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Answer question politics science What are the di erence between the Substantialist, Institutionalist, and Relational Approaches to Power ? The substantialist view power as something one can posses implying the ability to have it or lose it for the instuionalist approach power is ident...

Answer question politics science What are the di erence between the Substantialist, Institutionalist, and Relational Approaches to Power ? The substantialist view power as something one can posses implying the ability to have it or lose it for the instuionalist approach power is identi ed with the state and institutions emphasizing the fact that the leaders those occupying the o cial roles are the power but it s important to know that the distribution of authority and the exercise of power must be note confused Finally the relational / interactionist power is seen as a relation between individuals or groups you have power over someone power This conception of power is the main understanding today. How obedience is obtained ? Obedience is obtained through 4 factors including : simple habits ( where actions seem natural) , emotional reasons people recognise and adhere to a leader , material reasons you obey because you have an interest in obeying and nally idealism where obedience is believed to achieve a goal placed above all else for exemple setting bouderies for a new society to be built or defending the motherland act Can political power reste exclusively on force ? Political power can rest on force but relying exclusively on force makes it precarious and fragile. A successful authority requires legitimacy where individuals believe un the rightfulness of the power otherwise power can be loosing -what is fundamental to the stability of power is legitimacy What are the limits of force as an instrument of power ? Forces has limits as a tool of power because power must be recogniser and legitimate for stability. Force is only e ective whiten a legal framework otherwise the monopoly of legitimate physical constraint held by the state allows for the imposition of sanctions won t work What s the di erence between power and authority ? Power is the ability to in uence or control others while authority is a legitimate ans stabilised form of power who presupposes a recognised right to exercice power What are the 3 ideal types of legitimate authority according to weber ? Traditional domination : Derives legitimacy from customs and habits, naturalizing power. over time institution become natural and induce obedience there is such a domination that the person in power must actin accordance to the habit and people have to act according to traditions Legal-Rational domination: the exercised of power is Organized by written rules, form of domination that depersonalises the use of it power through adherence to laws and regulations. Charismatic domination : refers to exceptional or transitory situations. Linked to the belief in the exeptional quality of the leader the power is through fascination and even seduction. This authority is always a short period of time and despeapear with the leader « Inherently unstable « but the leader have to put an active work to construct is own image there is a work of legitamation ff ff ff fl fi fi ffi What relations can be established between War and the Construction of the State? War has historically played a crucial role in the construction of the State. The competitive dynamic of war, as highlighted by Norbert Elias, led to a gradual reduction of the number of political units. As a result they had to established bureaucracies ( organisation of a structure according to a certain number of formalised and rationalised rules) to coordinate military activities and legitimized taxation, contributing to the institutionalisation ( structure di erential from the rest of th society ) and development of the State.( process by rich an organisation is constituted in a structure di erentiated from the rest of society ) On wich monopolies rest the power of the state ? The power of the state rests on several monopolies that only the state can perform : Monopoly of the production of laws: to which everyone musts submit Fiscal monopoly: The State has the exclusive right to demand nancial contributions from the population through taxes. Economic monopolies: The State controls aspects related to money, such as currency Judicial monopoly: Only the State has the right to judge and punish. Monopoly of collective representation: only the state can make decision that engage the community as a whole Monopoly of legitimate physical violence: The State claims the exclusive right to the legitimate use of force within a given territory, as emphasized by Weber. What s the role of bureaucracy in the development of the state ? According to Max Weber, the development of the State is accompanied by the processes of institutionalization and bureaucratization. Bureaucracy refers to the organization of a structure based on formalised and rationalized rules, including hierarchy, specialization, and recruitment based on competence. The bureaucracy serves to coordinate and administer the activities of the State, contributing to its stability and functionality. What does the process of civilisation mean according to Robert Elias ? Norbert Elias proposed the concept of the "process of civilization," which refers to the development of self-restraint and the paci cation of