Politics and Humanitarian Aid: Debates, Dilemmas and Dissension (ODI, PDF)

Overseas Development Institute HPG Report H U M A N I TA R I A N Politics and Humanitarian Aid: P O L I C Y G R O U P The Humanitarian Policy Group at Debates, Dilemmas and the Overseas Development Institute is Europe’s leading team of independent policy researchers...

Overseas Development Institute HPG Report H U M A N I TA R I A N Politics and Humanitarian Aid: P O L I C Y G R O U P The Humanitarian Policy Group at Debates, Dilemmas and the Overseas Development Institute is Europe’s leading team of independent policy researchers Dissension dedicated to improving humanitarian policy and practice in response to conflict, instability and disasters. Report of a conference organised by ODI, POLIS at the University of Leeds and CAFOD, London, 1 February 2001 By Devon Curtis HPG Report 10 April 2001 Notes on the Author: Devon Curtis is a PhD candidate in the Department of International Relations at the London School of Economics and Political Science. She was the coordinator for the ‘Politics and Humanitarian Aid’ conference on 1 February 2001. Acknowledgements: ODI, CAFOD and the University of Leeds gratefully acknowledge financial support for the conference and for the production of this report from the Department for International Development (DFID), the Disasters Emergency Committee (DEC), CAFOD and Oxfam. Valuable comments on an earlier draft of this report were made by Nicola Reindorp, Lucy Morris, Mark Duffield, Matthew Carter and Joanna Macrae. Special thanks to Margie Buchanan-Smith for her extensive comments and support. Please send comments on this paper to: HPG Overseas Development Institute 111 Westminster Bridge Road London SE1 7JD United Kingdom Tel: +44 (0) 20 7922 0300 Fax: +44 (0) 20 7922 0399 Website: www.odi.org.uk/hpg Email: [email protected] A copy of your comments will be sent to the author ISBN: 0 85003 517 1 Overseas Development Institute, London, 2001 Photocopies of all or part of this publication may be made providing that the source is acknowledged. Requests for the commercial reproduction of HPG material should be directed to the ODI as copyright holders. Contents Acronyms 1 1 Introduction 3 2 The Context of the Current Form of Politicisation of Humanitarian Action 2.1 Geopolitical Changes 5 5 2.2 The Changing Nature of Conflict 5 2.3 New Definitions of Security 5 2.4 The Perceived Failings of Traditional Humanitarian Action 5 2.5 Domestic Policy in Donor Governments 6 2.6 Liberal Global Governance and the Search for Order 6 2.7 Risk Assessment and Risk Management 7 3 The Coherence Agenda 9 3.1 The Structures of Coherence 9 3.2 Implications and Questions 9 4 ‘Humanitarian Intervention’ and Civil-Military Cooperation 4.1 ‘Humanitarian Intervention’ 4.2 Civil–Military Cooperation 11 11 12 5 Humanitarian Principles 13 6 The Needs Versus Rights Debate 6.1 The Debate 6.2 Legal Instruments 15 15 16 7 Conclusion 17 Endnotes 18 Bibliography 19 ANNEX 1: Abstracts of Conference Papers 21 ANNEX 2: Conference Agenda 25 ANNEX 3: List of Conference Participants 27 LIST OF BOXES Box 1: The Politicisation of Humanitarian Aid and Its Consequences for Afghans 2 Box 2: Psychosocial Intervention 7 Box 3: Exclusion in Serbia 10 Box 4: ‘Humanitarian War’ in Kosovo 11  Politics and Humanitarian Aid: Debates, Dilemmas and Dissension H P G R E P O R T Acronyms CAFOD Catholic Agency for Overseas Development CIMIC Civil–Military Cooperation DEC Disasters Emergency Committee (UK) DFID Department for International Development (UK government) HPG Humanitarian Policy Group, ODI ICRC International Committee of the Red Cross MSF Médecins Sans Frontières NGO non-governmental organisation ODI Overseas Development Institute POLIS Institute for Politics and International Studies (University of Leeds) UK United Kingdom US United States of America HPG at odi 1 HPG Report 10 H P G R E P O R T 2 HPG at odi  Politics and Humanitarian Aid: Debates, Dilemmas and Dissension H P G R E P O R T Chapter 1 Introduction This paper highlights the key themes discussed and humanitarian and political actors.4 In June 2000, Caritas debated at a one-day conference examining new Europe commissioned a discussion paper on the dimensions in the relationship between humanitarian politicisation of humanitarian aid.5 aid and politics, held in London on 1 February 2001. The February 2001 conference continued and expanded Humanitarian assistance has always been a highly the debate raised by earlier discussions and publications. political activity. It has always influenced the political The conference set out to review the changing role of economy of recipient countries, and has always been humanitar ian assistance, and to understand the influenced by the political considerations of donor implications of this change for aid agencies. The diverse governments. Despite the pronouncements and practices views and reactions of speakers and participants at the of humanitarian actors seeking to ensure that their conference reflect the wider debate within the actions confer no military advantage, and are driven humanitar ian community about the relevance of solely on the basis of need, the humanitarian principles traditional humanitarian principles, and the appropriate of neutrality and impartiality are under constant assault. relationship between humanitarianism and politics. Stark differences between the amount and type of humanitarian assistance given to various countries facing This paper is not a comprehensive account of the acute crises show that humanitarian aid has never been conference proceedings. Rather, it synthesises some of disbursed solely on the basis of need.1 the key themes that emerged from the papers and the discussion. It does not represent a consensus position, Nonetheless, the relationship between humanitarian aid as this would not reflect the spirit or substance of the and politics is changing. The key theme of the discussions. Instead, it is intended to spark further conference was how humanitarian action appears to be reflection and debate on some of the most salient themes increasingly tied to new political objectives, and to the that emerged from the conference. overall political response of donor countries to complex emergencies. Humanitarian aid is becoming an integral While it is clear that many policy-makers and some aid part of donors’ comprehensive strategy to transform personnel applaud the current form of politicisation of conflicts, decrease violence and set the stage for liberal humanitarian action, there are others who raised development. This changing role of humanitarian aid is important questions and concerns. Some of the main frequently called the ‘new humanitarianism’. It has questions and areas of contention at the conference characterised international responses to many recent included: conflicts, including in Afghanistan, Serbia and Sierra Leone. Examples of the closer integration with political How can we best understand the changing nature of objectives include the forced repatriation of refugees, conflict and the general context surrounding the attempts at conflict resolution in conjunction with current politicisation of humanitarian action? Should humanitarian aid, and the withholding of aid to meet the emphasis be on internal causes of conflict, as political objectives. suggested by Mark Bowden, or on external factors, as outlined by Mark Duffield and Joanna Macrae? Although an analysis of the interf ace between humanitarian aid and politics is not new, recent work Is the new relationship between humanitarian action has outlined and analysed different aspects of the and politics characterised by the subsuming of evolving relationship between humanitarian aid and humanitarian objectives to foreign-policy objectives, politics. On 4 February 1998, the Disasters Emergency as indicated by Susan Woodward, Duffield and Fiona Committee (DEC), Mercurial and the ODI organised Fox? Or does it imply an ar rangement that a one-day seminar entitled ‘The Emperor’s New complements the roles of different actors in pursuit Clothes: The Collapse of Humanitarian Principles’. The of common objectives, as described by Bowden? Is goal of the seminar was to understand the growing military intervention using humanitarian justification criticisms of humanitarian aid, and their implications.2 an extreme example of the new humanitarianism? The ODI has recently conducted extensive research into the consequences of the increasing calls to enhance the How impor tant is it to uphold traditional coherence of political and humanitarian action.3 On humanitar ian pr inciples, such as neutrality, 3–4 May 2000, ODI and the Centre for Humanitarian impartiality, independence and universality? Does the Dialogue organised a conference on ‘Conditions and new humanitarianism result in a loss of perceived Conditionality in Humanitarian Action’ to discuss neutrality, which in turn may jeopardise the security different views on the ‘Terms of Engagement’ between and independence of aid personnel? HPG at odi 3 HPG Report 10 H P G R E P O R T From an ethical perspective, should