Contemporary African Politics LEC 7-12 PDF

Contemporary African Poli2cs From LEC 7 TO LEC 12 Lecturer (7): - Journalism, Media, and Public Diplomacy Ø Definition: - Journalism, as defined by the Oxford Dictionary, is the profession of writing for newspapers, magazines, or news websites, or preparing n...

Contemporary African Poli2cs From LEC 7 TO LEC 12 Lecturer (7): - Journalism, Media, and Public Diplomacy Ø Definition: - Journalism, as defined by the Oxford Dictionary, is the profession of writing for newspapers, magazines, or news websites, or preparing news for broadcast. It encompasses various media products, including newspapers, magazines, pamphlets, and electronic and internet-based products like Amazon, Apple, Facebook, Google, X (formerly Twitter), Hotmail, Gmail, Yahoo, Podcast, Instagram, and WhatsApp, which are commonly known as social media. Ø Media Monopoly: - Experts in political science, diplomacy, and journalism argue that mass media and journalism have become dominant in disseminating information and coordinating political mobilization. The Sherman Antitrust Act passed in 1890, was designed to protect free competition in commerce. The impact of mass media and journalism in the Internet age has become powerful, influencing global public views and interfering with public diplomacy. Platforms have allowed hoaxers to spread fake news and extremists to push conspiracy theories. They create 'filter bubbles', exposing users to information that confirms their beliefs. This has a disturbing influence on democratic political debate and the fear is that these platforms could sway elections deliberately or unwittingly. Threats to journalism and media are based on data portability processes. Ø American Data Privacy and Protection Act (ADPPA): - The American Data Privacy and Protection Act (ADPPA) is a federal online privacy bill that aims to regulate how organizations use consumer data. It focuses on data minimization, individual ownership, and private right of action. The Act requires organizations to evaluate their programs, ensuring data collection is limited to their purpose. Privacy protection includes processing social and personal identity card numbers, geo-location, biometric and genetic data, passwords, browsing history, and other tracking techniques. Individuals have the right to know how their data is used and who receives it. Ø EU Media Governance Measures: - The European Union (EU) has implemented laws to regulate media governance, including data portability, privacy, information diffusion, data sale, and manipulation. The General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), effective in 2018, mandates a standardized format for personal data transfer. It addresses privacy protection, consent, access, rectification, and objection rights, including objection to data transfer to third parties. The Regulation also imposes the burden of implementing security measures for information controllers in their data processes. Ø Enforcement Measures: - The European Council has agreed on a new law to improve cooperation between national data protection authorities when enforcing the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). Experts suggest a Middleware Application, which is software that rides on top of an existing platform and can modify the presentation of underlying data. This middleware allows users to choose how information is curated and filtered for them, allowing them to select middleware services that determine the importance and veracity of political content. This could lead to a competitive layer of new companies with transparent algorithms taking over the editorial gateway functions currently filled by dominant technology platforms. Ø Public Diplomacy & Journalism: - Public diplomacy is mainly about the interface and communication with others. The vehicles that carry the message of PD are different, but the most important among them are media and journalism. Therefore, reforming media and journalism is, in effect, preserving a healthy environment for advancing the clear and loud message of PD without amplification, adulteration, disgrace, or abuse. Ø African Efforts on Protection of Data & Privacy: - The African Union Convention on Cyber Security and Personal Data Protection 2014, also known as 'The Malabo Convention', is the only pan-African tool for protecting data and privacy. However, it is not yet enforceable due to non-ratification by member states. Only 28 out of 30 African countries have data protection authorities. The Malabo Convention aims to establish a regulatory framework for cyber security and privacy protection, addressing citizens' rights in domestic laws and international human rights conventions. Ø The Privacy Protection Impact on Public Diplomacy: - Privacy protection is crucial for maintaining credibility and integrity in public diplomacy, a profession that thrives in an environment of integrity, credibility, and sincerity. This is the main difference between public diplomacy and propaganda and political rhetoric, as both thrive in a similar environment to journalism. Lecturer (8): - Political Regimes and Political Change Ø Form of African Political Regimes: - The African post-independence state, established after World War II, is largely influenced by the colonial regime. Military coups were often facilitated by colonial governance, where nations were subjected to military administration by an unelected army general. This was the case in countries like Algeria, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Egypt, Libya, Nigeria, Sudan, and others. Minority racial regimes, such as Apartheid South Africa, Namibia, and Rhodesia, were also prevalent during this period, which disappeared post-independence in South Africa, Namibia, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. Ø Monarchs of Africa: - African political regimes, including hereditary governance systems in traditional countries like Morocco, Eswatini, Ntombi, and Lesotho, have reached compromises with their citizens to follow constitutional political systems, similar to those in European countries like the United Kingdom, Spain, and Netherlands. These traditional kingdoms have adapted to constitutional governance systems. Ø ideology - Based Regimes: - Other forms of political regimes are ideology-based regimes such as Libya of Muammar Kaddafi, Egypt of Jamal