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Contextualizing Pentecostal Gatherings in Southwestern Nigeria: Social Drivers and Significance Olayinka Akanle and Gbenga S. Adejare Nigeria hosts headquarters of some of the world’s biggest denominations, conventions and religious gatherings, and out of the top ten richest pastors in the world not...

Contextualizing Pentecostal Gatherings in Southwestern Nigeria: Social Drivers and Significance Olayinka Akanle and Gbenga S. Adejare Nigeria hosts headquarters of some of the world’s biggest denominations, conventions and religious gatherings, and out of the top ten richest pastors in the world not less than seven emerge from Nigeria. Thus, it is not out of place to ask what is behind this bourgeoning phenomenon of Pentecostalism. Has it translated to ascendancy of ‘holiness’ or is Nigeria the world’s most saintly country? The apparent answers seem to be non-affirmative. In order to decipher the intricacies of growth and collectivism within the Pentecostal movement, many scholarly articles have been churned out. Some are attributing the development to the precarious economic situation in the country, while others explain it as a result of political instability in the post-colonial, multi-ethnic state of Nigeria that propels people to seek repose in religion (Akanle & Adeogun 2014; Akanle 2010; Fakoya 2008).1 Copious scholarly texts address Pentecostalism and its dynamics at both the national and the international levels (Akanle & Adeogun, 2014; Akanle 2010; Fakoya 2008; Ukah 2007; Ojo 2006). One important example – and a starting point – of these dynamics is the founding of the Christian Students’ Social Movement of Nigeria in 1977; it is one of the first major forms of Pentecostal political activism in Nigeria, which mirrors the increasing global infusion of religion into politics through prayer, sermon and social mobilisation (Freston 2001). More recently, the attention of social analysts, theologians, anthropologists and development experts has been geared towards investigating Pentecostal movements from the vantage point of globalisation (Ukah 2007; Ojo 2006; Cohen & Marshall-Fratani 2001). But Pentecostalism, serving as an agent of unification in contrast to socio-economic disparity on one side and disintegration in terms of competing forms of religious belonging on the other, continues to act as a node in the interplay of culture, economy, politics, tourism, modernity, capitalistic tendencies, and development on the national level (Smith 2001; Asonzeh 2005; Ugba 2006). By being an agent of unification, Pentecostalism has served as a rallying point for people with diverse social backgrounds and economic possibilities. However, Pentecostalism has also continued to set families apart and to break communal ties in both extended and nuclear families (Akanle & Adeogun 2014). Against this backdrop, this contribution discusses how far Pentecostalism is a social phenomenon connected 1 Nigeria has experienced many coup d’états that disrupted democratic processes since its independence in 1960. Moreover, Nigeria consists of over 300 different ethnic groups, which also adversely affected the unity and development of the country. 145 https://doi.org/10.5771/9783845276649-144 Generiert durch Gbenga Adejare, am 27.02.2024, 14:47:39. Das Erstellen und Weitergeben von Kopien dieses PDFs ist nicht zulässig. Olayinka Akanle and Gbenga S. Adejare with the vital issue of development and socio-economic transformation in a way that goes beyond popular narratives. In other words, there are begging questions like: what do Pentecostal gatherings hold in promise for individuals that attend them – beyond its spiritual relevance? How far does Nigeria benefit from Pentecostal gatherings? And are Pentecostal gatherings a universal remedy or a barrier to Nigerian development (provided that there is anything like a Nigerian development project)? The assumption is that it is rare to find any of these gatherings without underlining economic motives that trigger the interest of the attending people. Consequently, this chapter addresses the socioeconomic implications of Pentecostal gatherings. Given the level of rapid ascendancy of Pentecostal movements in Nigeria especially in the last three decades, diverse issues relating to politics, economy, culture and the wellbeing of the general masses as well as socio-political governance have to be taken into consideration (Adogame 2003). Embedded in the social reality of Pentecostal gatherings are issues that are directly connected with the survival of the family: socio-political institutions of welfare, economy, political structures and national development (Akanle 2010: 153-156). In other words, while it has been argued that the growth of Pentecostalism in Nigeria is unprecedented, knowing the socioeconomic dimension behind this growth and how Pentecostalism influences policy formulations