheid, and thus were of great importance to the popular protest movement. 20 The growing importance of Black labour (in particular the need for Black skilled labour) resulted in Black workers having greater ability to force concessions. The legalisation of Black trade unions had been designed to assuage their demands. Despite forbidding them from engaging in political activity, trade unions became one of the most powerful forces in the internal resistance to apartheid. Strategies and Actions Once legalised, it was impossible to restrict union activity to “shop floor” issues. When the trade union movement began to align with anti-apartheid organisations in the 1980s, they were able to mobilise tens of thousands of workers across many industries, causing great economic pressure through strikes and participation in demonstrations. The numbers and breadth of the trade unions meant that this rolling mass action was harder to suppress than previous small-scale strikes. The Trade unions also worked with other resistance organisations such as civics, the youth and the UDF to create mass support for the strikes, boycotts and stayaways that were characteristics of civil society protest. In 1985, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) was formed and set about undertaking militant action against the apartheid government. COSATU’s adoption of the Freedom Charter in 1987 aligned it explicitly with the liberation movement. It was a politicised trade union federation and banning it was not a realistic option for the government. Significance Trade Unions were able to mobilise and organise tens of thousands of workers in support of anti-apartheid protests. The growing economic importance of Black workers meant that strikes in the 1980s cost the economy much in terms of lost production and income. This had an effect in demonstrating the growing mass resistance to apartheid to the government and to the world. It also resulted in many business leaders pressuring the government to negotiate. What did Botha’s government intend when it legalised Black trade unions? What did it explicitly not want them to do? Why did Botha not ban trade unions when they did this anyway? 21 Government response to the Trade Unions Union leaders were targeted by the repression policy: many leaders were arrested and detained. COSATU’s offices were bombed and an Emergency Law of 1988 banned COSATU from all political activity. The restrictions imposed on COSATU and UDF during the State of Emergency made a broad civil protest movement difficult to organise. However these organisations refused to give up and soon the informal alliance between the ANC, the UDF and COSATU took on a more permanent character and during 1989 became known as the MASS DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT. In the 1990s COSATU joined the unbanned ANC and SACP as part of the Tripartite Alliance and attended the CODESA negotiations. United Democratic Front One of the key organisations of resistance in the 1980s was created in direct opposition to the Tricameral Parliament. This was the United Democratic Front. The United Democratic Front (UDF) was formed in 1983 at a meeting in Mitchell’s Plain in Cape Town when the reverend Alan Boesak called for civic organisations, churches, unions and student organisations to work together to oppose:  The Tricameral Parliament The Apartheid system The Homeland system. The UDF was non-racial, accepting participation by any organisation that opposed the tricameral system and the homelands. Because individual organisations were affiliated to, and each had a say in, UDF committees, it was hard to suppress. By providing a means of linking the various civic organisations throughout the country, the UDF spread influence, experience and tactics as well as providing coordination for its hundreds of member organisations. The UDF was aligned to the ANC and supported the principle of non-racialism. It was an umbrella body that claimed to represent 600 anti-apartheid organisations including women’s groups, trade unions, church groups, students, youth groups, civic groups. It aimed to unite these groups in an effort to coordinate resistance in order to enhance its impact. The 22 UDF was a very democratic body: all affiliates had equal voting powers on committees. It was deliberately decentralised so that the state would not easily be able to destroy it. The UDF immediately campaigned against the new constitution encouraging Coloured and Indian people to boycott the elections for the new parliament and Africans to boycott elections for the local community councils. The obvious success of their campaign to deny the new parliament any kind of legitimacy was evident by the poor voter turn-out in 1984. It came to play a major role in organising general resistance against the government. Various organisations were affiliated to the UDF: Church groups Civic groups Trade Unions Women’s groups Congress of South African Students Indian Community organisations Strategies and Actions Campaigned against the Tricameral Parliament Increased public participation by calling meetings, marches and protests. Publicised protests by creating protests, t-shirts and slogans. Organised various consumer boycotts of White-owned shops and collaborating businesses. Its first large campaign was to convince Indian and Coloured voters to boycott the Tricameral Parliament elections because it was an insufficient reform, particularly because of the exclusion of Black voters, but also because the structure of parliament meant they would have no real say. It then encouraged a boycott of the Black Local Authority elections. It organised a “Million Signature” campaign for a petition against apartheid. Although the target was not reached, the campaign raised awareness and politicised more people. The UDF supported rent boycotts in townships where rents had been raised to support new Black local councils. 