preventing must be well understood. Finally, this paper appeals for human suffer ing be the sole justification for absolute clarity in the language of humanitarianism and humanitarian action, or is it appropriate to engage in the roles, responsibilities and principles underpinning in social-risk calculations, meaning that aid can be humanitarian action. withheld if it is thought to be detrimental to longer- term conflict resolution or development objectives? The report’s annexes contain the abstracts of the papers presented at the conference, the conference programme What is the relevance of legal instruments such as and the list of participants. The full papers can be found international humanitarian law and human rights law? on the ODI website at. The papers will also be published in the December 2001 issue of the journal Disasters. What is the appropriate basis for humanitarian action? Should the intent of humanitarian action be to meet BOX 1: The Politicisation of Humanitarian needs, as argued by Fox, or to uphold rights, as Aid and Its Consequences for Afghans argued by Hugo Slim? According to Mohammed Haneef Atmar, current This paper does not attempt to answer these questions, humanitarian aid policies and practices in but instead highlights the diversity of views associated Afghanistan are determined by Western foreign- with them. It is structured around the presentations at policy goals, rather than by the actual conditions the conference, although the issues and discussions often required for principled humanitarian action. overlap. Section 2 examines the context of the current Humanitarian aid in Afghanistan acts as a ‘fig leaf’ form of the politicisation of humanitarian action. It looks for political inaction, and as a foreign-policy at the factors and motivations driving this politicisation, instrument to isolate the Taliban. The humanitarian including the changing nature of conflict and the principles of humanity, impartiality, neutrality and perceived failings of humanitarian action in recent independence are secondary to foreign-policy emergencies. It looks at how using aid as a strategic tool interests, and are abandoned when they conflict with to fulfil political objectives is sometimes viewed as part them. While Afghanistan received the highest per of the larger goal of donor countries: to establish a system of liberal global governance. capita aid in its history during the Cold War, humanitarian budgets were cut dramatically after Section 3 discusses the dynamics, outcomes and the Russian withdrawal in 1988–89, despite implications of the ‘coherence agenda’ underpinning continued human suffering. While donors may have the new humanitarianism, including the new set of legitimate foreign-policy concerns regarding the institutional structures that has been established between Taliban, argues Atmar, subordinating humanitarian political, military and humanitarian actors. Section 4 principles to other political objectives has resulted highlights the final erosion of the dividing-line between in the loss of Afghan lives. For instance, Atmar states politics and humanitarianism embodied in the concept that, if humanitarian aid agencies were able to of ‘humanitarian intervention’ or ‘humanitarian war’. It receive unconditional humanitarian resources and discusses concerns related to high levels of civil–military allowed to work with the public health authorities, cooperation, as well as other operational dilemmas they may be able to save the lives of children; one arising out of changing techniques of aid delivery. out of four children die before five years of age, and 85,000 die each year from diarrhoea. Section 5 reflects the diverging views on what constitute appropriate principles to guide humanitarianism. It asks In response to the discriminatory policies and whether the traditional ones – universality, impartiality, practices of the Taliban , donors and some aid independence and neutrality – have failed, and whether agencies have imposed punitive conditionalities, new kinds of problems associated with the new including on security, gender equality and humanitarianism are emerging. Section 6 examines the development/capacity-building. The net impact has debate between a needs-based approach to been the restriction of the right to humanitarian humanitarianism and a rights-based one, and looks at assistance, and the inability of the international humanitarianism’s legal basis. assistance community to adequately address short- term life-saving needs. According to Atmar, the irony The paper’s concluding section highlights the need for is that donors continue to use punitive continued discussion and debate on the new conditionalities, even though they have not produced humanitarianism, and argues that the implications of the the desired political and social changes, and have current form of politicisation of humanitarian action had negative humanitarian consequences. 4 HPG at odi  Politics and Humanitarian Aid: Debates, Dilemmas and Dissension H P G R E P O R T Chapter 2 The Context of the Current Form of Politicisation of Humanitarian Action Several speakers at the conference looked at factors According to Bowden, the international failure to explaining why humanitarian assistance is increasingly address the causes and consequences of these new kinds being used as a strategic tool to fulfil political objectives. of conflicts has led to the belief that intervention can These include geopolitical changes; the changing nature only succeed as part of a wider framework of conflict of conflict; the redefinition of security that places under- prevention, reduction and resolution. Under this development at the heart of global security concerns; argument, the causes of conflict are internal, so the the perceived failings of humanitarian action in recent external response should address internal factors as part emergencies; and domestic policy considerations in of an overarching strategy. According to this view, donor governments. humanitarian agencies should be core components of this strategy. 2.1 Geopolitical Changes Authors such as Bowden who emphasise the internal Macrae argues that geopolitical changes have set the stage causes of conflict generally believe that aid can and for the reunification of humanitarian aid and politics. should be used as an incentive for peace, since the causes The end of the Cold War resulted in the political of conflict can be eliminated by changing states’ disengagement of major powers from the geopolitical behaviour. Others, such as Macrae and Duffield, periphery, often leaving development and humanitarian question Bowden’s characterisation of conflict as being actors as the sole representatives of the Western powers rooted in internal factors such as under-development, in countr ies that had become ‘un-strateg ic’. and are therefore much less likely to embrace the Developmental and humanitarian assistance were current form of politicisation of humanitarian action. expected to fill the space left by the withdrawal of diplomacy. Furthermore, the end of the Cold War meant 2.3 New Definitions of Security a decrease in the respect for state sovereignty, and a more interventionist approach to international relations. The changing nature of conflict has contributed to a new definition of security, where under-development 2.2 The Changing Nature of Conflict is considered a threat to international security because it can fuel drug-trafficking, the spread of terrorism and The changing nature of conflict has had an impact on increased refugee flows. international response strategies. Yet interpretations of the underlying causes of conflict are contentious. For This ‘repackaging’ of security as a development concern instance, in his analysis of current African conflicts, means that enhancing security involves changing the Bowden focuses on internal causes, such as economic behaviour of populations within countries. As outlined marginalisation, the lack of secure access to land, and by Duffield and Vanessa Pupavac, domestic practices in the inability of some African states to provide minimal recipient countries are increasingly seen as potential levels of service delivery. Bowden believes that this has security threats. This has led to a situation where aspects provoked the fragmentation of the state, which in of these practices, such as domestic economic policy, extreme cases has encouraged the formation of splinter human r ights, the status of women, poverty and groups, which have in turn divided into warring factions. psychosocial well-being, are open to monitoring by, and the involvement of, donor states. Bowden believes that factional warfare is different from conventional warfare, and necessitates different kinds 2.4 The Perceived Failings of of international responses. Conventional wars are fought by regular troops with military and strategic targets, Traditional Humanitarian Action while factionalised struggles are frequently opportunistic, rather than strategic. Factions seek to involve, exploit Another factor contributing to the drive to reunite and