Bricks, Beads and Bones Notes by The Twin Bros.pdf

 Bricks, Beads and Bones Red fonts – important topics / details Yellow highlights – PYQs / important questions The Harappan seal o The most distinctive artefact of the Harappan or Indus valley civilisation. o Made of steatite o Often c...

 Bricks, Beads and Bones Red fonts – important topics / details Yellow highlights – PYQs / important questions The Harappan seal o The most distinctive artefact of the Harappan or Indus valley civilisation. o Made of steatite o Often contain animal motifs and signs from a script that remains undeciphered. 1. Beginnings There were several archaeological cultures in the region prior to the Mature Harappan. o Settlements were generally small, and there were virtually no large buildings. There was a break between the Early Harappan and the Harappan civilisation o Evident from large-scale burning at some sites and abandonment of certain settlements. 2. Subsistence Strategies Q. How have historians provided new insight into the subsistence strategies of the Harappan culture? The Harappans ate a wide range of plant and animal products, including fish.  Archaeologists have been able to reconstruct dietary practices from finds of charred grains and seeds. o These are studied by archaeo-botanists, who are specialists in ancient plant remains. o Grains found at Harappan sites - wheat, barley, lentil, chickpea and sesame. o Millets are found from sites in Gujarat. o Finds of rice are relatively rare. Animal bones found at Harappan sites - cattle, sheep, goat, buffalo and pig. o Studies done by archaeo-zoologists or zoo-archaeologists indicate that these animals were domesticated. o Bones of wild species such as boar, deer and gharial are also found. Bones of fish and fowl are also found. 2.1 Agricultural technologies Bull was known (representations on seals and terracotta sculpture). o Oxen, possibly, were used for ploughing. Terracotta models of the plough have been found at sites in Cholistan and at Banawali (Haryana). Evidence of a ploughed field have been found at Kalibangan (Rajasthan). o The field had two sets of furrows at right angles to each other, suggesting that two different crops were grown together. Irrigation in the civilisation – o Traces of canals have been found at the Harappan site of Shortughai in Afghanistan, but not in Punjab or Sind. o It is likely that water drawn from wells was used for irrigation. o Water reservoirs found in Dholavira (Gujarat) may have been used to store water for agriculture. 3. Mohenjodaro: A planned urban centre Q. Describe the distinctive features of Mohenjodaro. Mohenjodaro is the most well-known site. (However, the first site to be discovered was Harappa).  The settlement is divided into two sections, one smaller but higher (the Citadel) and the other much larger but lower (the Lower Town). o The Citadel owes its height to the fact that buildings were constructed on mud brick platforms. It was walled. o The Lower Town was also walled. Several buildings were built on platforms, which served as foundations. The settlement was first planned and then implemented accordingly (foundations are one of the signs of planning). o Other signs of planning - bricks, which, whether sun-dried or baked, were of a standardised ratio, where the length and breadth were four times and twice the height respectively. o Such bricks were used at all Harappan settlements. 3.1 Laying out drains Q. Harappan cities had planned drainage system. Elaborate. One of the most distinctive features of Harappan cities was the carefully planned drainage system. o Important description – ▪ In the Lower Town, the roads and streets were laid out along an approximate “grid” pattern, intersecting at right angles. ▪ It seems that streets with drains were laid out first and then houses built along them. ▪ If domestic waste water had to flow into the street drains, every house needed to have at least one wall along a street. 3.2 Domestic architecture Q. Explain the distinctive features of the residential buildings of the Mohenjodaro. The Lower Town at Mohenjodaro provides examples of residential buildings. Another important description – o Many were centred on a courtyard, with rooms on all sides. o The courtyard was probably the centre of activities such as cooking and weaving. o What is also interesting is an apparent concern for privacy:  ▪ There are no windows in the walls along the ground level. ▪ The main entrance does not give a direct view of the interior or the courtyard. o Every house had its own bathroom paved with bricks, with drains connected through the wall to the street drains. o Some houses have remains of staircases to reach a second storey or the roof. o Many houses had wells, often in a room that could be reached from the outside and perhaps used by passers-by. o The total number of wells in Mohenjodaro was about 700. 3.3 The Citadel Here we find evidence of structures that were probably used for special public purposes. These include the warehouse – a massive structure of which the lower brick portions remain, while the upper portions, probably of wood, decayed long ago – and the Great Bath. o Important description – ▪ The Great Bath was a large rectangular tank in a courtyard surrounded by a corridor on all four sides. ▪ There were two flights of steps on the north and south leading into the tank, which was made watertight by setting bricks on edge and using a mortar of gypsum. ▪ There were rooms on three sides, in one of which was a large well. Water from the tank flowed into a huge drain. ▪ Across a lane to the north lay a smaller building with eight bathrooms, four on each side of a corridor, with drains from each bathroom connecting to a drain that ran along the corridor. ▪ The uniqueness of the structure, as well as the context in which it was found (the Citadel, with several distinctive buildings), has led scholars to suggest that it was meant for some kind of a special ritual bath. 4. Tracking Social Differences Q. Explain the strategies used by the archaeologists to understand socio-economic differences among the Harappans. 