23 Significance of the UDF The low voter turnout in 1984 (16% of Indian registered voters, 30% of Coloured registered voters) was seen as a victory for the UDF and a rejection of the tricameral system. There was also a low voter turnout, about 10%, for the Black Local Authority elections. Rent boycotts, school protests and stayaways became a feature of South African life in the mid 1980s. There were boycotts of White-owned shops. A partial State of Emergency was declared in 1985 and extended in 1986. The UDF was effectively banned in 1988. An organisation that was critical of the UDF’s non-racial character was the National Forum, a Black Consciousness organisation. It had a more Africanist and socialist approach to achieving the same aims with similar strategies, but it never achieved the same level of mass support as the UDF. A contest developed between the UDF and the National Forum, and the UDF emerged as the strongest – eventually consisting of over 500 anti- apartheid organisations, which came together to oppose the new TP and moved towards opposing apartheid in general. The National Forum was unable to gain mass support). When the government finally managed to ban the UDF, the Mass Democratic Movement (MDM) was established in 1989 to replace it. It was a loose coalition with no structures (and so impossible to ban) of anti-apartheid organisations which followed the Freedom Charter, members of the UDF, Cosatu and other resistance organisations. It formed ties with the ANC. Youth and Student Movements The rise of youth to political leadership came as a result of education. Many young people received an education, while their parents may have belonged to a generation in which education was not considered a key to a good life. It is therefore significant that many of the prominent leaders of the ANC, the African People’s Organisation (APO) and the Natal and Transvaal Indian Congresses were in their twenties and thirties when they assumed leadership positions in their organisations. By 1985 student and youth organisations had been established across the country and were often in the forefront of militant struggles, especially against the security forces. They were a key feature of the mass uprisings of the 1980s. Together with workers unions and civics, they were the “agents of change” in the country at the time and played a key role in civil society protests in the 1980s. Many youth sacrificed education and employment (and risked their lives) in order to participate in civil protests and played a vital role in the overall pattern and effectiveness of the resistance. 24 By the 1980s many of the students still identified with Black Consciousness. However the banned ANC was still well supported and maintained contact with student organisations. Those students who were forced to flee the country after the 1976 riots joined the ANC-in-exile and many also joined MK and returned to SA to conduct sabotage acts against the government. Although the government backed down on its Afrikaans policy after the 1976 riots, schools continued to be disrupted and students continued to protest their inferior education under apartheid. By 1985 the amount spent on each Black child was still only 14% of what was spent on a White child. Thus education was a key focus of the civil protest movement. COSAS: The Congress of South African Students (COSAS) was established in June 1979 as a national organisation to represent the interests of Black school students in the wake of the Soweto uprisings. During its formation the South African Student Movement (SASM) and other organisations of the Black Consciousness (BC) Movement were banned by the apartheid government. COSAS organised students at secondary and night schools, as well as technical teacher training and correspondence colleges. Soon after their formation, the organisation set up branches in the Eastern Cape, Western Cape, Transvaal, Orange Free State and Natal. Branches in the various provinces were set up with the aid of executive members specifically deployed into the various regions for that purpose. Other student organisations also assisted COSAS with establishing its branches in their areas. Initially a BC-oriented organisation, a year after its formation COSAS became the first organisation to declare its support of the Freedom Charter. Its first president, Ephraim Mogale was actually a clandestine member of the African National Congress (ANC) and was later to be convicted of furthering the aims of the ANC. At the time of COSAS’s formation, the ANC was banned along other liberation movements under the Unlawful Organisations Act. By the end of 1984, it had succeeded in drawing community support for the students’ struggle when it successfully