control a significant proportion of the civilian humanitarian aid and politics is the sense that aid population in order to sustain the conflict. The agencies have had difficulty in reacting to the changing distinction between combatant and non-combatant may nature of conflict and security. The well-known criticism thus be eroded. Factional warfare challenges current that humanitarian aid can prolong or exacerbate war conceptions of impartiality and neutrality that are critical and can help to sustain war economies has fuelled calls to the concept of humanitarian space. Furthermore, the for humanitarian assistance to be subject to r isk scale and fluidity of factional conflict mean that agencies assessments that weigh up short- and long-term levels must make choices as to where they operate. of r isk resulting from it. The withholding of HPG at odi 5 HPG Report 10 H P G R E P O R T humanitarian aid can therefore become part of a 2.6 Liberal Global Governance and political strategy of containment, and can be seen as ethically defensible by an appeal to the argument of the Search for Order ‘doing no harm’.6 If, on the other hand, humanitarian assistance is provided, it should be used as part of a For policy-makers and others who define insecurity as strategy for conflict reduction, thus ensuring that it does under-development, and who believe that the causes not get into the hands of the ‘wrong’ people. of conflict are internal, it is logical to conclude that international responses should address and alter the A second criticism of humanitarian assistance is that internal practices of countries undergoing conflict. aid has not helped to reduce the overall vulnerability Nonetheless, as Duffield points out, changing domestic of populations. This ‘developmentalist’ critique argues practices in what he calls ‘borderland’ (that is, that humanitar ian relief creates dependency, and developing) countries would be beyond the capacity reduces the capacity of communities and local groups. and legitimacy of ‘metropolitan’ (Western developed) Relief does not address under-development. The states. The convergence of aid and politics brings in the response to this critique has been a growing tendency skills and resources of non-state actors and legitimises to link humanitarian assistance with poverty alleviation, their growing role. This is the basic rationale for uniting environmental protection and institutional humanitar ian aid and politics. As aid evolves and development, in an overall integrated package of conflict explicitly attempts to change behaviours and attitudes management and development. in recipient countries, the social concerns of aid agencies merge with the security concerns of ‘metropolitan’ states. Interestingly, operational agencies in the United Nations and the non-gover nmental sector first Duffield believes that this merger is at the heart of an advocated a stronger role for humanitarian aid in emerging system of liberal international governance. conflict reduction. The growing convergence between Contrary to popular claims, globalisation and the rise humanitarianism and conflict resolution would not have of non-state actors and private associations have not been possible without the active support of a number resulted in a weakening of powerful ‘metropolitan’ states. of aid agencies. Instead, in response to globalisation, these states have learned to govern in new ways, through non-territorial 2.5 Domestic Policy in Donor and public–private networks. The reunification of humanitarian aid with politics is an example of the trend Governments towards the re-exertion of ‘metropolitan’ authority. Humanitar ian aid should therefore be seen as a The merging of humanitarian aid and politics also reflects ‘technology’ of government. Viewed in this way, non- changes in domestic policy in some donor state and private associations do not constitute threats governments. Specifically, Macrae discusses the policy to ‘metropolitan’ authority. Rather, they are essential in of ‘joined-up government’, which is intended to helping ‘metropolitan’ states govern in new ways. increase the efficiency and cost-effectiveness of public policy by coordinating and rationalising government With such a multiplicity of private actors, governments activities. face the problem of how to achieve policy coherence. Policy-makers have responded by extending the ‘Joined-up gover nment’ has extended into the techniques of public management to the new public– humanitar ian sphere. Bowden discusses one UK private networks of aid. As part of this process, Duffield example, the Africa Conflict Prevention Fund. The fund argues that it has become important to set targets, define pools the resources of the Department for International standards and cap budgets. The techniques of central Development (DFID), the Foreign and Commonwealth control and public management have thus been Office and the Ministry of Defence in support of extended to humanitarian aid practice. Aid agencies have common conflict-prevention objectives. It outlines established codes of conduct, and have begun to specific roles for foreign policy and development and professionalise and standardise their activities. While military actors in support of these aims. many people within aid agencies support and indeed promote this process, Duffield cr iticises this In many donor countries, there has also been an development, and argues that it exposes aid agencies to important redefinition of national self-interest. Macrae the logic of central calculation. argues that this is no longer narrowly defined in terms of immediate commercial interests and security threats, The underlying objective of ‘metropolitan’ states is to but in terms of good international citizenship. This has promote and create order out of disorder. There is a facilitated a more interventionist and integrated sense in Western policy circles that disorder stems from approach to humanitarianism and conflict resolution new types of conflict and under-development. At least in many recipient countries. according to the neo-liberal view, order is achieved through free markets and prosperity. If functioning 6 HPG at odi  Politics and Humanitarian Aid: Debates, Dilemmas and Dissension H P G R E P O R T markets bring about order, it is thus essential to create assistance, policy-makers may sometimes decide to do the conditions that allow them to exist. The rule of law nothing in the face of human suffering, rather than risk and countering impunity may also be central to the the longer-term continuation of the conflict. creation of order, although this was a contested issue at the conference. In any case, there was a feeling that for As Pupavac outlines, a risk-management approach donor states, order cannot be contemplated outside of applies to a range of international policy decisions and a liberal framework. From Somalia to Sierra Leone, interventions, from psychosocial programmes to international action and inaction have reflected the development strategies. Social r isk management dominant preoccupation with promoting or protecting questions non-interference in the internal affairs of states a state system of integrated capitalism. The consequences and the private lives of individual citizens, and implies do not always correspond to the traditional values of a radical reshaping of domestic and international order. humanitarianism. Therefore, Duffield argues that the new 2.7 Risk Assessment and Risk humanitarianism, with its focus on risk analysis and integrated liberal development, was put in place as a Management new way to govern the ‘borderlands’, given the changes in the global context and the perceived failure of Under this new system of coherence and privatisation, traditional humanitarianism in dealing with them. On ‘metropolitan’ states interact with the ‘borderlands’ the other hand, Bowden believes that it was the changing through mapping their behaviour and analysing risk. nature of conflict – sparked by unfavourable internal Policy decisions are based on the calculation and factors and the inability of the international community management of risk. These calculations are also made to adequately respond to these changes – that led to the with respect to humanitarian aid, since it is seen to entail new strategy. Other participants put the explanatory risks, as well as opportunities. When the logic of risk emphasis on changes in donor gover nments and calculation and management is extended to humanitarian declining overseas assistance budgets. BOX 2: Psychosocial Intervention Psychosocial programmes have become an integral part of the international humanitarian response to complex emergencies. Psychosocial activities include trauma counselling, peace education programmes and initiatives to build life skills and self-esteem. Describing a given population as having experienced the trauma of conflict is sufficient for international agencies to judge that they are in need of psychosocial assistance. Under this model, individuals who have witnessed violent conflict are seen as being ‘at risk’ of becoming