and national integration might make it easier to understand why Pentecostalism is such a major agent. The rate at which people troop out en masse to attend clusters of Pentecostal gatherings – in spite of the menace of insurgencies (Boko Haram, militancy and political crises, to mention but a few), kidnappings, accidents, crimes, epidemic outbreaks (such as the Ebola Virus, Tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS), among other ill circumstances that ordinarily would have prevented such turnouts – is overwhelming. Although several reasons were advanced for participation in Pentecostal mass gatherings, we concentrate on material or non-spiritual purposes in this chapter. This is done against the background that little has yet been done to examine and annex the potentials imbued in Pentecostal gatherings regarding their socioeconomic aspects until now. Developmental challenges confronting Nigeria since the 1970s are multifaceted, but still tractable given good governance. Some have attributed the history of poor leadership in the country to the despicable period of slavery, colonial incursions, ethnic cleavages, the plurality of religious affiliations and military interregnum up to infinitum. But the current realities in the country call for pragmatism and not just historicism. Making sense of present socioeconomic challenges and opportunities alike is core to good governance. Thus, this study interrogates the interfaces of Pentecostalism, its social structures, politics and economy within selected churches in Nigeria. 146 https://doi.org/10.5771/9783845276649-144 Generiert durch Gbenga Adejare, am 27.02.2024, 14:47:39. Das Erstellen und Weitergeben von Kopien dieses PDFs ist nicht zulässig. Contextualizing Pentecostal Gatherings in Southwestern Nigeria 1. Nigerian Pentecostalism, National Development, the Church and Globalisation Slight variations exist as to the periodisation of Pentecostal expansionism in Nigeria. While some scholars argue that the expansionist movement of Pentecostalism in Nigeria began in the 1970s (Adeboye 2004; Asonzeh 2007), others opine that the proliferation of Pentecostal denominations in Nigeria started in the 1930s (Fatokun 2009). Studies also revealed that the emergence and growth of Pentecostal movements in Nigeria must be related to the instability and political uncertainties of the 1970s caused by the oil crisis.2 Churches became responsive to the needs of the people in search for messianic intervention. Hence, charismatic organisations proliferated greatly in the 1980s and 1990s as Nigerians searched for personal and collective salvation. Its roots, however, can be situated in the indigenous religious movement which began in the 1910s. In the view of Abioje (2004: 3), “it is hardly controvertible that many of the mainline Christian dominations (…) have lost many of their members to Pentecostal churches”. He went further to explain that the ministry of “gift”3 – similar to that of the “first Christmas”4 – and the prevalence of miracles are main drivers of Pentecostal churches. This explanation cannot be divorced from the nature of Nigerian economy, which is in a state of coma (Idyorough 2002), so that the people are subject to all forms of survival or coping strategies (Akanle et al. 2014). Evidently, the shift to Pentecostal doctrines generates many dramatic changes in the course and content of Christian religion, especially in Third World countries. Thus, historical antecedents show that the arrival of Pentecostalism altered the hitherto existing structures and practices of Christianity in Nigeria. The churches are so high in number that neither the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) nor the Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria (PFN) can ascertain the total number of Pentecostal denominations in the country; churches are springing up virtually on a daily basis, making use of any available space for worship and other activities. The various implications embedded in Pentecostalism in Nigeria have been documented in the 2010 work of Olayinka Akanle titled “Pentecostalism in Lagos Metropolis: Pit-falls and Possibilities for National Development”. It includes a succinct account of how the upsurge in Pentecostal activities can be annexed to accelerate national development in spite of various other issues raised by the same phenomenon. 2 Nigeria was the leading oil exporter in the African continent in the 1960s but the following oil glut of the 1970s led to financial crises that affected the quality of life in the country due to over-dependence on revenue from oil. 3 The ministry of gift is considered the demonstration of the Holy Spirit like speaking in tongues and miracles. 4 The ministry of the first Christmas is the miracle that comes with the belief in birth of Jesus Christ. 