called on the community to participate in the Transvaal regional stay-away. Demands made by the organisation included: The withdrawal of the SADF and police from the townships Cessation (stopping) of rent and bus-fare increases Resignation of all community councillors Unconditional release of all political prisoners and detainees Reinstatement of dismissed workers Educational reform The termination of unfair tax discrimination By 1985, school boycotts had rendered the schools unworkable and ungovernable and mirrored the collapse of the Black Local Authorities in the townships. Their slogan “Liberation now, Education later!” saw chaos in schools across the country and resulted in the National 25 Education Crisis Committee being formed in 1986. Eventually COSAS was banned in mid-1985 as the State of Emergency was declared by the South African government. AZASO: Following the banning of the South African Student Organisation (SASO) a new student’s structure was constituted to fill the void. The new structure was called the Azanian Student Organisation (AZASO) and was established in 1979 by students from five Black universities and one college of education. AZASO, which was formed under Tom Nkoana, initially emerged as a continuation of the banned organisation, SASO, but later manifested itself to be a different organisation that adopted ANC policies and the Freedom Charter over the Black Consciousness Doctrine. In addition, AZASO advocated a non-racial policy towards working with other youth organisations. AZASO also secured political cooperation with other ANC-aligned formations such as the United Democratic Front (UDF) and the Congress of South African Students (COSAS). All these developments highlighted a drift by AZASO from the philosophy of Black Consciousness and its associated organisations like SASO and the Black People’s Convention (BPC). AZASO also focused on the Education Charter campaign, specifically the need for students to formulate a common set of educational demands. It saw the Education Charter campaign as a rallying point to mobilise students and make student structures more mass based. It did so firstly by supporting the Freedom Charter, and then later in 1986 by changing its name to the South African National Students Congress (SANSCO). Like COSAS, AZASO saw a direct relationship between the educational and other (socio-political) struggles. Its guiding principle was the struggle for the creation of a democratic South Africa free of racist oppression and exploitation. It also welcomed the formation of the UDF and had participated in meetings that preceded the formation of the Front. Its members played an important role popularising the UDF, by promoting anti-election campaigns and collecting signatures during the 'Million Signature Campaign'. In 1987 AZASO called for the transformation of tertiary institutions into 'Peoples' Campuses' and called for formation of committees of peoples' power at all levels, from the SRC through to hostel and floor committees, faculty councils, class committees, as well as sports and cultural committees. These structures that had their parallel in the street committees, people’s courts and the like, were seen as the foundations of people’s power and democratic control of campuses. At the time of the launch of the UDF, AZASO was represented by at least 15 branches from institutions in the Transvaal, Western Cape, Natal and the Eastern Cape. Despite being banned at institutions in the Eastern Cape and Natal, and having been weakened by repressive state measures, by 1986 AZASO had had a presence in 67 colleges, campuses and Technikons. 26 Churches and religious leaders With the banning of many organisations following the township revolts and the passing of the State of Emergency, the Church became virtually the only legal voice of opposition for some time. It became the voice of the oppressed people and thus represented an important aspect of civil society protest at this time. The South African Council of Churches (SACC) played a dominant role in organising religious opposition to apartheid and repression. The South African Council of Churches (SACC) supported anti-apartheid activities. They gave support to conscientious objectors (those who refused to do their military service) and the End Conscription Campaign (ECC). They called on foreign companies to refuse to apply the job reservation policy. In 1985 leaders from 16 church groups issued the Kairos Document Urged all Christians to participate in the liberation struggle by supporting disobedience campaigns, boycotts and strikes. Church leaders encouraged civil society protest. Church leaders who played a role: Bishop Desmond Tutu (Secretary of the SACC): made public speeches both at home and abroad to draw attention to the issues facing people in SA.  