future perpetrators. Psychosocial intervention is believed to be required to rehabilitate victims and to break the cycle of violence and conflict. Pupavac shows that these types of intervention represent governance at a distance, a form of government through social risk management by a transitory class of global professional consultants. Pupavac argues that this response is at best unhelpful, and at worst dangerous. It represents unprecedented external regulation of societies and people’s lives. The effect is to construct whole populations as traumatised. Individuals are automatically seen as dysfunctional because they have undergone the experience of war. Yet Pupavac argues that the appearance of a traumatic condition in war is particular, not universal. We do not always know how people express their distress, and some of the mechanisms that have been developed to deal with distress in Western countries may not be relevant in other contexts. Psychosocial intervention may hinder local coping strategies and take away ownership of the process of recovery. The benefits of psychosocial intervention are assumed by aid agencies, rather than backed up by research, and there is a risk that such intervention denies moral capacity and personality to recipient populations. HPG at odi 7 HPG Report 10 H P G R E P O R T 8 HPG at odi  Politics and Humanitarian Aid: Debates, Dilemmas and Dissension H P G R E P O R T Chapter 3 The Coherence Agenda The dr ive for coherence dominates the new required for the effective delivery of humanitarian humanitar ianism. According to Macrae, under a assistance. There are important questions about who has coherence agenda humanitarian action becomes part of the responsibility and the capacities to determine a comprehensive political strategy. Advocates of coherence whether or not those conditions are in place. For believe that those involved in aid, politics, trade, instance, are security assessments for field personnel best diplomacy and military activities should work together handled in the field, or in donor capitals? After 1998, towards common interests of liberal peace, stability and the UK government ruled that, because of security development. Supporters of the new humanitarianism concerns, any NGO sending expatriates to Afghanistan believe that coherence is the most effective way of would be automatically disqualified from DFID funding. achieving stability in the long term. Atmar argues that this restriction was motivated more by the wider policy of the US and UK to isolate the Critics of coherence argue that its pursuit can mean the Taliban, rather than genuine concerns over security. abandonment of universality, one of the core principles Macrae states that it is easy for conditions for effective underlying humanitarianism, in favour of political goals. humanitarian action to be seen as political conditionality. They claim that the partnership between humanitarianism and politics is not an equal one. Another problem with risk assessments is that it is According to Atmar, the politicisation of humanitarian difficult to prioritise between short-term humanitarian aid is the ‘pursuit of domestic and foreign policies of imperatives, and the longer-term goals of sustainability donor states by humanitarian means’. The provision of and peace. The lack of clarity regarding priorities and assistance is restricted to countries believed to be principles can have negative operational consequences. following the correct policies – that is, policies that correspond to the poverty reduction and economic and There are also important ethical questions. As argued political liberalisation advocated by donors. Non- by Macrae, the coherence agenda is assumed to be confor ming countr ies may be excluded from ethical because it is part of a wider ethical international development assistance, shut out of politics and restricted policy. Nonetheless, there are questions as to whether to conditional for ms of humanitar ian assistance. it results in ethical action. For instance, states Macrae, it Responsibility for managing these excluded countries may be problematic to assume that not engaging with has increasingly been left to humanitarians. As Macrae certain parties because of their human-rights record is states, ‘the rich get diplomats, the poor get aid workers’. an ethical approach. According to Macrae, this can be compared to the formation of consensus on policies 3.1 The Structures of Coherence such as structural adjustment, where the assumption was that a single economic prescription would necessarily A number of structural changes have taken place within benefit every economy. Countries that did not accept the humanitar ian system to enable this g rowing structural adjustment were deemed ‘negligent’, and so coherence. Many new mechanisms have been established did not deserve to benefit from aid. Macrae argues that to facilitate cross-agency and cross-departmental the mono-economics of adjustment have been discussions regarding inter national responses to succeeded by the mono-politics of a liberal peace, emergencies, such as the creation of Executive thereby associating humanitarian assistance with a Committees in the UN since 1997. Donors are also particular Western political framework. This can be seen participating more directly in operational decision- in the attitudes of donors towards humanitarian making, which Macrae calls the ‘bilateralisation of emergencies in the Balkans. As illustrated by Marina humanitarian response’. This bilateralisation includes Skuric-Prodanovic, the level of suffering of people in contributions to donor coordination bodies, the the Balkans does not correspond to the level of aid they earmarking of funds that have been destined for have received. Rather, aid funds have unevenly followed multilateral agencies, the monitoring of donor–partner major population displacements depending on the contracts and the development of donors’ own perceived and portrayed causes of this displacement. operational capacity. The justification for bilateralisation is rooted in the perceived failure of operational agencies There are also technical problems associated with to account for their impact. coherence. It can lead to the abandonment of separate diplomatic and political action by political actors, leaving 3.2 Implications and Questions humanitarianism as the primary form of political engagement in conflict-affected countries. Macrae’s The emphasis on doing no harm and on conducting research shows that the leverage exerted by aid over the risk assessments means identifying the conditions course of a conflict is marginal at best. By leaving aid HPG at odi 9 HPG Report 10 H P G R E P O R T workers to deal with conflicts, political actors are neutrality and impartiality. When humanitarian actors ensuring that the political dimensions of conflicts are cannot rely on international political actors being capable not adequately addressed. In some situations, and willing to assume an effective role in managing the humanitarian aid workers are expected to be the primary political aspects of the crisis, they often find themselves source of intelligence, as well as conflict-resolution and exposed to security risks, and are sometimes even deli- development specialists. Aid workers do not have the berately targeted because of their activities. Thus, without skills and resources to respond to these new demands. seeing their own legitimacy seriously challenged, Furthermore, the expansion of the roles of humanitarian humanitarian agencies will find it difficult to fill the actors has negative implications for their perceived vacuum created by the lack of an effective political response. BOX 3: Exclusion in Serbia Skuric-Prodanovic shows that the political conditionality of Western aid policy in the Balkans led to distinctions between vulnerable groups that did not correspond to their level of need, and that created patterns of inclusion and exclusion. Some donor governments saw humanitarian assistance to Serbia as being opposed to their foreign- policy interests. They feared that aid would be re-channelled into the hands of the government. Skuric-Prodanovic argues that, for many Western donors, especially NATO members, humanitarian aid was seen as supporting the longevity of the Milosevic regime, and as counter-productive to their decision to intervene in Kosovo. Western governments had difficulty separating the notion of humanitarian assistance from the political situation, when the majority of the population in Serbia seemed to be supporting the Milosevic government. Even when humanitarian aid was delivered to Serbia, there were examples of inclusion and exclusion. For instance, there was a differentiation between people who had been displaced from Kosovo in 1999 and 2000, and people who had been displaced between 1992 and 1996, even though many lived in very similar conditions, often in the same refugee camps. Likewise, Skuric-Prodanovic shows that, by the second half of 2000, some urban areas in central Serbia received large amounts of humanitarian assistance, while other more remote areas that were mainly controlled by the regime suffered a severe lack of aid. A distinction was also made between displaced and non-displaced people, contributing to the alienation of internally displaced persons and refugees in local communities in Serbia, and causing tensions to rise. This has led Serbs to see humanitarian aid agencies as tools of Western governments, rather than as neutral or impartial actors. Skuric-Prodanovic believes that the politicisation of humanitarian assistance and the exclusion resulting from it has had a negative effect on the lives of vulnerable groups in Serbia, and has devalued the currency of humanitarianism in the eyes of Serbs. 