society. This process involves individuals incorporating rules and gaining increased control over their emotions, impulses, and aggressiveness. In the context of the State, the process of civilization contributes to a decrease in the use of physical constraint, promoting a more controlled and moderated exercise of power. What are the characteristic of a feudal political system ? The feudal political system, preceding the modern State, was characterized by: Weak institutionalization of power: Direct relations between individuals and strong patrimonialization of power. Fragmentation of power: Numerous princely houses and independent signories, leading to a highly fragmented political landscape. Low stability of political units: Constantly changing boundaries due to factors like marriages and wars. ff fi ff fi Lack of sovereignty: Shared authority between aristocracy and the Church, resulting in frequent con icts. What elements favoured the emergence of the nation state ? he emergence of the nation-State was favored by three main factors: Economic factors: The development of the State paralleled the development of market capitalism, with industrial capitalism providing the conditions for the emergence of a centralized power. Religious and cultural factors: The separation between political and religious power, promoted by both Catholic and Protestant in uences, contributed to the emergence of the State. Political and military factors: Competitive dynamics, including wars, led to the gradual reduction of political units, necessitating the establishment of bureaucracies and the legitimization of taxation for the army What are the phenomena that contributes to the erosions of the power of the contemporary state ? Over the last four decades, political, economic, and social transformations have led to the erosion of State that have led to be called into question.cause the state is always evolving This is erosion is manifested through: Deterritorialization of power: Reduction of borders due to globalization, leading to a loss of centrality in political socialization and a shift in the focus of politics and activism decoupling btw policy and politics Decentralization of power: The State is no longer the only reference, facing challenges from supra-state level ( increasing number of intervention in the internal a airs states ) and sub-state level ( new levels of power with a new division of power ) Processes of "hollowing out" of the State that will be questioned is The erosion of State's power and sovereignty, as suggested by Jessop, involving shifts in political, economic, and social dynamics. What kind of criticisms has been addressed to Rousseau’s classification of political regimes? Rousseau's classi cation of political regimes, as outlined in "The Social Contract" (1762), has faced several criticisms. Some key points of criticism include: Normativity and Subjectivity: Rousseau's classi cation is criticized for being normative, as it involves a value judgment by comparing di erent regimes with the ideal of liberal democracy. Diversity of Political Regimes: Critics argue that the diversity of political regimes makes it challenging to create a comprehensive and objective classi cation. Marxist Perspective: Marxist theories emphasize economic structures over institutional variables, asserting that economic foundations are more critical than political and legal structures in understanding governance. Sociology of Institutions: fl fi fi ff fi fl ff Some critics argue against a purely juridical analysis of political regimes, highlighting the importance of considering both formal and informal aspects of power structures in society. What are the functions of the single party in a totalitarian regime? In a totalitarian regime, the single party plays crucial roles that extend beyond mere political representation. The functions include: Supervision of the Population: The single party oversees and regulates the entire population, exerting control over various aspects of life. Education of the Masses: It is responsible for shaping and in uencing the ideological beliefs of the population through educational initiatives. Worship of the Leader: The single party often promotes a cult of personality around the leader, who becomes a central gure embodying the regime. Training of the “New Man/Woman”: The party is involved in shaping the identity and characteristics of individuals according to the ideological expectations of the regime. Selection of Elites: The single party is instrumental in selecting and promoting individuals who align with the ideological principles, ensuring loyalty among the ruling elites. What does it mean that terror is the “essence” of totalitarism? In what terms does J. Linz disagree with this assumption? Terror as the “Essence” of Totalitarianism: According to Hannah Arendt, terror is considered the essence of totalitarianism. This perspective suggests that a regime's capacity for terror, repression, and control de nes its totalitarian nature. J. Linz’s Disagreement: Juan Linz disagrees with the notion that terror is the essential criterion for de ning totalitarianism. < According to which characteristics can we recognize an authoritarian regime? ntrolled Political Institutions: Authoritarian regimes often abolish or control elections, prohibiting organized political activities that challenge the regime. Limited Pluralism: While some degree of pluralism might exist, it is tightly controlled, with