Wang & Sun (2015) Chapter 23: Resultative Verb Compounds in Mandarin PDF

Wang & Sun (2015) Chapter 23 Resultative verb compounds in Mandarin Tang Ho Yan, Judith (58321338) Fu Kam Fong, Elvalina (57900719) HUANG Lixuan, Nancy (58116607) HUANG Pingzhu, Penny (58106301) ZHANG Yimeng, Maggie (57207544) Table of contents 1 Introduction Definition...

Wang & Sun (2015) Chapter 23 Resultative verb compounds in Mandarin Tang Ho Yan, Judith (58321338) Fu Kam Fong, Elvalina (57900719) HUANG Lixuan, Nancy (58116607) HUANG Pingzhu, Penny (58106301) ZHANG Yimeng, Maggie (57207544) Table of contents 1 Introduction Definition Application 2 Interface with Syntax Argument Realization Causativity Transitivity Alternations Predication the Result 3 The Resultative Event RVCs as "Covert Accomplishments" Coextension The Locus of Change 4 Conclusion 01 Introduction Definition RVC “Resultative verb compounds in mandarin” (RVC) (結果複合 動詞) It is a special phrasal verb or compound word structure in Chinese. It is usually formed by combining two verbs (or verbal morphemes), one of which denotes an action (V1). And the other the result or change of state produced by that action (V2). This construction is very common in Chinese and is an important part of the Chinese verb system. Application 1. focus on the close relationship between the action and the result of the action. 2. compound verbs are a common expression way in both spoken and written language. 3. convey meaning precisely.  02 Interface with Syntax Argument Realization Causativity Transitivity Alternations Predicating the Result Argument Realization In RVCs like e.g. (1)… →V1 is transitive (with 2 arguments) →V2 is intransitive (with 1 argument) >> But the RVC is only two-place, not three-place (1) 張三騎累了馬 Zhangsan ride-tires-PREF horse Zhangsan rode the horse, Zhangsan/the horse got tired. Argument Realization (1) 張三騎累了馬 Zhangsan ride-tires-PREF horse Zhangsan rode the horse, Zhangsan/the horse got tired. By identifying either role of V1 with the role of V2 →V1’s agent (the rider) with V2’s role >> the rider (Zhangsan) got tired →V1’s patient (the ride) with V2's role >> the horse became tired  02 Interface with Syntax Argument Realization Causativity Transitivity Alternations Predicating the Result Causativity (2) 張三追累了李四 Zhangsan chase-tired-PREF Lisi Zhangsan chased Lisi and (i) Zhangsan/ (ii) Lisi got tired.// (iii) Lisi chased Zhangsan and Lisi got tired In (2)… →Availability of apparently “inverted” readings for RVCs (2iii), instead of the interpretations in (2i-ii) In (2iii)… →V1’s patient (the one who was chased) is realized as the RVC subject →V1’s agent (the chaser) is realized as the RVC object >> Inversion of role realization Causativity (2) 張三追累了李四 Zhangsan chase-tired-PREF Lisi Zhangsan chased Lisi and (i) Zhangsan/ (ii) Lisi got tired.// (iii) Lisi chased Zhangsan and Lisi got tired If consider these roles as participants in a causative situation… →The one who was chased (a trained runner)(張三)→ the chaser (李四) become tired from the chasing >> As a cause → can be realized as the RVC subject (even though it X the subject in an active sentence headed by V1 alone)  Causativity -Rather than an “inverted” argument realization pattern → A causative relation between the events described by V1 & V2 → Determine what can be realized as the RVC subject (the cause) (3) 張三的死哭紅了李四的眼睛 Zhangsan DE death cry-read-PREF Lisi DE eye Zhangsan’s death caused Lisi’s cry his eyes red. In (3)… →The cause X corresponds to a role of V1 →The subject is the cause, but X describe the agent of V1 (the crier)  Causativity In causative situation… →An affected entity (the AFFECTEE) also involves →V1 often arise when the affectee is understood as (related to) an EXPERIENCER (a sentient being that undergoes some sensation or emotion) The “inverted” reading of (2)>> (2iii) →The affectee experiences weariness In (3)… →The affectee (李四的眼睛) “Lisi’s eyes”→ a body part of Lisi →Experience an emotion >> Moving away from purely syntactic