This would earn him the Nobel Peace Prize. Frank Chikane: played a leading role in the UDF and the SACC.Chikane was detained four times because of his criticism of the government and once allegedly had an attempt on his life, initiated by Adriaan Vlok, former Minister of Law and Order. Dr Beyers Naude: General-Secretary of the SACC and a critic of apartheid. Father Trevor Huddleston: Went into exile in England and continued to criticise apartheid and draw attention to SA. Many of the church leaders were targeted by the government’s repression policy and were detained or banned. In 1987 the Anglican Church took the bold step of recognising the legitimacy of the armed struggle. In 1988 the SACC headquarters in Johannesburg were bombed, injuring 23 people. It was suspected that the orders came from the security police or Botha himself. Undaunted, the 27 churches continued to play a key role as the momentum for change grew in the late 1980s. For the first time the Dutch Reformed Church openly condemned apartheid. What was the significance of the Church organisations? In June 1989 at the SACC’s annual conference committed church members to supporting non-violent action to bring an end to apartheid. This call was supported by “The Call of Islam” (Muslims) and “Jews for Justice” (Jewish group). One of the most important contributions of churches to the struggle was the Kairos Document, written by an anonymous group of churchmen and released in 1985. Kairos is a Greek word meaning “a good moment to take action or make a decision.” The document challenged the churches' response to what the authors saw as the vicious policies of the apartheid state under the State of Emergency declared on 21 July 1985. The document is structured in five short chapters: (1) The Moment of Truth, explaining the context; (2) Critique of 'State Theology' which criticised how the state and some churches used bible passages to support its actions; (3) Critique of 'Church Theology', which criticised religious leaders who emphasised reconciliation without mentioning justice or non-violence without addressing state violence; (4) Towards a Prophetic Theology, which proposed an alternative to both – proposing that tyranny created a right to resist; (5) Challenge to Action, calling for civil disobedience and participation in the struggle; and a short conclusion. The Kairos Document evoked strong reactions and furious debates not only in South Africa, but world-wide. On 29 February 1988 Tutu and a number of other church leaders were arrested during a protest in front of the parliamentary buildings in Cape Town. Alan Boesak led the World Alliance of Reformed Churches (WARC). He was very influential in founding the UDF. Although church leaders were not totally immune to prosecution, they were able to criticise the government more freely than the leaders of militant groups. They were pivotal in altering public opinion regarding apartheid policies. “Civics” and the Township Uprisings of 1984 - 1986 Mass civil society action and Township Resistance was an important feature of 1980s resistance. Citizens opposed to government policies set up organisations to oppose them at a local level. “Civics” tackled everyday issues such as rent and the demolition of shacks, poor services, public transport and Black local councillors. These organisations were focused on issues that were important in local communities and so sustained a lot of local involvement. Such organisations were spread throughout the country and were also hard to suppress. 28 Action by “civics” spilled over into a growing “township revolt” in the Vaal Triangle with mass demonstrations, burnings of government buildings and the targeting of Black councillors and policemen in 1985. This was followed by a call from the ANC to make the townships ungovernable. In the wake of this, alternative structures were set up to replace government institutions “People’s Courts” dispensed judgement and necklacing became a brutal form of punishment. The youth, under the slogan “liberation first, education later”, boycotted school and began to act independently of adult control. Parents became worried and the youth movement was criticised by the UDF – but continued to act independently. Actions and strategies Dealt with various civic issues like housing, rent and services. Tackled the Black councillors who were accused of collaborating with the apartheid government. Protested to bring about changes and improvements in the townships. Yielded the call for stay-aways, rent and bus boycotts, improving the impact of these actions. Mobilised the various communities into action in order to improve their lives. Politicised the people Organised consumer boycotts. Took over the administration of the townships. Funerals became spaces of protest when the government banned rallies. Boycotts were the most important activity of the township organisations. They encouraged the community to protest by refusing to pay high rents or service fees to the Black Local Authorities (BLA’s) and by boycotting White-owned businesses. Sometimes these rent boycotts became violent e.g. the “White City War” in Soweto led to the death of 21 people in 1986. Many of the Black Councillors who were seen as government collaborators were attacked in the militant township groups, or the homes were burnt down). A fresh way of rent boycotts began in the Vaal Triangle which then spread to the Eastern cape in 1984. (Township Revolts) This was encouraged by the exiled leader of the ANC, Oliver Tambo, as part of the campaign to make the country “ungovernable”. Thus they were 29 accompanied by school boycotts which were organised by COSAS and worker stayaways, co-ordinated by the UDF. The civics helped establish unity and encouraged militancy amongst the communities in the townships in the struggle against apartheid, and