certain groups allowed to participate within de ned limits and without challenging the regime's foundations. Weak Mobilization and Political Ideologies: Authoritarian regimes typically discourage mass political participation and instead encourage depoliticization among the population. The emphasis is often on passive obedience rather than active political engagement. Political Repression and Violence: Authoritarian regimes use coercion and political repression to prevent or suppress any form of political protest or opposition. This might involve high levels of violence, including genocidal actions. fi fl fi fi fi What are the main differences between authoritarianism and totalitarianism? egree of Political Control: Authoritarian regimes exert control over political institutions but may allow limited pluralism. Totalitarian regimes seek absolute control over all aspects of society, including politics, culture, and the economy. Mobilization of the Population: Authoritarian regimes often encourage depoliticization, while totalitarian regimes aim for the full mobilization of the population, involving active participation in social control mechanisms. Role of Political Ideology: Authoritarian regimes may adopt existing values without seeking to transform society fundamentally. Totalitarian regimes impose a speci c, all-encompassing ideology as a political religion. Repressive Machinery: While both regimes use repression, the repressive machinery in totalitarian regimes tends to be more extensive and arbitrary, with the potential for mass surveillance and denunciation. Ancient and contemporary democracy: what di erences? Ancient democracy, exempli ed in Athens, was a direct form of governance where eligible citizens participated directly in decision-making. It had limitations, excluding women, slaves, and foreigners. In contrast, contemporary democracy is often representative, with citizens electing representatives. It aims for broader inclusivity and operates on a larger scale, often at the national level. Di erences between the president of a parliamentary democracy and the president of a presidential democracy: n a parliamentary democracy, the president is mainly a symbolic gure, and the real power is held by the prime minister. The prime minister is answerable to the parliament. In a presidential democracy, the president serves as both the leader of the country and the government. They are elected separately and serve a xed term, having substantial powers without direct responsibility to the legislature. According to Lijphart, the main advantage of a consensus democracy compared to a majoritarian democracy: Lijphart emphasizes that consensus democracy, marked by power-sharing and inclusivity, has an advantage over majoritarian democracy. It seeks decision-making that considers diverse interests and accommodates minority viewpoints, often characterized by proportional representation, coalition governments, and cooperative mechanisms. The dynamics of the expansion of citizenship rights to groups previously excluded: involves a historical progression with gradual extensions over time. Legal reforms and amendments to constitutions have been instrumental, driven by social movements advocating for the rights of marginalized groups. The recognition of diversity, including women, ethnic minorities, and migrants, contributes to ongoing e orts for more inclusive democratic practices. 1. Why are political parties important in democratic systems? Political parties are essential in democracies as they present competing programs, structure political debates, and allow voters to identify with the political sphere. They play a crucial role in ff ff fi ff fi fi fi the democratic process by facilitating free and fair elections, representing diverse viewpoints, and contributing to the functioning of the political system. 2. How can we de ne political parties? Discuss` Political parties are lasting organizations with the goal of gaining political power through popular support. They are legally recognized entities, distinguished by characteristics such as a lasting organization, networks of supporters, and an explicit desire to access political power. Functions include manifest functions (visible and explicit) like presenting competing programs and latent functions (implicit) such as social integration and legitimization of the political system. 3. How do cartel parties di er from catch-all parties? Cartel parties and catch-all parties are two types of political parties. Cartel parties tend to undermine the increasing professionalization of political parties, survive mainly through public funding, and divide resources between them, limiting electoral competition. Catch-all parties, on the other hand, aim to attract people with diverse political viewpoints, appealing to a large portion of the electorate. 4. What are Lipset and Rokkan’s four main social cleavages and which party families emerged from them? Lipset and Rokkan identi ed four main social cleavages: central/periphery, state/church, rural/ urban, and workers/employers. These cleavages emerged from socio-historical changes, contributing to the genealogy and morphology of party systems. Di erent party families emerged from these cleavages, including regionalist parties, unitarian centralist parties, conservative/ bourgeois parties, and workers' movements. 