Nasser, Mauritania, and the like. Ø African Union Act on Government: - The African Union's Constitutive Act does not specify the type of government a member state must have, but Article 30 states that unconstitutional governments cannot participate in the Union's activities. This clause was only applied to Mauritania after its 2005 coup d'état, Madagascar due to the 2009 Malagasy political crisis, and Togo during its 2005 political crisis. Ø Experience of Liberal Democracy in Africa: - Liberal democracy in Africa has been successful in several African states, including Botswana, Cape Verde, Mauritius, Seychelles, South Africa, Ghana, Kenya, Tanzania, and Zambia. These democracies are characterized by their small land and population sizes, small economy, and continuous influence of colonial cultural and political values on governing elites. South Africa, with its advanced libertarian constitution, has been significantly impacted by Apartheid, while all others remain under the control of former colonial powers. Ø The Waves of International Political Change: - Following WWII, a wave of political change and regime change occurred in Europe, Latin America, and Asia, leading to coup d'états and military generals taking power. Reasons for this change included economic malaise, corruption allegations, and global political ideological shifts in superpower geopolitics. The formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) sparked a competing ideology and alternative governance system, addressing perceived injustices and divisiveness imposed by Capitalist Western nations on the Global South since the 19th century. Ø The Experience of Latin America: - Latin America has a history of military coups d'etats, including four in Argentina in 1955, six in Chile in 1973, seven in El Salvador in 1979, and one in Venezuela in 1958, before the adoption of democratic rule of law. Ø Europe: - In the European continent, Greece in 1967, Portugal in 1974, and Spain in 1981 were the salient cases of countries that witnessed political regime change through the acts of military coup d’état after the end of WWII. Ø Latest Regime Changes in African States: - Recent political changes in Africa, particularly in western Africa and the Sahel region, have been brewing for almost ten years. In Mali, Colonel Assimi Goita led a military coup d'état in 2020, while in Burkina Faso, Captain Ibrahim Traore led a coup in 2022. In Gabon, General Brice Nguema led a military group in August 2023. In Niger, General Abdourahamane Tiani seized power in July 2023 and established the National Council for the Safeguarding of the Homeland. In Guinea, Col Mamady Doumbouya led a military coup in 2021. These changes follow similar changes in Tunisia, Egypt, and Sudan, which were considered unconstitutional under Article 30 of the African Union's Constitutive Act. In other cases, the head of government or state would be requested to resign to allow a constitutional transfer of power. Ø Isles of Stability: - African governance has been characterized by escalating administrations of liberal democracy and military coups since the mid-20th century. However, some states have long-lived leaders who maintain stability and meet the needs of the electorate. These include Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea, Rwanda, and Uganda. Cameroon's President Paul Biya has been in power since 1982, Equatorial Guinea's President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo since 1979, Rwanda's President Paul Kagame since 1994, and Uganda's Yoweri Museveni since 1986. Ø The Lessons Learned: - The wave of political regime changes in post-colonial African states has shown a negative response to liberal Western democracies, affecting both Francophone and Anglophone regions. This contradicts the belief of Western political theorists that these liberal democracies should be adopted without questioning their integrity, as they have failed to gain the majority's acceptance and consent. Ø Reasons for Failure of Liberal Democracy in Africa: - Liberal democracy in Africa has failed due to a radical difference in social structure and cultural exceptionalism. African multi-ethnic communities have lived independently for centuries, sharing economic resources, beliefs, traditions, values, and hierarchical authority. European colonial regimes enforced their systems, causing rural communities to distance themselves from urban elites. This led to the persistence of traditional semi-autonomous rulers, such as the Zulu King in South Africa, the Ashanti Rulers in Ghana, and the Buganda Dynasty in Uganda. This adoption of governance has led to unbalanced development in post-independence Africa. Ø The Nigerian Paradigm: - The Nigerian constitution, adopted in 1963, is considered the most successful in managing diversity and federalism. It addresses issues of diversity, traditional rule, hierarchical social systems, and religions for 250 ethnic groups and 500 indigenous languages. The constitution allows federal states to choose their constitution and laws, respecting religious and traditional values. The transformation to democratic rule of law was facilitated by Nigerian Army Generals Ibrahim Babangida, Olusegun Obasanjo, and Mohamadu Bukahri. Multi-party elections in 2007 sustained civilian rule and peaceful power transfers. Ø Foreign Coercion and Indoctrination: - Foreign incitation and coercion of liberal ideology in politics, including unilateral measures, can lead to ideological colonization and shape African post-colonial political systems. Western Europe and the United States often impose liberal values on African states without question, leading to boycotts by international financial institutions and opposition to demands for WTO membership. Western liberal systems also become self-proclaimed referees, classifying African countries as free, authoritative, or dictatorial. This act of imposing foreign values on African communities could be considered ideological arrogance and violate the right to cultural diversity, as outlined in universal human rights conventions. Francis Fukuyama, a vocal advocate of liberal values and democratic political systems, has defended these views in his book. Ø African Presidential Longevity: - African presidential longevity is a significant issue, as it demonstrates the stability, economic development, and satisfaction of the electorate. This