must be seen as an important part of the resistance movement and a vital part of the popular protest movement. They collaborated (worked with) the UDF and other organisations to provide an effective platform to fight injustice, especially during the Township Revolt (which resulted in the government declaring a nationwide State of Emergency). Thus they played a significant role in the collapse of apartheid. Black on Black violence By 1986 more Black people were being killed by other Black people than by the security forces. Those targeted included: councillors, informers and policemen. The government also quietly supported vigilante groups in the townships in their attempt to sow division and discord amongst Black people e.g. There were attacks in Crossroads settlement near Cape Town. There were frequent attacks between Inkatha and UDF supporters, also secretly fuelled by the government. The government tried to convey propaganda that most of the violence was caused by Black-on-Black violence. Significance of the Township Uprisings: The revolts showed that most of the Black population was politicised and prepared to engage in mass, organised and militant protest. It showed the ability of various sections of the community (schools, trade unions, churches etc) to come together in a united and organised effort to resist apartheid. The revolt showed that popular/civil protest was not only very strong, but was also very effective. It forced the government onto the back foot and made many more South Africans apply pressure on the government for democratic reform. Thus De Klerk would be able to defeat Botha and set in motion a negotiation process with the ANC that would result in a democratic South Africa. The revolts strengthened the ANC, both in South Africa and overseas. The ANC was boosted by the fact that they were accepted by the UDF, COSATU and by popular protest movements as the overall leader of the resistance movement, and the legitimate government of South Africa. Support for Inkatha dropped outside of Kwazulu-natal. MK’s continued guerrilla activities kept the flames of resistance alive and inspired the people to continue with popular protests within the country. Although the township revolts had died down by 1987, the spirit of resistance and popular protest continued, although in a less intense manner. The UDF continued to exist and to exert pressure on the government to end apartheid, and together with other anti-apartheid organisations and COSATU, were supported by the masses. 30 Women in civil society protests Women played a strong and significant role in the civics protest described above, but deserve a separate mention because of their unique contribution. Ordinary women throughout South Africa played a valuable role in the resistance process that continued throughout the 80s, participating in the civics, trade unions and the United Women’s Congress. Many of them became leaders such as Albertina Sisulu- chosen as one of the 3 presidents of the UDF. White anti-Apartheid organisation and resistance The End Conscription Campaign (ECC) was formed in 1983 by conscientious objectors to oppose the conscription of White men for two years’ military service. While service could be deferred by studying, outright refusal could be punished by up to 6 years imprisonment. By the 1980s many men were giving explicitly political reasons for refusing to serve, including: The ongoing “border war” with Angola The use of troops to suppress revolts in townships — many soldiers felt that fighting against fellow South Africans was morally wrong and not a soldier’s job Actions  ECC held a “Troops out of the Townships” rally in 1985 Supporting men who refused to serve and faced trial Raised awareness and politicised White people against conscription using posters Significance Seen as a threat by the government because it was composed of the very White men it needed to defend apartheid and provided a dangerous example. Blamed by the Minister of Defence in 1985 for the refusal of 8000 men who had been called up in January that year to report for training. Banned in 1988, but in 1989 conscription was reduced to 1 year. 31 The Black Sash had been formed in 1955 by six White women opposed to the removal of Coloured voters from the voters’ roll as being an attack on the (then) constitution. It had continued to oppose apartheid ever since. Actions Members wore a black sash over one shoulder as they stood in public places to oppose laws that infringe on human rights. They held vigils outside government offices. They gave practical legal advice and support to victims of apartheid laws through their advice offices. Results More evidence that the White population was not united in supporting apartheid. Restricted by the State of Emergency in 1985, they could no longer stand in groups to protest so stood individually along main roads. The role of the Mass Democratic Movement Actions Organised stay-aways to protest the tricameral elections that continued to be held. Organised freedom marches through the cities. By the late 1980s it was clear that violent confrontation by anti-apartheid activists was not enough to topple the government. Thus the resistance movement focused more on popular protest and organised a mass defiance campaign, following the example set by the US Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s. Thus the Mass Democratic Movement (MDM) was born. The ANC, UDF and COSATU (together with other organisations) defied the State of Emergency and formed the MDM – a broad anti-apartheid alliance of worker and community organisations. In 1989 the MDM declared a “YEAR of MASS ACTION” and planned a series of Defiance campaigns such as strikes and boycotts etc. The aim was to push the new leader of the NP, FW de Klerk, to implement his promises to lift political restrictions and to end social segregation, and to protest the 1989 elections for the Tricameral Parliament. Large crowds occupied ‘Whites only’ beaches and hospitals as part of the defiance campaign, and “Freedom Marches” were held in all the major cities. 