10 HPG at odi  Politics and Humanitarian Aid: Debates, Dilemmas and Dissension H P G R E P O R T Chapter 4 ‘Humanitarian Intervention’ and Civil-Military Cooperation 4.1 ‘Humanitarian Intervention’7 response to the perceived failure to act in earlier crises. According to Woodward, politics is always at the core The dilemmas outlined by cr itics of the new of the effort. Despite the language of humanitarianism, humanitarianism are particularly acute in emergencies Woodward argues that these types of operations are that feature military intervention. ‘Humanitar ian highly political, and are conducted by states whose intervention’ or ‘humanitarian war’ represents an political interests lead them to humanitarian action. extreme for m of coherence. According to Susan Woodward, it marks the final collapse of the distinction Woodward argues that, while humanitarian actors between humanitarianism and politics. Woodward remain on the sidelines of decision-making in these argues that the decision to use military force is justified international operations, there are important operational in humanitarian terms. Yet humanitarian interventions implications. The provision of humanitarian assistance cannot be understood or evaluated without analysing depends on the control of airports, the protection of the global politics surrounding the conflict. The shift to aid workers, the opening of strategic routes and the use ‘humanitarian wars’ such as that in Kosovo should be of air power to protect them. The coordination between seen as part of the major powers’ struggle to reshape military and civilian actors that is central to these the international regime of peace and security, and a operations raises a number of questions. BOX 4: ‘Humanitarian War’ in Kosovo According to Woodward, NATO’s ‘humanitarian’ intervention on behalf of the Albanian population of Kosovo in March–June 1999 represents the final collapse of the divide between humanitarianism and politics, with the general consensus that Operation Allied Force was regrettable, but that there was no alternative. Woodward questions this acceptance of the use of force in the Kosovo operation, and exposes some of the links between politics and humanitarianism. She says that the stated goal of NATO officials was diplomatic and political – to force Milosevic to sign the Rambouillet accords of February 1999. Furthermore, once NATO had threatened bombing in June 1998, it faced a loss of credibility if it did not take action. Nonetheless, the situation in Kosovo was deliberately and successfully redefined as a potential humanitarian catastrophe. Woodward claims that the specific approach to conflict resolution undertaken in Kosovo was not a response to Kosovo, but to the perceived failure to act in Bosnia and Rwanda. Lobbyists advocating bombing included human rights organisations and some humanitarians, who did so in the interests of international humanitarian and human rights regimes. Woodward argues that the conflict in Kosovo was only derivatively about human rights, and primarily about the rivalry between Albanians and Serbs over statehood and the right to rule the territory. Second, events in Kosovo show that parties to the conflict learned to emphasise terms such as ‘victims of aggression’, ‘oppressed human rights’ and even ‘genocide’ in order to attract international support for their cause. Third, Woodward states that the decision to call the operation in Kosovo a humanitarian intervention was made at the insistence of Britain, which argued for a legal basis for it. By contrast, the US believed that Milosevic’s failure to comply with earlier demands was sufficient grounds to intervene. Humanitarian intervention as seen in Kosovo has a number of operational consequences for humanitarians. When an agency becomes a lobbyist for forceful action in support of humanitarian goals, it becomes more difficult to deal with what Woodward calls the ‘downside risks’. For instance, she argues, UNHCR and other agencies could not prepare for the possibility that the NATO operation might result in a humanitarian emergency, for fear of sending signals to Yugoslav civilian and military officials that could have undermined the strategy of coercive diplomacy. UNHCR officials announced prior to the bombing campaign that the potential refugee exodus would total between 80,000 and 100,000 people, even though the real figures approached 800,000. Knowing Macedonia’s objections to refugee camps on its border, UNHCR wanted to avoid sending signals that would enable Skopje to present obstacles to the NATO operation. Woodward suggests that humanitarians should accept that the line between the humanitarian and the political was crossed in Kosovo, and should no longer stand behind an apolitical mandate. Rather, she believes that humanitarians are best placed to develop the debate about the options and alternatives for addressing actual or impending humanitarian catastrophes. HPG at odi 11 HPG Report 10 H P G R E P O R T 4.2 Civil–Military Cooperation There was disagreement at the conference with the characterisation of civil groups as emancipatory, and the While interaction between civilian and military actors military as hegemonic and hierarchical. One participant has traditionally been marked by a duality of roles and asked about the hegemonic tendencies in some non- mutual suspicion, civil–military cooperation (CIMIC) governmental groups. Pugh believes, however, that even is now becoming codified, bureaucratised and though hegemony does exist in some non-statist institutionalised. Growing cooperation mirrors the organisations, these organisations are still more likely increasing coherence under the new humanitarianism. to be able to identify non-statist groups in other Michael Pugh argues that this growing cooperation countries that could be empowered and given voice. could make it more difficult for civil groups to develop Empower ing people who do not have voice is non-statist ‘emancipatory’ responses to conflict. emancipatory in that it can counteract some of the repressive features of states. According to Pugh, the separation of civilian and military actors rests on their different philosophical allegiances Pugh therefore believes that the erosion of the distinction and their different relationships with the state. These between military and civilian and the increased level of distinctions have limited the extent of cooperation. As cooperation represent a problem in terms of the described by Pugh, military and police forces are ‘state emancipatory and cosmopolitan potential of civil servants’ with hierarchical structures, regular funding and organisations. He argues that the institutionalisation of logistics capabilities. In contrast, many non-governmental CIMIC has been dominated by military approaches that agencies have diffuse allegiances and divided loyalties. emerged in the responses to crises in Bosnia and These have placed them at a disadvantage in the Somalia. When dominated by the military, as in these configuration of civil–military relations. two cases, coordination is hierarchical and hegemonic. In addition, the military cannot uphold humanitarian Non-governmental organisations have the potential to principles while simultaneously enforcing a peace, or work in local communities in ways that reach groups fighting a war. without power, while the military is not concerned with empowering the vulnerable. Pugh therefore argues that Civilian groups have made efforts to professionalise and civilian organisations represent non-statist, cosmopolitan collaborate with their military counterparts, but this has approaches to humanitarian emergencies. A cosmo- not resulted in a more cosmopolitan baseline of non- politan approach emphasises individual rights over state state allegiance. Rather, as outlined by Pugh, Macrae, interests, and gives voice to groups that are ignored or Woodward and Duffield, humanitar ian actors are disadvantaged. Cosmopolitanism is based on civil society increasingly co-opted into an aid paradigm dominated networks, epistemic communities and regional associations. by neo-liberal statism and politics. 