contrasts with Western liberal-leaning forums like Freedom House, which reported that two-thirds of African states were not free by 1989. The only universal rule for African presidential longevity is if the ruler represents the majority's will, and the exclusive authority of the people in a state determines the form and type of governance and laws. Ø Ailed Regimes and Military Coup d’Etats: - African failed regimes often led to military coups due to their blind adoption of Western-based liberal values, disregarding national and traditional values. Even those adopting communist and socialist ideologies in countries like Angola, Ethiopia, and Mozambique have failed to advance economies, establish the rule of law, and maintain social adhesion. The failure is attributed to the blind adoption of foreign indoctrination and disregard for shared values among the majority of communities. Ø Sudan Experience in Liberal Governance: - Sudan's liberal democracy attempts since 1953 have failed to improve the economy, security, and social cohesion. The country's history of autonomous governance dates back to the Kush, Aksum, Blue Sultanate, Tagali, and Darfur regimes. The ancient city of Kerma, known for its agriculture, animal domestication, and brick industry, has been the seat of governance for over ten centuries. Military coups have consistently toppled liberal democratic regimes, lasting more than any other democratically elected administration. The majority of Sudanese people find it acceptable to be ruled by military rulers for 70% of the time since independence, despite widespread resentment. Ø The Historical Tradition: - Political liberal theories adopted in Europe a century ago may not be convincing to communities with a long history of civic life, administrative governance, and resilience. Good governance is based on good practice, orderly life, social security, and popular satisfaction. The political experience of Sudan and other African countries should be considered when discussing the viability and suitability of contemporary African political regimes.  Ø African Political Exceptionalism: - Africa is an exceptional case in point due to its long history, its legacy of colonialism, and its ethnic and cultural diversities. African peoples deserve to be governed by systems that address their demands and requirements and find the acceptance and satisfaction of the majority of its people. Lecturer (9): - Patronage Politics and the African Voter Ø Historical Background of Patronage: - Patronage has been a practice since ancient times, encompassing various communities and beneficiaries, including arts and artists. It has roots in Medieval and Renaissance Europe, feudal Japan, Southeast Asian kingdoms, and African governance systems. Patrons can be defined as those who care for the weak and deserted, or those who act as gang leaders or benefactors. This concept is similar to the Good Samaritan in Christian literature, referring to those who rescue the weak and the wretched. Ø Patronage Politics: - Patronage politics refers to the support, encouragement, privilege, or financial aid given by an organization or individual to another. It can be seen in art patronage, where wealthy individuals provide benefits to artists. Political patronage involves using state resources to reward individuals for their electoral support. This practice can lead to cronyism, nepotism, and parochialism in foreign relations and diplomacy. Critics argue that patronage promotes mediocrity in state administration, where senior positions are awarded based on political and familial allegiance. This practice is also seen in the activities of national sovereign states. Ø Beneficial Patronage: - Some scholars believe that patronage could be used for ‘four general purposes: create or strengthen a political organization; achieve democratic or egalitarian goals; bridge political divisions and create coalitions, and to alter the existing patronage system Other types of patronage involve what is sometimes referred to as positive Affirmative Action where minorities and marginalized communities who suffer from unbalanced policies of development can benefit from specific programs provided by the central government to keep up with the national levels of development in areas of infrastructure, health, education and etc. Ø American Presidential Patronage: - In the United States, the U.S. Constitution provides the president with the power to appoint individuals to government positions. The president also may appoint personal advisers without congressional approval. In most cases, these individuals are usually chosen from the supporters of the president's party and programs. Similarly, at the state and local levels, governors and mayors retain appointment powers. Ø American Patronage for Israel: - Since its founding in 1948, the United States has provided Israel with over $130 billion in bilateral assistance, focusing on addressing complex security threats, bridging capability gaps, increasing interoperability through joint exercises, and helping Israel maintain its Qualitative Military Edge (QME). Ø Collective Patronage: - Colonial states and powerful global countries resort to patronage as a tool of foreign policy with the view to sustaining permanent interest in a specific state or region. In the United States, the Western Hemisphere is usually considered a zone of patronage for the maintenance of American national security. The umbrella of patronage covers countries such as Jamaica, El Salvador, Colombia, Haiti, Marshal Islands, Micronesia, and many others. Ø Organization of American States (OAS): - The ninth International Conference of the Organization of American States (OAS) was held in Bogotá, Colombia, between March and May 1948. The conference, led by US Secretary of State George Marshall, pledged to fight communism in the western hemisphere, aligning with the US government's post-war agenda during the Cold War. The conference marked the birth of the OAS, with 21 American countries signing its Charter in 1948 and implementing it by December 1951. Ø Post-Colonial Patronage: - The term has been extended to include the political give-and-take relationship between a small or weak state and another powerful one. In African politics, this has been the norm since the post- colonial era, when many former colonial regimes formed organizations to keep the former colonies at reach for economic, political, and diplomatic interests. Ø British Commonwealth of Nations: - The British Commonwealth of Nations, consisting of 56 member states, was established in 1926 by the Balfour Declaration and formalized by the United Kingdom through the Statute of Westminster in 1931. The current Commonwealth was formally constituted by the London Declaration in 1949, modernizing the community and establishing member states as 'free and equal'.  