5. What did Lipset and Rokkan mean by elaborating the “freezing hypothesis,” and is it still valid today? The "freezing hypothesis" proposed by Lipset and Rokkan suggests that party systems continue to re ect the original con icts (cleavages) from which they emerged. Over time, this hypothesis has been challenged by changes such as the rise of populist parties, the decline of established parties, and shifts in political landscapes. While the hypothesis was stable for a long time, recent developments indicate a "defrosting of cleavages," suggesting that party systems are not entirely frozen and can undergo transformations. 1. Why is it said that citizenship includes a moral dimension? Citizenship is said to include a moral dimension because, beyond legal rights and duties, it involves a set of responsibilities that individuals must uphold willingly. Being a "good citizen" goes beyond the mere ful llment of legal obligations; it encompasses virtues such as civic responsibility, ethical behavior, and a commitment to the common good. Citizenship, in this sense, requires individuals to actively contribute to the betterment of society and engage in morally upright actions, reinforcing the idea that citizenship involves not just legal parameters but also ethical considerations. 2. Marshall’s model of citizenship: useful or biased? Marshall's model of citizenship, which delineates three stages—civil rights, political rights, and social rights—has been considered both useful and biased. While it provides a historical framework for understanding the development of modern citizenship, critics argue that it re ects a particular Western and masculine perspective. The model may not be universally applicable, especially in non-Western contexts, and its focus on the male experience raises concerns about gender bias. Therefore, while useful for understanding citizenship's historical evolution, Marshall's model may not fully capture the diverse and nuanced nature of citizenship across di erent societies. fl fi fi fl fi ff ff ff fl 3. What is the role of the family in the relationship between citizens and their political environment? The family plays a crucial role in shaping the political identity of individuals and their relationship with the political environment. It serves as the primary agent of political socialization, transmitting information, cultural values, and political views between generations. Family in uences political a liation, with individuals often aligning with their family's political choices. The family's role is not only in uential but also complex, as it can either reinforce or challenge inherited political beliefs. Overall, the family acts as a foundational element in the formation of an individual's political identity and their connection to the broader political environment. 4. Why does Milbrath consider that street demonstrations are not a legitimate mode of political participation? Milbrath's initial perspective on political participation, part of the "minimalist paradigm," did not consider street demonstrations as a legitimate mode of political participation. This perspective viewed conventional and legal forms of participation, such as voting or involvement in established political processes, as legitimate, while unconventional and protest-related activities, like street demonstrations, were deemed illegitimate. This limited conception re ected a narrow understanding of political participation, excluding forms of activism that did not align with conventional norms. Later perspectives challenged this view, recognizing the legitimacy of diverse modes of political expression, including street demonstrations. 5. How to explain the inequalities of politicization? Inequalities of politicization can be explained by various factors: Socio-Economic Status (SES): Individuals with higher socio-economic status often have more resources, education, and access to information, leading to increased political engagement. Educational Level: Higher education levels are associated with greater political awareness and participation. Social Environment: The context in which individuals grow up, including family background and community in uences, can shape their inclination towards politics. Cultural and Religious Factors: Cultural and religious values play a role in in uencing political attitudes and participation. Media Exposure: Access to and consumption of political information through the media can impact an individual's level of politicization. 6. Why are some citizens not interested in politics? Several factors contribute to citizens' lack of interest in politics: Low Political E cacy: Some individuals may feel that their political participation does not make a meaningful impact. Lack of Relevance: If individuals perceive politics as irrelevant to their daily lives, they may not prioritize political engagement. Distrust in Political Institutions: Widespread distrust in political institutions can lead to disengagement. Political Apathy: Some may experience a general disinterest or apathy towards political matters. Ine ective Civic Education: If individuals are not adequately informed about the political system, they may feel disconnected from it. 7. Why can the fact of consciously belonging to a predetermined group be conducive to political participation? Consciously belonging to a predetermined group can be conducive to political participation for several reasons: ffi ff fl ffi fl fl fl fl Sense of Identity: Group a liation provides individuals with a sense of identity and belonging, motivating them to advocate for shared interests. Collective E cacy: Belonging to a group can enhance an individual's perception of collective e cacy, believing that group e orts can in uence political outcomes. Solidarity: Group membership fosters solidarity, encouraging individuals to participate in collective actions to address common concerns. Mobilization: Groups often engage in targeted mobilization e orts, encouraging their members to participate in political activities. Shared Goals: Belonging to a group with shared goals and values provides individuals with a purpose and a collective voice in the political arena. 