147 https://doi.org/10.5771/9783845276649-144 Generiert durch Gbenga Adejare, am 27.02.2024, 14:47:39. Das Erstellen und Weitergeben von Kopien dieses PDFs ist nicht zulässig. Olayinka Akanle and Gbenga S. Adejare More than once the term globalisation has been used as a buzzword in the Nigerian context such that its meaning and application are subjected to ambivalences and cynicism. Unification is the hallmark of globalisation. Within the global system, cultures world-wide are fused in such a way that differentiation becomes highly rescinded and largely obviated. The role of technology in fusing the global variations into an alloy of singularity is fast becoming unprecedented and increasingly compelling. As argued by Adeboye (2004), locating the beginning of the global spread of Pentecostal movement is a herculean task that is hard to accomplish. Accordingly, different versions of accounts exist on how the genesis of global Pentecostalism developed: some allude it to the Biblical account in Acts of the Apostles chapter two; some trace it to the emergence of Methodism led by John Wesley while others connect it to various epochal events like the failure of the state to meet socioeconomic expectations and needs of the people, beginning in the 1970s. In any case, Pentecostalism presents not just a variety to Christianity but also a unique phenomenon that has gained very wide scholarship interest. Adeboye (2004) for example argues that the predominant social and economic milieus in developing countries of the world have given direction to Pentecostal movements in similar ways. She depicts this development in Brazil and Nigeria in the move from classical/original Pentecostalism of holiness as a central doctrine to neo-Pentecostalism dominated by materialism. Neo-Pentecostalism is conceived by her to be laden with, among other things, the ‘prosperity gospel’; which means that success and prosperity are an evidence for God’s grace. This is also in line with the view of Corten and Marshall-Fratani (2001). 2. Methodology The study that informed this chapter was carried out in selected contexts in South-Western Nigeria. The chosen churches have frontal significance in Pentecostal church analysis in the Southwest and Nigeria at large in terms of their history, economy and church population. The three selected churches are: The Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), whose central convention ground is located on a vast piece of land at KM 10, Lagos-Ibadan Expressway; the Deeper Life Bible Church (DLBC), with focus on its retreat arena located on a vast piece of land at Shogunro, Ibadan; and the Living Faith Church (LFC), also known as Winners Chapel, whose national headquarters and convention ground are located at Sango Ota, Ogun State. The selected areas, apart from serving as the protagonists of Pentecostal activities in the country, possess some similarities in terms of the manner in which they attract people to their programmes. They galvanise various means such as televangelism and the public address system as well as the use of flyers and other means to convey people their programmes. This fact has been examined for example by Adeboye (2004), Akanle (2010) and Ukah (2007). 148 https://doi.org/10.5771/9783845276649-144 Generiert durch Gbenga Adejare, am 27.02.2024, 14:47:39. Das Erstellen und Weitergeben von Kopien dieses PDFs ist nicht zulässig. Contextualizing Pentecostal Gatherings in Southwestern Nigeria The sample comprised of traders, company representatives, meeting attendees (some of which were not necessarily Christians), church officials and opinion leaders in the meetings. Since the overall objective of the study was hinged on explaining and describing the socioeconomics of Pentecostal gatherings in the Southwestern part of Nigeria within the context of actions and consequences as they relate to Pentecostalism and development issues, a purposive sampling technique was used to select interviewees across the selected areas. A total of 12 interviewees were chosen for in-depth interview in each of the three locations bringing the sum total of interviewees to 36. 3. Data Presentation and Analysis: Contextual Factors Influencing Attendance and Structure of Pentecostal Gatherings When special Pentecostal meetings are conveyed, for example at different periods of the year, myriads of attendees adduce varying reasons for being a part of the programme. Thus, it was quite pertinent to ask these attendees – as a very first objective of the study – to ascertain why they were present at the meetings. “My major reason for attending this programme is to be spiritually grounded. As for me, I am a born again Christian. This is not my first time of coming here and since I have been coming I believe different people come here for different reasons but my own major reason for coming here is to be spiritually blessed. I also believe that my coming will attract other benefits since the Bible says we should seek first the kingdom of God and other things