Ø The Francophonie: - The Francophonie is officially known as the International Organization of La Francophonie, which was established in 1970 and has 54 member states that use French as their official language. It is a powerful tool for advancing France’s interests in global geopolitics and a mechanism to boost public diplomacy. Ø The Cervantes Institute: - The Cervantes Institute, a worldwide nonprofit organization created by the Spanish government in 1991, is the most prominent center for Spanish-speaking countries. Named after Miguel de Cervantes, the author of Don Quixote, it promotes the study and teaching of Spanish language and culture. The Institute serves as an influential tool for cultural and public diplomacy for Spain in Spanish-speaking nations. Ø Clientelism: - Clientelism is the exchange of goods and services for political support, often involving a quid- pro-quo. It involves one state promoting another's interest through various roles, such as intelligence exchange, combat operations participation, and support at international conferences and organizations. Ø Vote Buying: - Clientelism is a form of electoral clientelism where a political party or candidate distributes money or resources to a voter in an upcoming election, expecting the voter to vote for the actor. This practice has roots in African politics, as well as in England, where wealthy aristocrats spent significant amounts to win elections. Examples of vote buying include the 18th-century "Spendthrift election" in Northamptonshire in 1768, where three earls each spent over £100,000 on their favored candidates. Ø Vote Buying in Africa: - Vote-buying is prevalent in 33 African countries, with 16% of voters offering money or goods in exchange for voting. Nigeria and Kenya have also documented this practice, with cash handouts accounting for 40% of the average parliamentary candidates' campaign budget. This practice is attributed to widespread poverty, poor governance, and a lack of democratic ethics from colonization. African voters have been trained to choose their government through a traditional parochial system of parentalism, which has been successful in rural and marginalized regions. Despite these challenges, 78% of Nigerians viewed vote-buying as immoral. Ø Periphery and Center: - A periphery state is characterized by weak state institutions, dependence on other states for essentials like security, finance, and defense, and vulnerability to exploitation by developed countries. Its main challenges include lack of technology, unstable government, poor education and health systems, and political divisions based on tribal, religious, and sectarian groups. Lecturer (10): - Africa’s Growth Tragedy The growth history of Africa post-independence has been a topic of debate since the post- colonial era. Pre-colonial African states had been developing on their own terms, using abundant local resources. However, European colonizers' armed invasion and colonialism, which lasted almost two centuries, cut off normal economic progress and local development. Colonization itself is considered a form of collective slavery, with slavery operations and campaigns facilitated by colonial regimes. Ø African Factors of Growth: - The African continent, which is 20% of the world's area and hosts 18% of the global population, has a slow growth rate and economic underdevelopment due to factors such as low education, political instability, underdeveloped financial systems, distorted foreign exchange markets, high government deficits, and insufficient infrastructure. These issues are attributed to long colonization, which hampered development through bad governance, injustice, slavery, pillage, and systematic destruction of resources. Poor administration of weak economies based on traditional agriculture and dependency on exporting raw materials like grains, minerals, and livestock also contribute to the growth tragedy. Without a comprehensive policy on industrial transformation, particularly in the agro-industry sector, reliance on exporting preliminary resources will never guarantee economic take-off. Ø Features of the African Economy: - African Economy Features Highly statist economy with state-run major sectors. Underdeveloped productive techniques. High dependency on former colonial powers. 'Disarticulated' economies rely on limited agricultural or mineral exports. Juxtaposition of primitive and modern production modes. African Political Economy Features Inequality, renting, exploitation, comprador, sectoral & regional, modern vs traditional, renting vs digital economy. Surge of factionalism and fragile indigenous bourgeois class.  Burgeoning corruption, weak governance, precarious power balance, and weak institutions of checks & balances. Ø The Fallacy of Liberal Democratic Capitalism: - Liberal democratic capitalism, borrowed from colonial states, has been criticized for its underdevelopment and persistent poverty in Africa. Countries adopting alternative development systems have been successful in combating poverty and narrowing squalor borders. However, authoritarianism, state capitalism, and illiberal democracies have proliferated, challenging the model of liberal democratic capitalism. State capitalism in countries like China, Singapore, and Chile has moved millions out of poverty and delivered impressive advances. This suggests that democracy is not a prerequisite for economic growth, as seen in the economic performance of these nations. Ø The Least Happy Nations: - The World Happiness Report, published in 2012, measures happiness by assessing GDP per capita, social support, life expectancy, freedom, generosity, and corruption. Eight African countries were among the ten least happy nations in the 2017 report, followed by Syria and Yemen. The report measures happiness by comparing GDP per capita, social support, life expectancy, freedom, generosity, and corruption. Ø Debt – Based