4.1 Burials One of the strategies to find social or economic differences amongst people within a particular culture includes studying burials. o At burials in Harappan sites the dead were generally laid in pits. o Sometimes, there were differences in the way the burial pit was made – in some instances, the hollowed-out spaces were lined with bricks. ▪ Could these variations be an indication of social differences? We are not sure. o Some graves contain pottery and ornaments, perhaps indicating a belief that these could be used in the afterlife. ▪ Jewellery has been found in burials of both men and women. o In some instances, the dead were buried with copper mirrors. o But on the whole, it appears that the Harappans did not believe in burying precious things with the dead. 4.2 Looking for “luxuries” Another strategy to identify social differences is to study artefacts, which archaeologists broadly classify as utilitarian and luxuries. o Utilitarian - it includes objects of daily use made fairly easily out of ordinary materials such as stone or clay. These include querns, pottery, needles, flesh-rubbers (body scrubbers), etc., and are usually found distributed throughout settlements. o Luxuries - Archaeologists assume objects were luxuries if they are rare or made from costly, non-local materials or with complicated technologies. o Thus, little pots of faience were probably considered precious because they were difficult to make. Miniature pots of faience, perhaps used as perfume bottles, are found mostly in Mohenjodaro and Harappa (large settlements). 5. Finding About Craft Production Q. Explain the exclusive features of the craft production in Chanhudaro.  Chanhudaro is a tiny settlement (less than 7 hectares) as compared to Mohenjodaro (125 hectares), almost exclusively devoted to craft production, including bead-making, shell-cutting, metal-working, seal- making and weight-making. o The variety of materials used to make beads is remarkable: ▪ Remember at least some names - ▪ Stones like carnelian (of a beautiful red colour), jasper, crystal, quartz and steatite; metals like copper, bronze and gold; and shell, faience and terracotta or burnt clay. ▪ Some beads were made of two or more stones, cemented together, some of stone with gold caps. ▪ The shapes were numerous – disc-shaped, cylindrical, spherical, barrel-shaped, segmented. ▪ Some were decorated by incising or painting, and some had designs etched onto them. Techniques for making beads differed according to the material. o Steatite, a very soft stone, was easily worked. o Nodules were chipped into rough shapes, and then finely flaked into the final form. o Grinding, polishing and drilling completed the process. o Specialised drills have been found at Chanhudaro, Lothal and more recently at Dholavira. Nageshwar and Balakot both settlements are near the coast. o These were specialised centres for making shell objects – including bangles, ladles and inlay – which were taken to other settlements. It is likely that finished products (such as beads) from Chanhudaro and Lothal were taken to the large urban centres such as Mohenjodaro and Harappa. 5.1 Identifying centres of production Q. Describe the basis on which archaeologists identified the centres of craft production in the Harappan culture. In order to identify centres of craft production, archaeologists usually look for – 1. Raw material such as stone nodules, whole shells, copper ore; tools; unfinished objects; rejects and waste material. 2. Waste is one of the best indicators of craft work.  Craft production was also undertaken in large cities such as Mohenjodaro and Harappa. 6. Strategies for Procuring Materials Q. Explain the strategies for procuring material by the Harappans for craft production. Terracotta toy models of bullock carts suggest that this was one important means of transporting goods and people across land routes. Riverine routes along the Indus and its tributaries, as well as coastal routes were also probably used. 6.1 Materials from the subcontinent and beyond 1. The Harappans procured materials for craft production in various ways. 1. They established settlements such as Nageshwar and Balakot in areas where shell was available. 2. Other such sites were Shortughai, in far-off Afghanistan, near the best source of lapis lazuli and Lothal which was near sources of carnelian, steatite and metal. 3. Another strategy for procuring raw materials may have been to send expeditions to areas such as the Khetri region of Rajasthan (for copper) and south India (for gold). 6.2 Contact with distant lands Recent archaeological finds suggest that copper was also probably brought from Oman, on the south-eastern tip of the Arabian Peninsula. o Chemical analyses have shown that both the Omani copper and Harappan artefacts have traces of nickel, suggesting a common origin. o There are other traces of contact as well. A distinctive type of vessel, a large Harappan jar coated with a thick layer of black clay has been found at Omani sites. Mesopotamian texts datable to the third millennium BCE refer to copper coming from a region called Magan, perhaps a name for Oman, and interestingly enough copper found at Mesopotamian sites also contains traces of nickel.  