will follow” (IDI, Male, DLBC Retreat, Sogunro, Ibadan). The above response is a typical and popular reason for adherents or staunch members of Pentecostalism to remain committed to doctrines and advance the movement. Albeit, while the response is valid in its face value, further probing revealed that there are other core factors, some of which are socioeconomic in nature, which impel people to attend Pentecostal gatherings in Nigeria. For instance, the next response validates this claim. “I am not resident here neither am I a Christian. I believe God is one and as such I use any available opportunity to pray but my main reason for coming here is to sell my goods. In this kind of gathering, one would definitely get more customers than the usual one in our shop. I have my shop in Lagos mainland but I try to come down here every time they have programme majorly to achieve quick turn over” (IDI, 2014 November RCCG Holy Ghost Congress). The foregoing response typifies economic motivation as a factor sufficient enough to galvanise people for Pentecostal concourse in Nigeria. In line with 149 https://doi.org/10.5771/9783845276649-144 Generiert durch Gbenga Adejare, am 27.02.2024, 14:47:39. Das Erstellen und Weitergeben von Kopien dieses PDFs ist nicht zulässig. Olayinka Akanle and Gbenga S. Adejare the view of Abioje (2004) that testimonials of adherents of Pentecostalism are another factor that lures many into joining Pentecostals, the following interviewee responded: “I came all the way from Delta state. What inspired me to come to this year’s programme was as a result of what happened in my life last year. Although I had heard that God answers prayers here, I just came and saw things for myself. Before I came I had no job. After the last year programme God provided me with a job. I now have my own flourishing ministry” (IDI/Male/Camper from Delta state/LFC, Sango Ota, November, 2014). It is evident at this juncture that while religion gives the platform for conveyance of Pentecostal gatherings, the underpinning socioeconomic factors have always played a background role. This therefore lends credence to the views of Akanle (2010) and Idyorough (2002) that socioeconomic deprivation is very important in explaining the particular forms of adaptation and social realities of Pentecostalism. One important observation concerns the structure of Pentecostal gatherings. In terms of locations, the study areas show that most of the arenas of special church events are strategically located for easy identification by prospective attendees. In a situation where the venue is not well-known, the presence of such a gathering automatically makes the place popular due to the increasing traffic of people in the area followed by a corresponding increase in commercial activities. Given the primacy of spirituality which tends to be the dominant purpose of most Pentecostal gatherings, interferences of other non-worship are considered secondary and thus often regulated in such a way that secular activities are pre-empted from mingling with worship activities. Furthermore, the inevitability of the need to guarantee the comfort of attendees at different occasions, coupled with the likelihood of the church to ensure the total provision of the needs of the people attending, led to the allowance of private business owners to showcase their products and induce buyers at their strategic locations on camp grounds. The structure and organisation of activities is dissimilar at different camp grounds. The three observed camping venues – DCLBC at Shogunro, RCCG convention ground along Lagos-Ibadan expressway and Living Faith Church (Canaan Land) at Sang Ota – differed in the way how some churches make adequate provisions for a market within the enclave of the programme arena, while others do not – for yet to be discovered reasons. An example of a structured market system during a convention is that of the RCCG shown below (1 However, the common denominator to all the sample areas is the fact that some form of transactions (buying and selling) – either in a well-planned or loosely organised manner – take place concurrently with other worship activities 150 https://doi.org/10.5771/9783845276649-144 Generiert durch Gbenga Adejare, am 27.02.2024, 14:47:39. Das Erstellen und Weitergeben von Kopien dieses PDFs ist nicht zulässig. Contextualizing Pentecostal Gatherings in Southwestern Nigeria as Pentecostals gather for meetings. As observed during the study, the activities of different actors – both buyers and sellers – were not captured by any special by law. Apart from the loose legal issue, the structure of the market is such that it allows for influx of different products while the church also plays a role in allocating spaces. According to an interviewee: “What I’m saying is that as for me, the programme has helped me to grow spiritually and materially. For example, it was in one of my trips to this place that I got connected to the company I am currently working with. In short, there is no gainsaying that the convention has been of tremendous help to me and my family” (IDI/Female/LFC Sango Ota/November, 2014). It could be deduced from the foregoing responses that the market structure of most Pentecostal gatherings is not well regulated by the government in terms of space and other components of the market. Thus, the role played by the church to some is indispensable to cover for the absence of government policies in this regard. 