1. Why do people vote? 2. People vote for various reasons, including expressing their political convictions, participating in the selection of representatives, legitimizing the government, and engaging in a ritual that transforms a complex political universe into an intelligible one. Voting serves as a means of political expression and allows citizens to contribute to the competition between political parties. 2. Why do some people don't vote? Non-voters may choose not to participate in elections for reasons such as indi erence to politics, intentional refusal, or the perception that the costs of voting exceed the expected bene ts. Voter suppression techniques and barriers to registration or voting can also contribute to people choosing not to vote. 3. Why is voter turnout an important democratic question, and how can it be in uenced? Voter turnout is crucial in democracies because it determines the representativeness of the electorate and enhances the legitimacy of the democratic process. In uencing voter turnout involves addressing barriers to voting, implementing inclusive policies, and promoting civic engagement. Policies such as same-day registration, encouraging early voting, and reducing obstacles can positively impact voter turnout. 4. What is electoral geography? Electoral geography focuses on the spatial distribution of electorates, examining how political, social, cultural, and local contexts in uence voting behavior. It emphasizes the geographical patterns of voting, providing insights into the diverse factors that shape electoral outcomes at di erent territorial levels. 5. Do people think politically as they are socially? There is often a correlation between social background and political beliefs. Traditionally, individuals have been thought to think politically as they are socially, with factors such as socio- economic status, education, and cultural background in uencing political perspectives. However, this relationship has become more complex, and individuals may now exhibit diverse political views within the same social group. 6. Is it possible to predict how people will vote? Predicting how people will vote involves considering a range of factors, including social class, religion, and individual preferences. Various analytical models, such as electoral geography, sociological models, and economic approaches, attempt to understand and predict voting behavior. However, the complexity of individual choices and the evolving nature of political dynamics make precise predictions challenging. 7. What is the individual and rational voter?` The individual and rational voter is a concept from economic theories of voting. It suggests that voters act as rational actors, seeking to maximize their gains and minimize costs when making ff ffi ffi ffi fl ff fl fl ff fl ff fl fi electoral decisions. This perspective assumes that voters make choices based on their perceived self-interest and the expected bene ts associated with speci c issues or candidates. 8. Do women and men vote di erently? Historically, there has been a gender gap in voting behavior. In the past, women were often less interested and more reluctant to vote, supporting conservative and Christian-Democratic parties. However, in modern times, women vote as often as or more often than men, and gender is no longer a decisive marker of left/right orientation in voting behaviors. The evolving nature of gender roles and societal changes has contributed to these shifts in voting patterns. 1. Why do people participate in collective action? People participate in collective action for various reasons, including addressing relative frustrations, expressing dissent, and advocating for social change. Motivations may stem from a perceived gap between aspirations and achievable goods, leading individuals to join together for a common cause. Factors such as shared values, identity, and a sense of collective purpose contribute to the willingness of individuals to engage in collective action. 2. What is a social movement? A social movement is an organized, collective e ort by a group of individuals who come together to promote or resist social change. Social movements can encompass a wide range of activities, including demonstrations, protests, petitions, and civil disobedience. They are characterized by a shared goal, a sense of collective identity, and a desire to address issues or challenges within society. 