Development: - China has provided $182.28 billion in loans to African countries since 2000, but this has led to structural administrative failure and underdevelopment. African countries have no say in the decisions of the World Bank and IMF, resulting in weak representation and a total ratio of sub- Saharan African countries with less than 10% vote share in the IMF Board of Governance. Ø Efforts of Post-Colonial States on Growth: - Post-colonial African nations have made significant strides in development and growth, including various plans for economic development, culminating in the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). After a decade since the establishment of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1963, African member states began to work collectively on economic and development issues. The first significant attempt was the "Declaration on Co-operation, Development, and Economic Independence" adopted by the OAU in 1973. Ø Monrovia Declaration: - The Monrovia Declaration, adopted at the 16th OAU Summit in July 1979, laid the foundation for the first formal framework of economic integration within the OAU. It outlines the commitment of the OAU Assembly to promote social and economic development and integration of their economies, emphasizing the need for regional economic integration and promoting the objectives of sub-regional and regional institutions. The Declaration did not address security, defense, or conflict resolution issues, but it set the foundation for the next significant transformation in regional economic integration and development thinking in the African continent. Ø Lagos Plan of Action (LPA): - The other important document is the Lagos Plan of Action (LPA), which was adopted in Lagos, Nigeria, in April 1980. The LPA took the Monrovia Declaration forward in that, it is phased with what may be called a work plan and a roadmap-like way of thinking that includes short, medium, and long-term targets. It set out a developmental agenda for the continent for two decades, during the period 1980-2000. Ø Declaration on the Critical Economic Situation in Africa: - The environment of collective thinking that has been created by LPA has resonated in the international community with the response shown at the UN’s response in the form of the Declaration on the Critical Economic Situation in Africa, adopted by the member states of the UN on 3 December 1984. The Declaration is considered as the international recognition of the LPA and expresses that the partnership with Africa in the issue of development can find support and understanding. Ø Africa's Priority Position on Economic Recovery (APPER): - The 21st Ordinary Session of the OAU in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on 16-20 July 1985, adopted Africa's Priority Position on Economic Recovery (APPER), expressing concern over the deterioration of economies due to an unjust and inequitable international economic system. The APPER attributed development projection ownership to the governments of OAU member states, highlighting the need for further action in this direction. Ø UN Program of Action for African Recovery and Development (UNPAARD): - The UN Program of Action for African Recovery and Development (UNPAARD) 1986-1990 was developed to address the African Union's (AU) integration, economic development, and other obstacles. The UN General Assembly adopted the program in 1985. In 1987, the African Common Position on Africa's External Debt Crisis was adopted by member states of the OAU at the Third Extraordinary Assembly in Addis Ababa. This was the first serious collective multi- negotiation forum on the continent's debt crisis. Ø African Alternative Framework to Structural Adjustment Programs (AAF-SAP): - The African Alternative Framework to Structural Adjustment Programs (AAF-SAP) was developed in 1989 by the international community, with contributions from African states members to the Organisation for African Unity (OAU), the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), and the UN Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA). The AAF-SAP aims to provide conceptual and practical frameworks for economic structural adjustment programs in line with long-term development objectives and strategies at national, sub-regional, and regional levels. It calls for the establishment of an International Advisory Board (IAB) to provide a broad orientation for the study. The AAF-SAP emphasizes the importance of effective financing for African state members' development projects, as half-hearted commitment can lead to policy discontinuity and under-financing. Ø NEPAD: - The African Renaissance literature has been shaped by the African Union (LAF-SAP) and the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), which was officially endorsed by the African Union (AU) in 2002. The NEPAD and AU aimed to encourage African member states to unite and address their issues collectively. This collective spirit translates into the call for Africa to see self-reliance as the goal and means for the region to find its true identity, dignity, and historic strength. The 38th Summit of the heads of state and government members of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in Durban, South Africa, officially endorsed NEPAD, adopting the 'Declaration on the Implementation of NEPAD' and encouraging member states to adopt the Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic, and Corporate Governance, accede to the African Peer Review Mechanism, and popularize NEPAD. Ø African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA): - The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) was officially inaugurated on March 21, 2018, at the African Union's headquarters in Addis Ababa. The agreement, signed by 43 member states, aims to eliminate barriers between African countries and address issues such as personnel, property, capital, commodities, and custom duties. The NEPAD has been transformed into the African Union Development Agency (AUDA/NEPAD), with its headquarters in South Africa, and all AU member states are party to it. Lecturer (11): - Civil War and Violence in Africa Ø Definition: - Civil wars are generally defined as the insurrections that draw many protests against a government or a community in the state where the contestant parties are usually civilians. Ø Civil Wars and