4. Social Dimensions, Economic Aspects and the Development Prospect of Pentecostal Gatherings Another very important aspect of Pentecostal concourse is the social networking that plays out as people come together from different social spaces. Socialisation shapes the way people behave in certain situations, and religion is one of the well know institutions for socialisation in society (Idyorough 2002). The findings of this study substantiate this assertion. According to one of the interviewees social networking and making new contacts are very relevant reasons for attending Pentecostal gatherings: “Although socialisation is not the main reason why many people come here yet it cannot be rightly ruled out because there are a lot of things to learn here. For example one gets to meet different people from different parts of the world and as such the possibility of learning new things like way of dressing and interacting is there. Sincerely, I have seen a lot of new fashion trends that caught my attention. I have also made new friends within the time of my stay here” (IDI/Female/LFC, Sango Ota/November, 2014). In a contrary view from a more conservative interviewee, the church programmes transcend social activities and non-worship endeavours. According to him, “What again should anyone come here do than to meet God (...) in the course of our stay here, there is no doubt that we get to meet different individuals from all walks of life and as such is a good opportunity. But for 151 https://doi.org/10.5771/9783845276649-144 Generiert durch Gbenga Adejare, am 27.02.2024, 14:47:39. Das Erstellen und Weitergeben von Kopien dieses PDFs ist nicht zulässig. Olayinka Akanle and Gbenga S. Adejare me, I believe meeting God is the foremost reason for my coming to this congress” (IDI/Male/RCCG camp ground/November, 2014). To a reasonable extent, the ambivalence or seeming asymmetry in the above responses has a lot to do with ideological thrusts of various churches organising the programme or the gathering at a particular point in time. Pentecostal churches are generally attractive to youths and elites in society. Elsewhere, it has further been explained that the old and the illiterate are often excluded from activities of most Pentecostals. Thus, the mantra of ‘prosperity’ and the reign of intellectuality help to aggregate huge assemblies of people while social factors also play a role in the organisation of many Pentecostal gatherings. As observed in the field of study, diverse economic activities occur side by side with worship activities. It was observed that economic motivation was at the core of some people’s attendance of Pentecostal gatherings. This goes a long way to establish the point raised by Marshall (2007) that, more often than not, the growth of Pentecostalism in the Third World countries cannot be explained without considering their economic situation. In the same vein Corten and Marshall-Fratani (2001) depicted Pentecostal movements as capable of soliciting more people due to their inclination towards prosperity, an ideology which often manifestly propels patronage from the masses. There seems to be an unequivocal consensus among various actors that participate as to the important economic aspect of Pentecostal gatherings. As observed, the ideology driving the growth of Pentecostalism, much like the Weberian Calvinism, more or less essentially influences the national economy as the people respond to given social and economic situations that define their existential needs. Given the tendencies for an incessant organisation of one form of mass gathering or another, it is important to interrogate the economic implications resulting from this development. As denoted earlier, the role of Pentecostal churches in terms of development is subtly becoming instrumental in Nigeria. “Yes, it is quite true that the programme helps in developing communities and individuals because a lot of things are involved. For example, transport operators make more money, sellers of different items make more sales and profits just as the church also pray for the people. In fact, the spiritual blessings, that people receive is worth all the efforts because spiritual blessings precedes physical blessings” (IDI/DLBC/Sogunro, Ibadan/ December, 2014). It was also mentioned in another interview that the presence of camp ground, where special events take place