Other archaeological finds suggestive of long-distance contacts include Harappan seals, weights, dice and beads. In this context, it is worth noting that Mesopotamian texts mention contact with regions named Dilmun (probably the island of Bahrain), Magan and Meluhha, possibly the Harappan region. o It is likely that communication with Oman, Bahrain or Mesopotamia was by sea. ▪ Mesopotamian texts refer to Meluhha as a land of seafarers. ▪ Besides, we find depictions of ships and boats on seals. 7. Seals, Script, Weights 7.1 Seals and sealings Seals and sealings were used to facilitate long-distance communication. 7.2 An enigmatic script PYQ – “Harappan script is considered as an enigmatic script.” Justify the statement. Important!! Harappan seals usually have a line of writing, probably containing the name and title of the owner. Scholars have also suggested that the motif (generally an animal) conveyed a meaning to those who could not read. Most inscriptions are short, the longest containing about 26 signs. Although the script remains undeciphered to date, it was evidently not alphabetical as it has just too many signs – somewhere between 375 and 400. It is apparent that the script was written from right to left as some seals show a wider spacing on the right and cramping on the left, as if the engraver began working from the right and then ran out of space. 7.3 Weights Exchanges were regulated by a precise system of weights, usually made of a stone called chert and generally cubical with no markings.  The lower denominations of weights were binary (1, 2, 4, 8, 16, 32, etc. up to 12,800), while the higher denominations followed the decimal system. The smaller weights were probably used for weighing jewellery and beads. Metal scale-pans have also been found. 8. Ancient Authority Q. Describe the different arguments given by the archaeologists over the central authority of Harappa. There are indications of complex decisions being taken and implemented in Harappan society. o The extraordinary uniformity of Harappan artefacts as evident in pottery, seals, weights and bricks. o Bricks were of a uniform ratio throughout the region. o Settlements were strategically set up in specific locations for various reasons. o Labour was mobilised for making bricks and for the construction of massive walls and platforms. 8.1 Palaces and kings There is no clear answer on who ruled or took decisions in the region. A large building found at Mohenjodaro was labelled as a palace by archaeologists. A stone statue was labelled and continues to be known as the “priest- king”. o This is because archaeologists were familiar with Mesopotamian history and its “priest-kings” and have found parallels in the Indus region. Archaeologists on the rulers of the civilisation – 1. Some archaeologists are of the opinion that Harappan society had no rulers, and that everybody enjoyed equal status. 2. Others feel there was no single ruler but several, that Mohenjodaro had a separate ruler, Harappa another, and so forth. 3. Yet others argue that there was a single state, given the similarity in artefacts, the evidence for planned settlements, the  standardised ratio of brick size, and the establishment of settlements near sources of raw material (most reasonable). 9. The End of the Civilisation Late Harappan Culture – By c. 1800 BCE most of the Mature Harappan sites in regions such as Cholistan had been abandoned. Simultaneously, there was an expansion of population into new settlements in Gujarat, Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh. In few Harappan sites that continued to be occupied after 1900 BCE o There was disappearance of the distinctive artefacts of the civilisation – weights, seals, special beads. o Writing, long-distance trade, and craft specialisation also disappeared. o Far fewer materials were used to make far fewer things. o House construction techniques deteriorated and large public structures were no longer produced. Overall, artefacts and settlements indicate a rural way of life in what are called “Late Harappan” or “successor cultures”. What brought about these changes? o Several explanations have been put forward. ▪ These range from climatic change, deforestation, excessive floods, the shifting and/or drying up of rivers, to overuse of the landscape. Some of these “causes” may hold for certain settlements, but they do not explain the collapse of the entire civilisation. o It appears that a strong unifying element, perhaps the Harappan state, came to an end. o This is evidenced by the disappearance of seals, the script, distinctive beads and pottery, the shift from a standardised weight system to the use of local weights; and the decline and abandonment of cities. 10. Discovering the Harappan Civilisation 10.1 Cunningham’s confusion Q. Who was Cunningham? Mention sources that he used to understand the Harappan culture. Also comment on Cunningham’s confusion. Cunningham - the first Director-General of the ASI When Cunningham began archaeological excavations in the mid- nineteenth century, archaeologists preferred to use texts and inscriptions as a guide to investigations. In fact, Cunningham’s main interest was in the archaeology of the Early Historic (c. sixth century BCE-fourth century CE) and later periods. o He used the accounts left by Chinese Buddhist pilgrims who had visited the subcontinent between the fourth and seventh centuries CE to locate early settlements. o Cunningham also collected, documented and translated inscriptions found during his surveys. o When he excavated sites, he tended to recover artefacts that he thought had cultural value. A site like Harappa, which was not part of the itinerary of the Chinese pilgrims and was not known as an Early Historic city, did not fit very neatly within his framework of investigation. o So, although Harappan artefacts were found fairly often during the nineteenth century and some of these reached Cunningham, he did not realise how old these were. o He thought that Indian history began with the first cities in the Ganga valley. o He missed the significance of Harappa. 