Secessionist Armed Groups: - Insurgency wars, led by separatist leaders, may not be considered civil wars as they involve the national government army and organized insurgency elements. These insurgencies raise political demands, such as autonomy, federation, or cessation, and aim to topple existing regimes through force. Examples include the Basque National Liberation Movement (ETA), Corsican National Liberation Front, and El Sendero Luminoso in Peru. Conflicts over government control may also involve insurgency from within the center or state apparatus. Ø Resistance against Colonialism: - Colonial resistance movements should not be confused with civil wars, as they are distinct from liberation movements claiming independence from occupying regimes. UN resolutions, such as UN General Assembly Resolution 3314 (1974) on the "Definition of Aggression," affirm the right of the struggle for self-determination, freedom, and independence for all peoples under colonial and racist regimes. These movements also require seeking and receiving support to achieve their goals. Ø The English Civil War (1642 - 1651): - The English Civil War (1642-1651) was a series of conflicts between Royalists and Parliamentarians in the Kingdom of England. The First War focused on the balance of power between Parliament and King Charles I, ending in 1646. The Second War, led by the Royalists, resulted in the execution of Charles I in 1649 and the establishment of the Commonwealth of England. Charles II was crowned king of Scotland in 1650, agreeing to establish a Presbyterian church in both England and Scotland. The conflict also involved conflicts with Scotland and Ireland.  Ø American Civil War: - American Civil War (April 12, 1861 – May 26, 1865) has taken place due to the conflicting views and competing interests between the Union (the North) and the Confederacy (the South), which was formed in 1861 by states that had seceded from the Union. The American Civil War took the whole ingredients of the exemplary and typical civil war, as it had taken place between competing American adversaries, and where the causes of war involved mutually exclusive interests of warring factions at different territories in the same national state. Ø civil Wars in Africa: - It is estimated that a third of Sub-Saharan African countries were engaged in civil war in the 1990s. The Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) states that there were an estimated 630 state-based and non-state armed conflicts on the continent between 1990 and 2015. In 2021, 12 African countries, notably Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Central African Republic, DR Congo, Ethiopia, Kenya, Mali, Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, and Somalia—saw external involvement in their domestic conflicts. Ø The Ethiopian Civil War (1974-1991): - The Ethiopian Civil War was a conflict between the DERG Marxist-Communist government, led by Mengistu Haile Mariam, of Ethiopia, and several opposition factions. Ethiopian Democratic Union (EDU), Marxist-Leninist Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP), and Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) tortured and murdered of 30,000-750,000. Ø The Nigerian civil war (1967-1970): - The Nigerian Civil War was a conflict between the Nigerian government and the rebellious Igbo people in the Southeastern part of the country called Biafra. Violence broke out in 1966, after a failed military coup, which was perceived by the northerners as an Igbo attempt to grab power. Its retribution was the mass killings of Igbo residing in the north by northerners. About 100,000 were dead by the end of the carnage. Two million more had fled back to the south-east. Ø The First Liberian Civil War (1989-1996): - The First Liberian Civil War (1989-1996) began in December 1989 when President Samuel Doe staged a violent coup d'état, overthrowing President William Tolbert. Doe established the People's Redemption Council (PRC) to signal that the government was in the hands of native Liberians, after being snatched from migrants by American administrations. The Krahn ethnic group perceived Doe as a discriminator, leading to rising tensions and opposition to his regime. The war began when the anti-Doe National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) invaded Liberia from the Ivory Coast in December 1989. Doe was captured and killed by Prince Johnson in September 1990. In 1990, sixteen ECOWAS countries sent a peacekeeping force to Liberia, leading to the establishment of the United Liberation Movement of Liberia for Democracy (ULIMO) in 1991. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) achieved a brief ceasefire in 1995, and in 1997, Charles Taylor won the elections by a landslide. Ø The Ugandan Civil War (1980-1986): - The Ugandan Civil War (1980-1986) began when Tanzanian soldiers occupied Kampala in 1979. Milton Obote, the UNLA's president, won elections in 1980, but Yoweri Museveni challenged his victory due to Obote's history of deception. Three additional armed opposition groups emerged, including the Museveni Popular Resistance Army (PRA), Uganda Freedom Fighters (UFF), and Uganda Freedom Movement (UFM). Museveni and Lule merged their movements to form the National Resistance Movement (NRM) and its armed wing, the National Resistance Army (NRA). In 1985, Lieutenant General Bazilio Olara-Okello staged a military coup d'etat, driving Obote out of Uganda. The NRA capitalized on weakened governance and chaos, eventually driving out Olara-Okello in 1986. Ø The Sierra Leone Civil War (1991–2002): - The Sierra Leone Civil War (1991–2002) was a period of political instability in the country, marked by the rise of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) and the rise of the Sierra Leonean Army (SLA). The government's authoritarian rule led to a collapse of the national economy and education system, with the entire population out of school. The conflict was further fueled by the use of diamonds as a weapon. The war was officially declared over in 2002, with the NPRC replacing Joseph Momoh and Nigerian soldiers pushing the RUF from major strongholds. In 1998, a Nigerian-led West African coalition military force installed Tejan Kabbah, marking a significant turning point in the country's history. Ø Rwandan Civil War (1990 -1994): - The Rwandan Civil War (1990-1994) was a conflict fueled by class differences, including Tutsi military status, privileged social class, and administrative roles provided by the former German colonial administration. Belgian forces took control of Rwanda during WW1, initially collaborating with Tutsi elites but later shifting support to the Hutus. In 1959, the Hutus led the Rwandan Revolution, resulting in a violent transition of power. The Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) attacked Rwanda in 1990, leading to a war that temporarily ended in 1993 with the efforts of the African Union. In 1994, a plane carrying Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana and Burundi's President Cyprien Ntaryamira was shot down, resulting in the Rwanda Genocide. The majority of Hutus in Rwanda targeted the Tutsi minority, resulting in an estimated 800,000 deaths.  