explanations of RVC structure → a more semantically nuanced understanding based on causative relationship → offer a more comprehensive and flexible framework for analyzing these complex verbal constructions in Mandarin  02 Interface with Syntax Argument Realization Causativity Transitivity Alternations Predicating the Result  Transitivity Alternations Transitivity alternations in RVCs have compound display properties and mirror alternations shown by simplex verbs. In these alternations, causation plays an important role as well. - Unaccusative/causative alternation RVC (zui-dao 醉倒) (1a). Zhangsan zui-dao-le [張三醉倒了] Zhangsan intoxicated-fall - PERF [Zhangsan got so drunk that fell.] (1b). Nei bei jiu zui-dao-le Zhangsan [那杯酒醉倒了張三] That cup wine intoxicated-fall- PERF Zhangsan [That glass of wine caused Zhangsan to become so drunk that he fell.] ➔ (1a) is the intransitive and uncacusative RVC which shows a single patient-like argument (1 argument which is ‘張三’). ➔ (1b) is the transitive and causative RVC which shows an added causer subject ‘那杯酒’ （2 arguments which is ‘那杯酒’ and ‘張三’).  Transitivity Alternations - Agentive verb (he-zui 喝醉) (2a). Zhangsan he-zui-le (jiu) [張三喝醉了（酒）] intransitive Zhangsan drink-intoxicated-PERF (wine) [Zhangsan drank (wine) and got drank] (2b). Nei bei jiu he-zui-le Zhangsan [那杯酒喝醉了張三] transitive That cup wine drink-intoxicated-PERF Zhangsan [That glass of wine got Zhangsan drunk (from drinking it).] ➔ The RVC ‘喝醉 ’ in (2) has an agentive V1(‘喝’). (‘張三’is the agent who performs the action of drinking.) ➔ When intransitive as in (2a) (the object is optional), the single role is an agent ‘張三’. ➔ RVC allows an added causer subject ‘那杯酒’ in (2b) and ‘喝醉’ become a transitive RVC in 2 (b) However…… (2b). * Nei bei jiu he-zui-le Zhangsan [那杯酒喝醉了張三] That cup wine drink-intoxicated-PERF Zhangsan [That glass of wine got Zhangsan drunk (from drinking it).] ➔ (2b) sounds unnatural  Transitivity Alternations - Agentive verb (kan-wan 看完；chi-wan 吃完) (3a). 張三看完了(書) [Zhangsan has finished reading ] (3b). *那本書看完了張三 [*That book has finished reading Zhangsan] (4a). 張三吃完了(飯)) [Zhangsan has finished eating] (4b). *那碗飯吃完了張三 [*That bowl of rice has finished eating Zhangsan] ➔ Failure to convert from intransitive to transitive RVC RVC allows an added causer subject? Intransitive -> transitive - Agentive verb (tui-dao 推倒) (5a). 張三推倒了(人) [Zhangsan pushed someone down] (5b). 那個人推倒了張三 [That person pushsed Zhangsan down] ➔ Successfully to convert from intransitive to transitive RVC  02 Interface with Syntax Argument Realization Causativity Transitivity Alternations Predicating the Result  Predicating Result - Most Mandarin RVCs respect the direct object restriction (DOR) (1a). Xiaohair ya-bian-le ni-tuan [小孩壓扁了泥團] Xhild press-flat-PERF mud-ball [The child pressed the mud ball flat.’] object-oriented (1b) Zhe dun fan zhen chi-qiong-le wo [這頓飯吃窮了我] object-oriented This CL rice really eat-poor-PERF 1SG [The eating of this meal has really made me poor] inverted ➔ (1a) highlights the relationship between the action ‘壓扁’ and the direct object ‘泥團’ rather than the agent‘小孩’, making object ‘泥團’ the center of the outcome. ➔ The RVC in (1b) shows an “inverted”(倒裝) role realization: The patient of the eating event ‘我’ (subject), also is the cause of the ensuing poverty. ➔ Despite their different role realizations, these RVCs share a commonality: The result is predicated of the object. In (1a), the mudball becomes flat; In (1b), the speaker becomes poor.  Predicating Result - Subject-oriented (2) Wuya fei-dao-le qiang-shang [烏鴉飛到了牆上] Crow fly-arrive-PERF wall-upon [The crow flew onto the wall.] subject-oriented ➔ Directed motion RVCs are also subject-oriented: In (2), the crow (subject) reaches the result location. However, object-oriented and subject-oriented RVCs differ in their compatibility with the ‘BA’(把) and ‘BEI’(被) constructions.  