10.2 A new old civilisation Q. Describe the contributions of John Marshall as the director general of ASI. What were the problems in the excavation work of John Marshall? Seals were discovered at Harappa by archaeologists such as Daya Ram Sahni in the early decades of the twentieth century. Rakhal Das Banerji found similar seals at Mohenjodaro, leading to the conjecture that these sites were part of a single archaeological culture.  Based on these finds, in 1924, John Marshall, Director-General of the ASI, announced the discovery of a new civilisation in the Indus valley to the world. o As S.N. Roy noted in The Story of Indian Archaeology, “Marshall left India three thousand years older than he had found her.” o This was because similar, till-then-unidentified seals were found at excavations at Mesopotamian sites. o It was then that the world knew not only of a new civilisation, but also of one contemporaneous with Mesopotamia. John Marshall - o First professional archaeologist to work in India o Brought his experience of working in Greece and Crete o Other than spectacular finds, he was equally keen to look for patterns of everyday life. Marshall tended to excavate along regular horizontal units, measured uniformly throughout the mound, ignoring the stratigraphy of the site. This meant that all the artefacts recovered from the same unit were grouped together, even if they were found at different stratigraphic layers. As a result, valuable information about the context of these finds was irretrievably lost. 10.3 New techniques and questions It was R.E.M. Wheeler, after he took over as Director-General of the ASI in 1944, who rectified this problem. o Wheeler recognised that it was necessary to follow the stratigraphy of the mound rather than dig mechanically along uniform horizontal lines. o As an ex-army brigadier, he brought with him a military precision to the practice of archaeology. The major sites of the civilisation are now in Pakistani territory. An extensive survey in Kutch has revealed a number of Harappan settlements and explorations in Punjab and Haryana have added to the list of Harappan sites in India. While Kalibangan, Lothal, Rakhi Garhi and most recently Dholavira have been discovered, explored and excavated as part of these efforts, fresh explorations continue. 11. Problems of Piecing Together the Past It is material evidence that allows archaeologists to better reconstruct Harappan life. o This material could be pottery, tools, ornaments, household objects, etc. Organic materials such as cloth, leather, wood and reeds generally decompose, especially in tropical regions. o What survive are stone, burnt clay (or terracotta), metal, etc. 11.1 Classifying finds One simple principle of classification is in terms of material, such as stone, clay, metal, bone, ivory, etc. The second, and more complicated, is in terms of function: archaeologists have to decide whether, for instance, an artefact is a tool or an ornament, or both, or something meant for ritual use. o An understanding of the function of an artefact is often shaped by its resemblance with present-day things – beads, querns, stone blades and pots are obvious examples. o Archaeologists also try to identify the function of an artefact by investigating the context in which it was found. o Sometimes, archaeologists have to take recourse to indirect evidence. ▪ For instance, though there are traces of cotton at some Harappan sites, to find out about clothing we have to depend on indirect evidence including depictions in sculpture. 11.2 Problems of interpretation The problems of archaeological interpretation are perhaps most evident in attempts to reconstruct religious practices. Early archaeologists thought that certain objects which seemed unusual or unfamiliar may have had a religious significance. o These included terracotta figurines of women, heavily jewelled, some with elaborate head-dresses. These were regarded as mother goddesses. o Rare stone statuary of men in an almost standardised posture, seated with one hand on the knee – such as the “priest-king” – was also similarly classified.  o In other instances, structures have been assigned ritual significance. ▪ These include the Great Bath and fire altars found at Kalibangan and Lothal. o Attempts have also been made to reconstruct religious beliefs and practices by examining seals. ▪ Plant motifs, are thought to indicate nature worship. ▪ Some animals – such as the one-horned animal, often called the “unicorn” – depicted on seals seem to be mythical, composite creatures. ▪ In some seals, a figure shown seated cross-legged in a “yogic” posture, sometimes surrounded by animals, has been regarded as a depiction of “proto-Shiva”, that is, an early form of one of the major deities of Hinduism. o Conical stone objects have been classified as lingas. Many reconstructions of Harappan religion are made on the assumption that later traditions provide parallels with earlier ones. This is because archaeologists often move from the known to the unknown, that is, from the present to the past. While this is plausible in the case of stone querns and pots, it becomes more speculative when we extend it to “religious” symbols.