Ø Civil War in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) – 1994: - The Rwandan genocide led to a conflict between the Tutsi and Hutu people in Rwanda, which spilled over to the Democratic Republic of Congo. The Hutu people overthrew the Hutu government in Kigali, causing a second migration. The Hutu continued their rivalry, attacking Tutsi refugees and former Tutsi migrants in Congo. In response, the RPF and its allies formed the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDL), which overthrew the Congo government. Laurent Kabila led the ADFLC, which invaded Zaire and overthrew Mobutu's government in 1997. Ø Sudan Secessionist War (August 1955 – 2005): - The Sudan Secessionist War (1955-1955) was a civil war between the central government and southern Sudanese groups, lasting over half a century. The Addis Ababa Agreement collapsed in 1983, leading to a second civil war that continued for two decades. The war devastated Sudan's social, economic, and political stability, exhausting its resources. In 2002, negotiations between the government and rebel movement led to the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005, ending the war and granting Southerners self-determination rights. A free referendum in January 2011 led to the creation of an independent country, marking the beginning of the second republic in Sudan's history. Ø Causes of Civil War: - The major causes that cited as reasons for the explosion of civil wars include the following: - Cultural values; - Power sharing of the federal government to control the states. - Social inequality and lack of justice. - Discrimination based on ethnic, religious or cultural backgrounds in society; - Economic degradation and poverty. Ø Poverty: - War and poverty are stereotypes the entire African continent has suffered from since the establishment of the post-independence state in the 1960s. The debate is whether these two scourges are results or causes of war and conflict in Africa. Most civil wars take place within relatively poorer societies where the economy is weak and inequality is overwhelming. Growing scholars in the field of development state that: “The most conflict-affected provinces and districts have the highest levels of poverty within affected countries such as Columbia, Syria, Rwanda, and Uganda ). It has been stated that: “In 2011, no conflict-affected country had yet managed to achieve a single MDG ”. Ø Economic Deprivation and Inequality: - Early contributions to the study of violence within societies tended to focus on economic deprivation and grievances as key motives. Opportunities for insurgencies are greater when participants can prosper from war—for example, through looting or by gaining control of valuable natural resources. Political deprivation, such as colonial subordination or lack of political rights, provides another plausible motivation for resorting to violence. Ø Ethnicity: - Ethnic groups in dictatorial regimes and dynastic power politics are marginalized and excluded from political roles, often by the governing elite. Western-educated elites in Africa overlook traditional governance and tribe influence in politics. Urban elites focus on urban population concerns, leading to marginalization of periphery communities. Most African resistance and rebellious armed groups are based in rural and remote border regions, often leading to violence and civil war. Ø Regime Change: - External powers, such as the Tanzanian army's intervention in Uganda in 1979 and the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, have led to unconstitutional administrations and weakened the sovereignty and accountability of the state and government. Iraq has been impoverished due to the weakening of human resources and collaboration with corrupt elites. Lecturer (12): - Religion and Politics in the African Contemporary State Ø Role of Religion in Ancient Africa: - The Kingdom of Kush, with its capital at Kerma, marked a significant period where Nubians maintained their distinct religious practices despite Egyptian dominance, as seen in the elaborate burials of the Classic Kerma Period (ca. 1750-1450 BC). Ø Church and Colonization: - The 15th-century colonization of Europe, North and South America, and other countries was fueled by the Papal Ordinance issued by Pope Nicholas V to King Alfonso V in 1452. This allowed Christian monarchs to invade non-Christian nations and enforce Christian indoctrination, leading to a significant slave trade. The Papal Ordinance also designated non- Christian nations and communities, such as Muslims and pagans, as enemies of Christ. Muslims, however, do not view Jesus Christ as enemies of Jesus Christ. They believe in the Quranic verses, which recognize Jesus as the prophet of Allah and the story of the Virgin. Christians believe Jesus was killed through crucifixion, while Muslims believe Jesus was raised alive in sleepiness. The crucified person was considered a sincere disciple of Jesus Christ who consented to become a martyr and sacrifice himself. In Quran, the verses on the birth of Jesus Christ are narrated in descriptive details as follows: “And mention [O Muhammad], in the Book [the story of] Mary, when she withdrew from her family to a place toward the east. And she took, in seclusion from them, a screen. Then We sent to her Our Angel, and he represented himself to her as a well-proportioned man. She said, “Indeed, I seek refuge in the Most Merciful from you, [so leave me], if you should be fearing of Allah”. He said, “I am only the messenger of your Lord to