Predicating Result - BA(把) & BEI(被) in object-oriented RVCs (3a) Xiaohair ba ni-tuan ya-bian-le [小孩把泥團壓扁了] Child ba mud-ball press-flat-PERF [The child pressed the mudball flat] (3b) Wo zhen bei zhe dun fan chi-qiong-le [我被這頓飯吃窮了] 1SG really bei this CL rice eat-poor-PERF [I’ve really been made poor by the eating of this meal] - BA(把) & BEI(被) in subject-oriented RVCs (4a) *Wuya ba qiang-(shang) fei-dao-le [烏鴉把牆上飛到了] Crow BA wall-upon fly-arrive-PERF (4b) *Jiu bei Zhangsan he-zui-le [酒被張三喝醉了] Wine BEI Zhangsan drink-intoxicated-PERF The former occurs felicitously in these constructions in (3), but (4) do not.  03 The Resultative Event RVCs as “Covert Accomplishments” Coextension The Locus of Change Predicate Sensitive to the temporal structure of the event description (Dowty, 1979). State predicates: not felicitous in the progressive. e.g., #Peter is believing Sandy. Achievement predicates: describe instantaneous events of change. e.g., Arrive: Peter arrived in an hour. #Peter arrived for an hour. RVCs: can function as predicates 他把書看完了。 RVCs: describe change caused by a durative event. Accomplishments? 1. Mandarin RVCs describe achievements (Tai, 1984). 2. RVCs only have “result aspect.” (Tai, 1984:292). 3. Although RVCs contain an activity verb, they exhibit achievement-like behavior. # 我在學會中文。(I am learning/*mastering Chinese.) “在” ：Used to indicate an action in progress. “學會”：Indicates a state of mastery of a skill or knowledge. The phrase “在學會” It's not grammatical. It should be "我在學中文" 。 RVCs are generally incompatible with progressive aspect, a hallmark of achievements. Same example：#我在吃飽飯。 Some types of aspect modifications can allow RVC to have duration description events (Tham 2012). “三分鐘內” (in three minutes) e.g., 小孩三分鐘內壓扁了泥團。 The child pressed the mudball flat in three minutes. “用了三分鐘” (used threeminutes) e.g.,小孩用了三分鐘（才）壓扁泥團。 The child took three minutes to press the mudball flat. can receive an interpretation of the activity event of pressing the mudball being performed during these three minutes.  03 The Resultative Event RVCs as “Covert Accomplishments” Coextension The Locus of Change  Some RVCs do allow progressive aspect. 他在拉長橡皮筋。 He is pulling the elastic band long. Coextension 他們在拓寬馬路。 (Chief, 2008) They are widening the road. Coextensive Compounds： The meaning of the action and the result are closely linked, usually expressed together in a single phrase.  Coextensive Compounds Resultative event V1 describes an event with duration that need not involve change. V2 describes a resultant change. 他在拉長橡皮筋。 He is pulling the elastic band long. With a durative V1 and a V2 associated with an open-ended scale. As V1 progresses, there is a corresponding degree increase on V2’s associated scale. By a synchronous unfolding in time. e.g., 畫完 (draw/paint-finish) "完"：not open-ended. The painting and completion events are related by precedence.  03 The Resultative Event RVCs as “Covert Accomplishments” Coextension The Locus of Change  03 The Resultative Event The Locus of Change Result V2 Result V1 Inferred Results Result V2 V2 is the source of the meaning of the changes. 1. Degree modifiers “很” state 很白 V2 白 --very white 2. Perfect marker “了” change of state 白了 V2 了 --turned white a. 三毛頭髮很白 Sanmao's hair is (very) white. STATE b. 三毛頭髮白了 Sammao's hair has turned white. COS Putative adjectives (推定的形容词) have COS (Change of state) counterparts Result V2 V2 is the source of the meaning of the changes. COS still happened without “le 了” (Sybesma, 1997) 能高 V2 高- become tall gradually. a. 他能高 He can become tall. Result V2 V2 is the source of the meaning of the changes. 1. Stative interpretation: ‘hen’ 很 degree modifier 很 白---very white 2. Change of state (COS): ‘de hen lihai’ 的...很厲 害 serious extent COS interpretation turned extremely white E.g.白的很厲害 a. 三毛頭髮很白 Sanmao's hair was very white. b. 三毛頭髮白的很厲害 Sanmao's hair truned very white.  Result V2 V2 is the source of the meaning of the changes. V1 stative, V2 COS Finally, the potential construction (使動狀態) 使... , can be used to 醉倒 ：醉 (V1), 倒 (V2) explore the COS status 暈過去：暈 (V1)，過去 (V2) of V2 in RVCs.  03 The Resultative Event The Locus of Change Result V2 Result V1 Inferred Results Result V1 V1 encodes change, with V2 further specifying the change. 