1989 THE YEAR OF MASS ACTION In January/February: 600 detainees staged a hunger strike to demand their release which caused world wide publicity and made the government bow to pressure to start releasing them. Political funerals were once more held openly in defiance of the government. In March COSATU and NACTU committed themselves to strikes and boycotts against the governments’ Labour Relations Act. 32 In June: 10 000 youths in the Eastern Transvaal marched in protest at the renewal of the State of Emergency. In August the MDM launched a defiance campaign against the government. This was a national programme which called for an end to segregation in hospitals, schools, transport, the workplace and beaches etc. It also organised widespread worker stayaways with approximately 3 million workers refusing to go to work, in opposition to the elections for the Tricameral Parliament in September 1989. As the pressure on the government grew, police used increasing force and repression, and arrested thousands of protestors. 23 people were killed in the Western Cape on the night of the Tricameral Parliament elections. The government used the state of emergency on an ongoing basis. The mood of defiance grew stronger and many ignored the banning orders and restrictions. The MDM organised Freedom marches in major cities. Previously the NP government suppressed these marches, but these were allowed to proceed. A march of 40 000 in cape Town was followed by similar marches throughout the country. It was evident that the NP government was no longer in total control of the country. The NP government was weak but continued its policy of repression. Even in the Bantustans/Homelands, popular resistance was strong with many leaders and communities supporting the resistance movement. Despite severe repression by the Bantustan police, aided by the SA police and SADF, they were unable to stop regular resistance. Thus it was clear that the civil society protests of the MDM led to effective pressure on the government that helped to end apartheid. The NP was no longer in full control and De Klerk was able to replace Botha and begin the negotiation process for democracy with the ANC. The response of the National Party government to the civil unrest in the 1980s The State responded to the Township Revolts (1984-1986) and the intense resistance with brute force, increased repression and a State of Emergency. In the escalating violence following the 25th anniversary of Sharpeville, when the death of 20 protestors sparked revolts all over the country, Botha wielded the stick of repressions and proclaimed a State of Emergency over numerous areas in 1985 and over the whole country in 1986. This lasted on and off until 1990. The government used the military to try to regain some control over the country. Troops were deployed to the townships. State of Emergency: this enabled the government to use emergency powers and extreme force to subdue unrest. Massive banning orders, arrests and detentions of youth, community members, UDF and Union leaders followed. E.g. Patrick Lekota of the UDF and 25 000 other people were detained. COSATU House ( a centre for anti-apartheid groups) was bombed on instruction from Botha. 3 3 Many activists “disappeared” (43 had died in police custody by 1987); others were tortured or forced to flee into exile. There was limited freedom of press and foreign cameramen were not allowed to take pictures. In practice South Africa was a police state of legalised terror and tyranny where the police and army were given unlimited powers to suppress the unrest. The army said that SA was in a state of war and employed thousands of soldiers in the townships to assist the police. Under “Operation Palmiet” thousands of troops poured into the townships and became a common feature of township life. The Minister of Law and Order, Adriaan Vlok, admitted that even children had been detained under the State of Emergency. The government also banned more than 30 organisations, including the UDF and AZAPO and limited the activities of COSATU and the NECC in 1988. There were many political trials and the UDF organised mass demonstrations to support defendants in cases such as the Delmas Treason Trial. Civil Cooperation Bureau (CCB) This was set up by the government as a secret force to carry out assassinations of key activists such as David Webster, Matthew Goniwe and Dulcie September (ANC representative in Paris). The CCB also sent the parcel bomb that killed Ruth First in Mozambique. (Joe Slovo’s wife). The secret unit was made up of death