3. Is participation in collective action irrational? Participation in collective action is not inherently irrational. Individuals make rational choices based on perceived costs and bene ts. The paradox of collective action, as highlighted by Mancur Olson, suggests that individuals may be rational in choosing not to participate if the perceived costs outweigh the bene ts. However, participation can be rationalized when individuals nd meaning, purpose, or a sense of e cacy in collective action, especially when addressing issues important to them. 4. Under which conditions do social movements emerge? Social movements emerge under conditions of relative frustration, where there is a perceived gap between individuals' aspirations and achievable goods. Conditions that may trigger social movements include economic crises, political instability, and social inequalities. The political opportunity structure (POS) also plays a crucial role, in uencing the emergence of social movements based on the openness of the political system, the type of state, and other contextual factors. 5. What is a “mobilization entrepreneur”? A mobilization entrepreneur is an individual or group that plays a key role in initiating and organizing collective action within a social movement. These entrepreneurs take on the responsibility of mobilizing resources, coordinating e orts, and strategically choosing modes of action. They act as leaders or facilitators, guiding the movement toward its goals. Mobilization entrepreneurs are central to the resources mobilization approach, emphasizing the importance of organization and resource accumulation in social movements. 6. What are repertoires of collective action, and how have these repertoires evolved recently? Repertoires of collective action refer to the various strategies and forms of action used by groups within social movements to express their concerns or advance their goals. Recently, repertoires of collective action have evolved to include traditional forms, such as demonstrations, alongside modern forms that leverage technology and media. The contemporary repertoires include actions fi ff fi fi fi ff ffi ff fl fi based on numbers (demonstrations), expertise (production of reports), and scandal (seeking media coverage and indignation). The use of technology, social media, and transnational dimensions has expanded the ways in which social movements express themselves and gain visibility in the modern era. ChatGPT How can we de ne a public policy? De ning a public policy is a challenging task due to its varied nature across time and space. One attempt at de nition comes from Harold Laswell, who describes a public policy as "who gets what, when, and how." This de nition emphasizes the social dimension of public policies, highlighting that they involve the allocation of resources or constraints for individuals. However, it is a broad and imprecise de nition that raises questions about the speci c actors involved and the unique characteristics that di erentiate public policies from other social actions Comment on Harold Laswell's De nition: Laswell's de nition captures the essence of public policies by focusing on the distribution of resources and the impact on individuals. The "who gets what" component recognizes the allocation of bene ts or constraints, "when" emphasizes the temporal aspect of policies, and "how" addresses the mechanisms through which policies are implemented. While the de nition provides a broad understanding, it lacks speci city regarding the actors, making it somewhat ambiguous and necessitating further clari cation. Why are public policies considered very diverse? Public policies are deemed diverse due to variations in their content, objectives, and contexts across di erent regions and time periods. The issues they address, the actors involved, and the methods employed can vary signi cantly. Factors such as cultural, political, and economic di erences contribute to this diversity. Public policies can range from distributive policies, procedural policies, regulatory policies to redistributive policies, each serving distinct purposes and involving di erent forms of state intervention. Why did policy analysis develop after the Kennedy administration came to power? The development of policy analysis gained momentum after the Kennedy administration due to several factors. The 1960s witnessed increased con dence in the ability of the state to intervene directly to address social problems, particularly issues related to poverty and inequality. Economic growth during this period contributed to the legitimacy of state intervention. The Kennedy administration sought expert support for government actions, leading to the establishment of policy analysis as a practical discipline. The belief in the state as a rational actor capable of e cient and optimal action also played a role in fostering the growth of policy analysis. Main Stages of the Policy Cycle: The policy cycle is a conceptual framework that divides public action into distinct stages to enhance our understanding of policymaking. The main stages include: Agenda-Setting: Identifying a societal problem and bringing it to the attention of policymakers, initiating the policymaking process. Decision: Developing a policy program by choosing among various alternatives, often involving negotiations and trade-o s. Implementation: Putting the chosen policy program into action, involving the execution of speci c activities, resource allocation, and coordination. Evaluation: Assessing the results and impacts of the implemented policy to determine its e ectiveness and whether it meets its objectives. Termination: Concluding the policy cycle when the identi ed problem has been su ciently addressed, leading to the end of the policy. ffi ff ff ffi fi fi ff fi fi fi ff fi fi fi ff fi fi ff fi fi fi fi fi fi

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