in a community, goes a long way in accelerating development in this area. This is shown in the following quotation: “The Redemption is really doing great. This gathering has brought about a lot of development for individuals and the society at large. Let me tell 152 https://doi.org/10.5771/9783845276649-144 Generiert durch Gbenga Adejare, am 27.02.2024, 14:47:39. Das Erstellen und Weitergeben von Kopien dieses PDFs ist nicht zulässig. Contextualizing Pentecostal Gatherings in Southwestern Nigeria you; Redemption camp generates its own power and at the same time plans to share it with nearby communities. More than that, a new feeder road had just been constructed by the church which is intended to ease inter-city movements of people between the camp ground and Ikorodu. These and many more are some of the positive contributions” (IDI/Male/ RCCG/November, 2014). Through their numerous activities Pentecostals contribute – in one way or the other – to the overall development of the society. For one, the presence of Pentecostal gatherings in a particular community often leads to the improvement of commercial activities in the area. Another evident impact of Pentecostal gatherings is the likely improvement of infrastructures such as the supply of water, electricity and expansion of road networks which often result from church’s charity. It has also been categorically stated early in one of the quoted interview responses that the Nigerian government has a lot to learn from some of the Pentecostal churches in the way they harmonise between their members and attract people across different walks of life. It was necessary to investigate, how the network of social and economic activities that take place in the Pentecostal gatherings impact the general development of individuals. Accordingly, it is argued that attending one form of church event or the other has different impacts on an individual’s socio-economic development. However, the impact varies according to the individual’s expectation, perception and interest. Since the major focus of this work is on the social and economic aspect of Pentecostal gatherings, the interviews conducted were largely tailored to tease out the import aspect of individual’s socio-economic situation. The following quotation exemplifies a typical view of how Pentecostal gatherings enhance the individual’s situation: “I’m from Lagos Island. I have a shop there but I live in Oyingbo (…). You may not say the amount but I want you to compare. There is really no profit. Like I told you before, we are looking for customers. We have customers in the shop but we still need more customers and that is why we are coming here. We pay some money and we even have receipts. The money isn’t too difficult to pay and it isn’t too expensive but it is expensive. It is 40,000 (about USD$140) for a stand. Sometimes I attend but this time around, I haven’t seen people. I have already got more customers since last Christmas. They are buying wholesales (…) even the message, I enjoy them sometimes. I enjoy Baba Adeboye’s message (…). I am from Catholic Church” (IDI/Male/Suite seller/RCCG camp/November, 2014). Insofar that there is no specifically singular sacrosanct or all-encompassing approach to the concept of development, the most important aspect, however, is the ability of a people or generation to make the best out of way opportunity they have. This goes against many other Africanist as well as Afrocentric scho153 https://doi.org/10.5771/9783845276649-144 Generiert durch Gbenga Adejare, am 27.02.2024, 14:47:39. Das Erstellen und Weitergeben von Kopien dieses PDFs ist nicht zulässig. Olayinka Akanle and Gbenga S. Adejare lars (Ukah 2005; Adogame 2003; Smith 2007) who opined that Pentecostalism tends to represent the exploitation of the masses rather than the development of varying African regions. In contrast we try to allude to the prominent role played by Pentecostalism concerning the enhancement of individual and collective development in Nigeria. While spirituality tends to be the purveyor of this emergence, shrouded in this movement are different potentials of the church to serve as an agent of positive social change. As contained in the already mentioned work of Idyorough (2002) on social change, the emergent trends in the contemporary Nigerian society place a huge demand on the government to appropriate each opportunity that change offers for the betterment of the entire society. 