12 HPG at odi  Politics and Humanitarian Aid: Debates, Dilemmas and Dissension H P G R E P O R T Chapter 5 Humanitarian Principles At the heart of the debate over the place of politics in Neutrality is the most debated and contested humanitar ian assistance is the question of which humanitarian principle; at the conference, there was principles should guide humanitarian action. A key issue disagreement about its meaning, effectiveness and is whether the traditional principles of humanitarianism morality. The traditional notion of neutrality may have have failed, as suggested by Bowden and Slim, or whether been associated with silence, but agencies such as there are more serious problems associated with the new Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) claim to work in the principles, as argued by Fox and André Pasquier. ‘spirit of neutrality’. They will denounce parties that breach international humanitarian law and commit The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) human-rights abuses, but will not put themselves into a has an ethical framework known as its fundamental position of solidarity with any particular side in the principles, or principles of humanitarian action. These conflict. principles – universality, impartiality, independence and neutrality – define and delimit the humanitarian space According to Pasquier, in an operational context within which the ICRC operates. These Red Cross neutrality means that humanitarian workers must stand principles have had a profound impact on wider human- apart from the political issues at stake in a conflict. Yet itarianism. Within humanitarian agencies, there has been the expansion of the sphere of humanitarian work to agreement on the ‘humanitarian imperative’ – the idea that include conflict resolution, peacebuilding and peace human suffering necessitates a response. There is also wide enforcement gives rise to ambiguities and necessitates agreement on the principles of impartiality and universality. the abandonment of neutrality. Pasquier and others fear The principles of neutrality and independence have also that a loss of neutrality risks compromising humanitarian been borrowed by other humanitarian agencies, although immunity and threatens access to victims. Some more equivocally, and by fewer organisations.8 participants at the conference believed that humanitarian action might not be possible once neutrality is lost. For According to Pasquier, the new form of politicisation of instance, Pasquier points out that the neutrality principle humanitarian aid may challenge all four of these does not oblige agencies to remain neutral under all principles. Universality and impartiality imply that circumstances, but that agencies need to recognise that humanitarian action should reach all conflict victims, no if neutrality has to be abandoned, doing so signals to matter where they are, or which side they support. governments that other kinds of action beyond the scope Impartiality means that humanitarian response should of humanitarians are necessary. be guided by need alone, and that there should be no distinction between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ beneficiaries. Yet However, conference participants who tended to support by subordinating humanitarian objectives to political and the move towards increased political and humanitarian strategic ones, some victims may be seen as more coherence felt that agencies should abandon the concept deserving than others, and impartiality is foregone. For of neutrality altogether, and side with the victims. instance, Skuric-Prodanovic shows that the level of According to this view, neutrality can actually be an humanitarian response in Serbia in the second half of unethical position. But, according to Macrae, the ‘side’ 1999 was much lower than in Albania and Macedonia. in question is increasingly defined by the ethics of liberal In Montenegro, humanitarian aid was also more than peace. abundant. These differences did not correspond to different levels of need. Skuric-Prodanovic argues that There was, therefore, agreement at the conference that few donors were willing to fund humanitarian assistance the traditional principles of humanitarian action do not in Serbia, and few international NGOs were willing to correspond to the new pr inciples underlying the face the difficulties of working there, and therefore chose merging of humanitarian aid and politics. There was the more prominent and ‘politically correct’ Kosovo, disagreement, however, about whether a change in Macedonia, Albania and Montenegro. humanitarian principles is necessary and/or desirable. Some participants felt that there was a need to rethink The principle of independence contradicts the growing the traditional principles, and to create and clarify new coherence between political objectives and humanitarian ones based on solidarity and rights. Others believed it aid. Many humanitarian agencies remain dependent on necessary to breathe new life into old humanitarian financial support from major donor states, thus violating principles, rather than abandon them altogether. Fox, for the independence principle. Yet without independence, instance, believes that politicians should do politics, Pasquier claims that humanitar ian action cannot human-rights organisations should do human-rights legitimately assert itself as a moral counterforce vis-à-vis work, and humanitar ian aid should be based on the belligerents, and impartial action is made more difficult. traditional principles of humanity, neutrality and the HPG at odi 13 HPG Report 10 H P G R E P O R T universal right to relief. She argues that there may be a the changing context of conflict, but not to abandon the need to reform the humanitarian system in response to principles and values underlying it. 14 HPG at odi  Politics and Humanitarian Aid: Debates, Dilemmas and Dissension H P G R E P O R T Chapter 6 The Needs Versus Rights Debate 6.1 The Debate Second, Fox argues that a rights-based approach means abandoning neutrality. Third, such an approach could One of the most contentious issues at the conference become a new for m of colonialism, whereby was whether responding to needs or upholding rights humanitarian aid is to transform people, institutions and should be the basic approach governing the work of societies in the image of the West. Lastly, Fox argues that humanitarians. There are contradictory views on this human-rights agencies such as Amnesty International are within the humanitarian community, and many of these better placed and better trained to promote human rights. divergences were reflected in the discussion. In particular, there was debate about whether humanitarian action Advocates of rights-based approaches and advocates of should be considered an act of char ity, or an needs-based approaches disagree on accountability. internationally and legally agreed obligation. Among supporters of needs-based humanitarianism, there is a belief that rights-based conditionalities can Slim sees human rights as the appropriate basis for the allow donors to get away with any negative humanitarian legitimacy of humanitarianism. He makes a distinction consequences of politicisation, despite evidence of the between humanitar ianism based on char ity and ineffectiveness of human-rights conditionality. For humanitarianism based on rights, and applauds the shift example, Atmar argues that aid conditionalities in towards a more rights-based approach in the 1990s. He Afghanistan have made little impact in terms of enhancing sees this as a ‘move from the sentimental, paternalistic r ights, but they have had negative humanitar ian and privileged discourse of philanthropy and charity, to consequences. Rights advocates, on the other hand, argue the political, egalitarian and empowering ideology of that international humanitarian and human rights law rights and duties’. are useful tools to hold governments, donors and individuals to account. According to Slim, grounding humanitarian action in rights, duties and laws, rather than in principles, makes There were questions as to what a rights-based approach the values of humanitarian work explicit to everyone, would mean in practice for humanitarians. Some and gives humanitarianism an integrated moral, political participants believed that the dichotomy between needs and legal framework to affirm universal human values. and rights was not necessarily useful, and that this Rights also dignify individuals, rather than patronising distinction could take the debate backwards, rather than them. Victims of conflict become claimants of rights, push it forward. While a rights-based approach is rather than objects of charity. Therefore, according to frequently associated with coherence, and a needs-based Slim, a rights-based approach allows humanitarians to one with traditional humanitarianism, there are problems connect with a ‘proper politicisation’ that goes beyond with this simple distinction. For instance, does the right humanitarian protection, and that is grounded in natural to humanitarian assistance fall under the category of rights and justice. needs or rights? Under a needs-based approach it is morally unjustifiable to disburse different amounts of Fox, on the other hand, lists some concerns around aid to different populations facing the same humanitarian embracing a rights-based approach to