雪糕凍硬了 The ice-cream is forzen hard. 凍硬了 V1: 凍---COS ---means freezing V2: 硬---Stative ---means hard V1: How to change V2: What has it become  Result V1 compounds can also be Result V1 distinguished along the coextension division. a: 一天天 (coextension) progressive aspect b: 一直 (coextension) continuous process c: 掉到 (non-coextensive) a. 弟弟（一天天）再長高 Younger brother is growing taller (day by day). Coextension b. 指數一直在掉 The stock market index has been continuously falling. Coextension c. 指數掉到一千點 The index fell. Non- Coextension  03 The Resultative Event The Locus of Change Result V2 Result V1 Inferred Results  Postverbal: result location interpretations Inferred Results Preverbal: ✘ result location interpretations Result interpretations may arise through pragmatic inference Tai (1975) 小貓跳在床上 Kitten jumps onto the bed The postverbal place adverbials (跳在) yield result location interpretations (床) in motion events VS. 小貓在床上跳 Kitten is jumping on the bed The preverbal place adverbials (在床上跳) do not Because the cat is already on the bed Inferred Results 1) Don’t know the result location 2) Know the result location Tham (2011) The result location interpretation of V-在 is not consistently 1) 飛在空中的麻雀 2) 麻雀飛在樹枝上 Sparrow that fly in the sky The sparrow flies onto a branch Non-result location VS. Result location (樹枝)  Inferred Results The result location readings because of contextual-pragmatic factors Tham (2011) reports results from a study of naturally examples No source location is described Short motion/ VS. Punctual motion With a source location is used The motion clause occurs as Less elaborated of motion/ part of a string of narrative No adverbial modification clauses describing a sequence of events Contextual-pragmatic factors Short motion/punctual motion 麻雀飛在樹枝上 The sparrow flies onto a branch  Contextual-pragmatic factors No Source location VS. With Source location 一不小心，手中的筆突然飛在一邊了 我從家裏走到學校 The pen that on my hand suddenly I walk to school from home flew off to somewhere Home School  Contextual-pragmatic factors Less elaborated manner of motion or no adverbial modification emphasizing the difficulty of the motion 她爬到一個小山洞裏 No adverbial modification She crawled into a small cave 她艱難地爬到一個小山洞裏 adverbial modification (艱難地) She hardly crawled into a small cave  Contextual-pragmatic factors The motion clause occurs as part of a string of narrative clauses describing a sequence of events 她走向對方，舉起 Motion clause (打在) 手臂，打在對方的 臉上 A string of narratives clauses (打在對方的臉上) She walks up to him/her, raises her arm, and slaps A sequence of events (The whole sentence) at his/her face 04 Conclusion  Conclusions 01 02 03 RVC result can be RVC describe object predicated The locus of accomplishments RVC result can be change may be  The resultative subject encoded in event may be  when the  Result V1 coextensive if V2 experiencer  Result V2 is associated with subject + motion  Inferred result an open-ended verb compounds scale  References Rappaport Hovav, M. (2008). Lexicalized meaning and the internal temporal structure of events. Theoretical and crosslinguistic approaches to the semantics of aspect, 13. Tham, S. W. (2012). Result in Mandary verb compounds. In Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung (Vol. 16, No. 2, pp. 599-612). Tai, J. H. (1975). On two functions of place adverbials in Mandarin Chinese. Journal of Chinese Linguistics, 154-179. Tham, S. W. (2011, June). When motion and location yield direction: The case of Mandarin. In Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (pp. 344-358).  Q&A 1. ‘我看懂了這本書.’ ‘看懂’ in this sentence is _________ RVC a. Intransitive b. Transitive c. Coextensive d. Change of state (COS) 2. ‘麵條煮熟了.’ ‘煮熟’ in this sentence is ________ a. Result V1 b. Result V2 c. Both  Q&A 3. Is '我遛累了狗’ an arguement realization? What are the ambiguously meaning? 4. Can ‘壓扁’ be Result V2? Thanks!