5. Summary of Findings and Conclusion In the light of the existing data it has become evident that the steady growth of Pentecostalism in Nigeria indicates both the degenerate state of the economy and its function as a socio-economic generator. Nigerians turn to Pentecostalism not only for religious reasons but also for their socioeconomic survival. Moreover, findings have also shown that Pentecostalism supports the promotion of intellectual development. The Living Faith Church for example encourages its members to be lovers of books and education. The same is true for the Deeper Life Christian Church, but with more emphasis laid on holy living. This finding contrasts the view of some scholars to whom Pentecostalism is exclusively an extension of capitalism (Abioye 2004; Fakoya 2008). Against the background of these positions this study has added flesh to the view that the expression of globalisation, as contained in the activities of people present in several Pentecostal gatherings, unapologetically contributes to the advantage of Nigeria and other Third World countries where Pentecostalism is prevalent alike. We argue that the Pentecostal explosion in Nigeria galvanises social development. According to our perspective this includes the social relevance of networking and community-building as characterised in the assemblage of people in Pentecostal gatherings; this consequently imparts on the trend of social and economic engagements that take place in the larger society. This is best expressed in one of the interview excerpts: “The experience here is always interesting in the sense that apart from hearing the word of God and enjoying other features of the church, I have opportunity to meet old friends. I take delight in the moment I share with old friends I meet here because we get to discuss how everyone of us has fared in the past years and as such we all get inspired by the reunion and the testimonies we share” (IDI/Male/LFC, Sango Ota, Ogun State). At large, the study – taking a leap from the Weberian analysis of Calvinism – also shows that religion has its own capacity to shape social organisation and 154 https://doi.org/10.5771/9783845276649-144 Generiert durch Gbenga Adejare, am 27.02.2024, 14:47:39. Das Erstellen und Weitergeben von Kopien dieses PDFs ist nicht zulässig. Contextualizing Pentecostal Gatherings in Southwestern Nigeria trends in the society. But having examined the transcendent socioeconomic framework and element of Pentecostal gatherings, the study primarily puts forward the enquiry of Pentecostalism as a development-related matter. Since the force of globalisation is inadvertently stronger than national sovereignties, the study is explicit about the possibility of using the comparative advantage Nigeria has over many other nations considering Pentecostal gatherings – this is true in the sense that Nigeria is fast becoming the epicentre of Pentecostal activities by playing nods to world class pastors and churches that attract not only membership but also patronage from all corners of the globe. As such it is the intent of this article to contribute to the debates and discussions on the preponderance and ascendancy of Pentecostalism in a sub-Saharan African context. While many narratives exist on Pentecostalism in Africa, and there is a bourgeoning amount of literature on the subject, more research is needed to particularly understand its ramifications in sub-Saharan Africa. Our article builds on the argument that Pentecostalism is necessarily a doubleedged sword, having both exploitative/capitalist tendencies but also positively developmental elements. While we acknowledge the capitalist tendencies of Pentecostalism, we demonstrate less narrated yet very important contextual trajectories of Pentecostalism to add to the existing body of knowledge on the subject. Our focus is on contextual developments in Pentecostal gatherings. Pentecostals do not just relate spontaneously because of religion but behave in decisively constructive manners depending on the outcomes of their subjective interpretations of larger Pentecostal ethos and context of actions towards achieving rational objectives. These rational objectives have origins in the larger societal expectations of significant others and personal goals as conceived and pursued by Pentecostals in the contexts of the gatherings. This is why Pentecostals engage – beyond their interest in religious preaching – in socioeconomic activities, commerce and networking in a precarious national context structured by poverty, corruption and global exploitation. What will ultimately grow out of Pentecostalism in sub-Saharan Africa in the near and far future however remains unclear; this is the reason that scholars of religion must be on guard to understand outcomes of Pentecostalism in the context of Africa in the future. 155 https://doi.org/10.5771/9783845276649-144 Generiert durch Gbenga Adejare, am 27.02.2024, 14:47:39. Das Erstellen und Weitergeben von Kopien dieses PDFs ist nicht zulässig. Olayinka Akanle and Gbenga S. Adejare Literature Abioje, P.(2004). A Theological Discourse on the Pentecostal Emphasis on Miracles in Nigeria. Nigerian Journal of the Humanities, 3 (1), 8-22 Adamolekun, T.(2012). Main Trends in the Church Growth in Nigeria, European Scientific Journal, 8 (23), 1857–1881. Adeboye, O.(2006). 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