give you [news of] a pure boy”. She said, “How can I have a boy while no man has touched me and I have not been unchaste?” He said, “Thus [it will be]; your Lord says, ‘It is easy for Me, and We will make him a sign to the people and a mercy from Us. And it is a matter [already] decreed.” The Holy Quran - Surat Maryam - (The Chapter of Merry) – Verses 16- 21. Ø The Papal State (756 to 1870): - The Papal State (756-1870) was an autonomous territory on the Italian Peninsula, administered by the Pope. It was a significant manifestation of the religious state and the Church's interference in European academic, social, and political life for over eleven centuries. The Church imposed restrictions on research, blocked free thinking, and opposed religious and societal reform until mass revolutions like the French Revolution and the Marxist-Leninist Revolution challenged both Catholic and Orthodox forms of Christianity. Ø Vatican City: - Vatican City, established in 1929, is a religious administration based on the Catholic Church's doctrine. The Pope, the head of the Catholic Church, holds absolute powers and exercises principal legislative, executive, and judicial powers over the state. The Vatican authority is a living embodiment of the medieval monarchy system, where kings held both religious and temporal powers. The title "Holy See" refers to the seat of the Catholic Church and serves as the official religious address of the Pope. In the modern political state, the Pope is equivalent to the head of state and government. Ø Role of Religion in the African State: - The African continent was home to ancient civilization and the oldest human communities, with the Nubian Kushite dynasties and Abyssinian Axum being the apex kingdoms. Kerma, located in northern Sudan, was the first settled human community around 8350 BC. The A Group Culture (ca. 3700 - 2800 BC) revealed domestication of animals, agricultural cultivation, elaborate pottery, and ivory amulets, figurines, and necklaces. Kerma later developed into a large urban center around a large adobe temple. The 25th Dynasty ruled the Nile Valley from Kerma to Pharaonic Egypt, known as the Kushite Empire. King Menes, considered the founder of the First Dynasty, united Upper and Lower Egypt. An anthropological study by S.O.Y. Keita found that the predominant pattern of the 1st dynasty Egyptian crania was "Southern" or "tropical African," with affinities to Kerma Kushites. The Twelfth Dynasty, accomplished by Amenemhat I, fulfilled full control of Kushite lands and peace with Egypt. The Kushite dynasty based all activities and legitimacy on religion, with the god Ra ruling in all parts of the created world. Ø Impact of Religion in the Pre-Colonial African State: - Religion played a significant role in the pre-colonial African state, serving as a source of legitimacy and stable governance. Many pre-colonial states were Muslim due to the majority's Islam during the time of Christian European invasion. The Islamic creed views religious life as intertwined with other activities, with Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) considered both messenger and head of state and government. In Islam, rulers and religious scholars are not infallible, but must adhere to the Quran and authenticated ordinances. Islamic rulers operate in a Shura environment, similar to democracy, but with a focus on consultation, majority opinion, and consensus in state affairs. This system of governance and religious practices emphasized the importance of religion in shaping the pre-colonial African state. In The Holy Quran, the Shura Chapter states: “And those who have responded to their Lord and established prayer and whose affair is [determined by] consultation among themselves, and from what We have provided them, they spend.” Verse No. 38 - Ash-Shura Chapter. Ø Pre-colonial African States under Islamic Rule: - Pre-colonial African states under Islamic rule had a significant impact on demography, culture, economy, and political thinking. These states included the Blue Sultanate in Sennar, Darfur Sultanate, Takrur, Wadai Abasi Sultanate, Kingdom of Kanem Borno, Hausa kingdoms, and The Sokoto States. The ancient African dynasty of Ghana (300-1054) had its seat in Awdaghost, which fell to the Almoravids Dynasty in 1054, an Islamic Berber dynasty centered in Morocco. These states had a significant influence on African history and governance. Ø Impact of Religion on the Contemporary African State: - The contemporary African state has been influenced by the colonial system, which was based on tribal rules and religious beliefs. The colonial regimes, including the English, French, Portuguese, and Spanish, maintained these jurisdictions without considering the views of the colonized through referendums, elections, or popular consultation. The Islamic states of pre- colonial Africa based their legitimacy on the religious scripture of Shar'ia as the basic source of laws. Post-independence African states, in their majority, followed secular political concepts and jurisdictions inherited from the colonial government. Sudan has been governed by Islamic Shar'ia for four centuries, governed by the regimes of The Blue Sultanate, the Khedive Egypt, and the Mahdist. After the British colonial governor General Reginald Wingate abolished the Shar'ia penal code in 1899, Indo-English secular laws replaced the Shar'ia. It took over 83 years until the People's Council of President General Jaafar Numeri endorsed the resumption of Shar'ia law as the source of jurisdiction in Sudan in 1983. Ø African Practices in Religious Jurisdictions: - The Nigerian constitution is a mixed legal system combining English common law, Islamic law, and traditional law, based on federal democratic rule. Twelve federal states apply Sharia laws, with the right to choose Sharia laws pending a referendum or parliamentary consensus. Other African countries include Comoros, Egypt, The Gambia, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, and Somalia. The Nigerian constitution is practical for administration and recognition of social and cultural diversity, while the Gambia constitution identifies Sharia as a source of law in personal status and inheritance matters. Other African countries also adopt Sharia laws, such as Morocco's Code of Personal Status and Somalia's constitution, which ensures compliance with Sharia principles.