squads established at Vlakplaas just outside of Pretoria. At the same time Botha continued with the policy of destabilising and attacks against SA’s neighbours. There was continued support of RENAMO in Mozambique and UNITA in Angola. Large scale military operations into Angola took place and there was continued military occupation of South West Africa. The hardliners in the government pushed for these measures, even though the reformers in the government were conducting secret talks with the high-ranking members of the ANC. There was also rigorous censorship imposed on the media on reporting the actions of the security forces. Some newspapers such as the Weekly Mail were closed for a short while under the emergency rules. A stalemate between the government and a strong civil society resistance movement was reached: the government had shown its ability to impose military control of the townships, but not to suppress resistance entirely; anti-apartheid protestors and guerrilla fighters were active, but not strong enough to defeat the army and police. The political tide swung between repression and resistance, with neither side strong enough to defeat the other. By the end of the 80s, South Africa was in crisis due to intense resistance, and the state was using increasing force as a means of keeping the National Party in power. The economic crisis intensified the resistance and increased the pressure on the government. Together they were effective in making the National Party come to the realisation that apartheid was no longer sustainable, and led to a reformist leader in charge of the National Party (De Klerk) and putting South Africa on a course towards democracy — which was achieved in 1994. 34 Note: Whilst 1976 was an important turning point in the struggle for liberation, it was the pressures on the government in the 1980s that really created the impetus for democratic change. By the late 1980s it was obvious that the dual strategy of limited reform and repression had failed. The government was faced with mass, widespread, unified and sustained resistance and would have to decide on the course of action to be taken in order to avert a full scale civil war. The National Party would have to implement greater repression or meaningful reform. In 1989 PW Botha suffered a stroke and was forced by members of his cabinet to step down as president. His place was taken by FW De Klerk who was more open to reform. The Crisis of Apartheid in the 1980s: External/ International Resistance and Opposition International movements played an important role in highlighting the injustices of apartheid and making it a worldwide issue. By isolating South Africa diplomatically, culturally and economically and so pressured the government to make changes and eventually negotiate with liberation movements. Reformers inside South Africa joined forces with overseas organisations to put pressure on the government for change. Business and professional delegations met with ANC leaders in Africa and Europe (e.g. Gavin Reilly of Anglo-American met with Tambo in Zambia; an opposition politician, Van Zyl Slabbert, met with the ANC in Dakar). A ‘Release Mandela’ Campaign was launched both at home and overseas. Afrikaans businessmen and academics (from Stellenbosch University) were also calling for the scrapping of Apartheid. The UN described apartheid as “a crime against humanity” and had called on its members to apply sanctions against SA. Sanctions and boycotts played an important role in the ending of 35 apartheid (despite the fact that Maggie Thatcher in the UK and Ronald Reagan in the USA were opposed to them). The NP was under intense pressure from the international community for reform. After Botha failed to promise meaningful reform in his ‘crossing the Rubicon speech“ of 1985, choosing instead a defiant isolationist position, a financial crisis began. International Anti-Apartheid movements in Britain and Ireland The British movement was founded in 1959 to encourage British people to stop buying South African goods, expanded to campaign against apartheid more generally In 1963 the UK stopped selling arms to South Africa, but progress in pressuring SA was slow The Irish movement was founded by Kader Asmal when he was a lecturer at Trinity College Dublin Demonstrated against Springbok game in Dublin in 1970, and promoted a ban on all sporting contacts  Became well known in 1984 when a cashier at the Dunnes Stores supermarket chain refused to accept South African fruit at the cash register. Other workers followed this example and over two years, public opinion moved from apathy and anger at the strikers to support for a boycott. In 1986, the Irish government enforced a boycott on South African coal and food products and closed its tourist office in SA. Successes of Anti-Apartheid Movement: Worked with other organisations to oppose contact with SA: Pressured Barclays Bank and other British companies to sell their subsidiaries in SA Started a consumer boycott of SA imports Organised a concert at Wembley Stadium for the release of Nelson Mandela, creating huge publicity Influenced the spread of the movement to other European countries. However, progress was slow and many companies, as well as the British and US governments, were reluctant to end links with SA until the mid-1980s. Boycotts and Sanctions When looking at the international actions taken against apartheid, the words sanction, embargo and boycott are frequently used. It is important to differentiate between them. A sanction is an action imposed by a government, or group of governments, which imposes legal restrictions on another country’s ability to interact economically or politically with them. A sanction, which is purely economic, for example, forbidding the import of produce from the country, is often called an “embargo”. So you may read of sports “sanctions” but an oil “embargo”. 