humanitarianism. needs. Yet likewise, when humanitarianism is grounded First, she believes that it conflicts with the universal right in rights, Slim argues that it is impossible to justify to relief aid, and can mean that it becomes morally withholding aid in favour of some other political purpose, justifiable to leave individuals without aid for political because this violates the right to relief. reasons. It creates what Oxfam’s Nick Stockton has called ‘undeserving victims’. A rights-based approach demands There was also a degree of confusion about what kind that all humanitarian aid be judged on how it contributes of rights would be included in a rights-based approach. to the protection and promotion of human rights, thus For instance, does everyone have the right to food, health allowing for conditionality in the delivery of relief. The care and shelter? While most participants seemed to ECHO discussion paper on this subject (ECHO, 1999) believe that the right to relief was fundamental, there states that: are other more difficult areas. Is protection a key right? Some participants felt that the distinction between needs From a rights-based perspective, access to the and rights sometimes makes it difficult to see how victims of a humanitarian crisis is not an end humanitarian protection is secured. in itself, and will therefore not be pursued at any cost. Access will be sought if it is the most The fundamental question about a rights-based approach effective way to contribute to the human concerns the problem of what to do when some rights rights situation.9 rub up against others. Is there a hierarchy of rights? Do HPG at odi 15 HPG Report 10 H P G R E P O R T some rights take precedence over others, and if so, is it principles described above, and that legal legitimacy is the responsibility of humanitarians to work towards the granted through the legal framework comprising the ‘higher priority’ ones? Who sets the order of priority? Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols. Can some rights be traded for others? Humanitarian treaties are the legal expression of the humanitarian principles of humanity, universality and According to Slim, the answers to these questions lie in impartiality. According to Pasquier, humanitarian space international humanitarian and human rights law. The may need to be redefined, but this should be done r ights enshrined in these documents should take through a reworking of the major humanitar ian precedence. Slim acknowledges the risk that ‘rights-talk’ conventions, without deviating from their underlying can be co-opted by other political interests, but believes principles. that this can be rectified if humanitarian agencies are clearer about what is meant by the rights of victims. In contrast to Slim and some other conference participants, who believe that the distinction between 6.2 Legal Instruments international humanitarian law and human-rights law is potentially counter-productive, Pasquier believes that it Slim believes that the foundations for a rights-based is important. Humanitarian law sets limits on violence approach to humanitar ianism lie in inter national in war. It defines the responsibilities of states, and the humanitarian and human rights law. He argues that these rights of victims and non-state actors, in terms of states laws can act as specific standards of practice against which pursuing their obligations to provide humanitarian everyone can be held to account. Among advocates of assistance and protection. Human-rights law is primarily rights-based humanitarianism, there is a belief that a code of behaviour for good governance in peacetime, gathering communities around these legal instruments rather than for the conduct of war. In a conflict, argues is potentially much more powerful than relying on the Pasquier, priorities are not the same as in peacetime.Thus, traditional principles of humanity, impartiality and even though there is some convergence between neutrality which underlie the needs-based approach. humanitarian and human rights regimes, there are essential differences as to their objectives, and the In the case of the ICRC, Pasquier states that moral situations to which they apply. legitimacy is granted through the set of humanitarian 16 HPG at odi  Politics and Humanitarian Aid: Debates, Dilemmas and Dissension H P G R E P O R T Chapter 7 Conclusion This paper does not intend to present a consensus Despite the different views on the appropriate place of position, or to offer concrete guidelines for action. This politics within humanitarianism, there was an overarching would not be an accurate reflection of the discussion at call for clarity and understanding. This referred both to the conference, where very few concrete proposals and the language of humanitarianism, as well as the roles, areas of consensus emerged. There was, however, a sense interests and responsibilities of state and non-state actors. that the discussion and debate around the coherence Humanitarian agencies should be more politically agenda and the new humanitar ianism needed to conscious of their role. They must decide whether they continue, and that the encroachment of politics into want to be co-opted by the state, act as a substitute for it humanitarian space should be noted and understood. where there is a vacuum, or contest its assumptions. Even No matter what side of the debate one stands on, there if organisations engage in activities such as the protection is a conflict between the principles of neutrality and of human rights, conflict resolution or peacebuilding, impartiality, and conflict management. Humanitarian they need to be clear about who is doing what, and actors should be conscious of their roles, and should be which principles are underlying their work. clear about which principles they wish to uphold. Furthermore, humanitarian agencies need to clearly Some participants believed that there is a need for define and delimit their activities so that they can focus humanitarian agencies to speak out much more strongly on doing their work without compromising the safety to push back the political voice in the cur rent of their staff, or the notion of humanitarian space and politicisation of humanitarian assistance. According to access. Agencies that adopt a political line could address this view, humanitarian agencies have a responsibility to the factors driving the crisis, as well as political constraints craft a renewed consensus on humanitarian principles in donor countries. The dilemmas of doing so, however, to counteract the growing politicisation of aid. must be noted. It is difficult for humanitarian agencies to remain operational, while simultaneously conducting Even among those who challenge the growing activities perceived as political by host governments and politicisation of humanitarian aid, there is a belief that warring parties. humanitarian aid should not be a substitute for effective political action. The debate around the merging of The need for clarity also extends to the language of politics with humanitarian aid is not a call for the humanitar ianism. There was a suggestion at the abandonment of politics. On the contrary, as Macrae conference that the word ‘humanitarian’ should be argues, politics should be strengthened and the trademarked, and should refer only to actions that meet identification of new and effective methods of political humanitar ian cr iter ia. Aid should only be called intervention should be a priority. There needs to be humanitarian when it is provided in accordance with greater investment in diplomacy in non-strategic areas. humanitarian principles. Agencies may choose to engage The merging of humanitarian aid and politics can mask in political and conflict-reduction interventions, but the absence of political action, but humanitarian aid was these should not be called humanitarian. Similarly, the never intended to do more than relieve acute suffering term ‘humanitarian intervention’ really refers to military until others find a solution to the underlying crisis. inter vention, and should not be confused with humanitarianism. Other participants suggested that the dichotomy between the old and new humanitarianism should be abandoned. Humanitar ianism comprises a core set of values, Instead, the debate should be thought of in terms of a including a shared belief in accountability to the people spectrum, with extreme political dominance over who are being helped. The key question is how to ensure humanitar ian issues at one end, and pure that this accountability exists, and how to place humanitarianism, with its emphasis on neutrality and humanitarian action on a moral footing, based on a independence, at the other. Each humanitarian agency respect for humanity. The changing context of conflict, needs to find its own place on the spectrum according as well as changes in the international system, have led to its mandate and funding sources. An alternative to forms of politicisation of humanitarian action that may suggestion was to emphasise complementarity, rather be problematic. This report, and the conference on 1 than coherence. Complementar ity emphasises the February, have aimed to contribute to the debate on how different tasks and roles of different actors. There were to respond to such changes in a way that is consistent calls for research to see whether complementarity is with humanity, and with the interests of victims possible, and to establish its ‘rules’. HPG at odi 17 HPG Report 10 H P G R E P O R T Endnotes 1 5 OXFAM calculated that donor governments gave $207 Fiona Fox, ‘The Politicisation of Humanitarian Aid: A for every person in need in response to the UN appeal Discussion Paper for Caritas Europe’, June 2000. for Kosovo and the rest of former Yugoslavia in 1999, 6 but only $16 per capita for targeted beneficiaries in Sierra This phrase gained currency with Mary Anderson, Do Leone in response to a UN appeal in the same year No Harm: Supporting Local Capacities for Peace Through Aid (OXFAM, 2000) (Boston, MA: Collaborative for Development, 1996). 