36 A boycott is an action taken by individuals or civil society groups, not governments. When ordinary people refuse to buy a product, even though it is legally imported and on sale in the shops, this is a boycott. Sportspeople or actors refusing to play/act in South Africa is also a boycott. Sports boycotts and sanctions South Africa was banned from the Tokyo Olympic Games in 1964, and then officially banned from the Olympics in 1970 The Anti-Apartheid movement forced the cancellation of the 1970 Springbok rugby tour In 1977 Commonwealth countries called for an end to all sporting ties with SA: the Gleneagles Agreement was signed to this end. In 1977 and 1985 the UN passed resolutions against sporting ties with SA, calling for an end to segregated sport. Irish Trade Unions refused to provide work and services to SA rugby teams in the 1980s which forced cancellation of many games.  1985: the Commonwealth Accord recommended sanctions against SA (e.g. sale and export of oil) and the following year more sanctions were suggested. 1986: the EEC imposed financial sanctions against SA — bans on investment and loans. 1986: The USA passed a Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act to encourage US firms to take money out of SA. US Congress banned all new investments and loans to SA and restricted the importing of SA products cg. Coal. and agricultural goods. SAA planes were not allowed to fly to the USA (or Australia). A seven member group from Commonwealth countries (the Eminent Persons Group) was sent to SA in 1985 and issued a report outlining the need for reform in SA. They also called for increased sanctions after Botha allowed fresh raids on Zambia and Zimbabwe. Unemployment in the townships doubled — by 1987 25% of Black workers were unemployed. This caused more unrest in the country. The issue of sanctions divided South Africans, both Black and White, with the ANC, the Anglican Church (e.g. Desmond Tutu) and Cosatu supporting it: whilst business, most White South Africans and Inkatha did not. The issue brought out extremism on both sides of the political spectrum. Obviously the poorest, the Black people, were the hardest hit in the wake of unemployment and the depression in SA, and in the increasing levels of violence and unrest that this would cause; but many argued that this was a price worth paying for freedom and the fall of the apartheid govt. (which would hopefully follow the collapse of the economy). Sanctions hit SA at a very vulnerable moment. Historians have argued that the worst problems SA faced was not keeping the lid on the struggle, but rather in keeping the economy stable. 37 The economy needed to grow at a rate of 5% per year in order to meet its debts, and this was impossible with the massive sanctions and disinvestments. Cultural boycotts International artists were asked not to perform in SA, or to allow their plays to be performed unless the audience was unsegregated: 1963: 43 British playwrights declared in favour of this boycott The British Screenwriters Guild called for ban on distribution of films written by their members to SA The British Actors Union “Equity” would not allow its members to perform in SA. 60 American entertainers signed a declaration against apartheid and professional association with South Africa – eventually no international films could be shown in SA In 1981 Board of Associated Actors and Artists of America – covering 240 000 actors – decided that its members would not perform in South Africa Academic Boycotts From 1965, the AAM helped create an academic boycott of South Africa, signed by 496 university professors and lecturers stating that in protest against racial discrimination they would not accept academic posts in South African institutions that enforced racial discrimination. Several US publishers also imposed a book boycott, although many opposed a boycott on school materials. The academic boycott was controversial. Can you suggest reasons why this was so? Consumer Boycotts 1984: Irish workers refusal to handle SA produce finally persuading their government to ban all South African produce Many US companies imposed boycotts, importation of coal, iron, steel, uranium and agricultural products banned in US. Disinvestment Disinvestment started in the 1960s but was not significant until the 1980s. Many conservatives in the US opposed disinvestment, others suggested that US companies should stay in South Africa but stick to standards of non-racial employment. In the 1980s, Britain sold its interests in the Simonstown naval dockyards. General Motors and Barclays Bank pulled out of South Africa. Between 1985 and 1990 over 200 US companies cut ties with South Africa resulting in a loss of $1 billion of US investment. The South African economy flound