2 7 See the report on this conference: Dylan Hendrickson, The term ‘humanitarian intervention’ refers to military Humanitarian Action in Protracted Crises: The New Relief intervention justified on humanitarian grounds. Some Agenda and Its Limits, RRN Network Paper 25 (London: conference participants felt that the term should not be Relief and Rehabilitation Network, April 1998). The used since it had nothing to do with what they considered papers from the conference can be found in a special to be humanitarian action. issue of Disasters, vol. 22, no. 4, December 1998. 8 See Nicholas Leader, The Politics of Principle:The Principles 3 See Joanna Macrae and Nicholas, Shifting Sands: The of Humanitarian Action in Practice, HPG Report 2 (London: Search for Coherence Between Political and Humanitarian ODI, March 2000). Responses to Complex Emergencies, HPG Report 8 9 (London: ODI, August 2000). Quoted at the conference by Fox from the ECHO discussion paper Towards a Human Rights Approach to 4 Nicholas Leader and Joanna Macrae (eds), Terms of European Commission Humanitarian Aid (May 1999). Engagement: Conditions and Conditionality in Humanitarian Action, HPG Report 6 (London: ODI, July 2000). 18 HPG at odi  Politics and Humanitarian Aid: Debates, Dilemmas and Dissension H P G R E P O R T Bibliography Anderson, M. (1996), Do No Harm: Supporting Local Leader, N. (March 2000), The Politics of Principle: The Capacities for Peace Through Aid, Boston, MA: Principles of Humanitarian Action in Practice, HPG Report Collaborative for Development No. 2, London: ODI Disasters (December 1998) Special Issue: The Emperor’s Leader, N. and J. Macrae (eds) (July 2000), Terms of New Clothers: Charting the Erosion of Humanitarian Engagement: Conditions and Conditionality in Humanitarian Principles. Vol. 22, No. 4 Action, HPG Report No. 6, London: ODI ECHO (May 1999), Towards a Human Rights Approach to Macrae, J. and N. Leader (August 2000), Shifting Sands: European Commission Humanitarian Aid, ECHO The Search for Coherence Between Political and Humanitarian Discussion Paper, Brussels Responses to Complex Emergencies, HPG Report No. 8, London: ODI Fox, F. (June 2000), ‘The Politicisation of Humanitarian Aid’ a Discussion Paper for Caritas Europe’ OXFAM (May 2000), An End to Forgotten Emergencies, OXFAM Briefing, Oxford: OXFAM GB. Hendrickson, D. (April 1998), Humanitarian Action in Protracted Crises: The New Relief Agenda and Its Limits, RRN Network Paper No. 25, London: ODI HPG at odi 19 HPG Report 10 H P G R E P O R T 20 HPG at odi  Politics and Humanitarian Aid: Debates, Dilemmas and Dissension H P G R E P O R T Annex 1 Abstracts of Conference Papers The full text of each abstract is available on the HPG website at. The papers will be published in a special issue of the journal Disasters in December 2001. The Politicisation of Humanitarian Aid and Its Consequences for Afghans Mohammed Haneef Atmar This paper examines the consequences of the practice, and issues of terrorism, drugs and peace. Punitive politicisation of humanitarian assistance in Afghanistan. humanitarian conditionalities – including on security, First, it looks at how the West’s response to the gender equality and development/capacity-building – humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan has been based on are only punishing the victims, and have not significantly nar row domestic and foreign-policy concer ns, enhanced the rights of Afghans. Lastly, the paper looks characterised by a mixture of strategic withdrawal, at how the establishment of systemic accountability is containment and single-issue aggression. Second, it key to a change in the current state of affairs in explains how the principle of the impartiality of Afghanistan. humanitarianism in Afghanistan has fallen victim to the Haneef Atmar works with Norwegian Church Aid in political considerations of donor states. Donors have tied Afghanistan. their assistance to the Taliban’s progress on policies and Responding to Conflict in Africa Mark Bowden This paper looks at the international response to conflict humanitarian action can rarely be guaranteed by military in Africa, and argues that the current effort to achieve intervention. Instead, it should be guaranteed by, and greater complementarity in the response of various based on, negotiation, and on an acceptance of the gover nment departments and non-gover nmental importance and value of humanitarian assistance. organisations is a positive development. The paper argues Governments and the international community as a whole that the nature of war has changed, and that this has need to develop a coherent strategy, while recognising challenged the ways that the international community that each actor has a unique role to play. deals with it. In response to new kinds of factional Mark Bowden is the Conflict Management Adviser to the Africa warfare, aid donors and humanitarian agencies have Command of the UK’s Foreign and Commonwealth Office. He pursued strongly interventionist policies. These have, is on secondment from Save the Children (UK), where he was however, shown little signs of success. Access for Regional Director for East and Central Africa. Governing the Borderlands Mark Duffield This paper examines aid as a technology of government metropolitan states have not lost influence in this process; – as something that has the power to reorder the on the contrary, they have been innovative in shaping relationship between people and things to achieve metropolitan–borderland relations. With this in mind, desired outcomes. Since the 1970s, metropolitan non- the paper seeks to answer three questions. state and private actors have greatly increased their economic, social and political influence in the 1. Why do non-state actors dominate the internationalisation borderlands. Beginning with economic management, of public policy, especially at an operational level? this governmental responsibility has progressively Privatisation as a form of governmental rationality deepened to include development, social welfare and, has grown in influence due to the changing nature of during the 1990s, humanitarian action, governance and security. A new non-state security framework has security. In many respects, the management of public emerged. Within this paradigm, the threat is not inter- policy in the ‘borderlands’ has been significantly state conflict but instability in the borderlands; the internationalised and privatised. At the same time, aim is no longer to form alliances with borderland however, while the nature of their authority has changed, states but to change the behaviour of the people living HPG at odi 21 HPG Report 10 H P G R E P O R T within them. Using the weapons of poverty reduction, state organisations and, in particular, into the conflict resolution and social reconstruction, the name management of the public–private networks that link of this non-state security framework is development. state and non-state actors. Performance indicators, codes of conduct and the benchmarking of standards 2. What special or particular way of understanding the have made professional conduct transparent to borderlands best suits the needs of a governmental rationality outside monitoring and evaluation. based on privatisation? Instability in the borderlands is seen as originating in a developmental malaise of While we can question the effectiveness of development poverty and weak institutions; under-development as security, actuarial risk analysis and the new techniques has become dangerous, and modernisation can no of network management, they all constitute a dynamic longer be left to chance. Through the development framework of inter-connected strategies and technologies of actuarial forms of analysis, populations are no through which the borderlands are actively governed, longer seen as combinations of individuals and social and our common destinies shaped. If such radical and groups, but as hierarchies of risk. The borderlands disturbing words as ‘freedom’ and ‘rights’ are not to lose have been remapped and ranked according to such their meaning, the certainties and assumptions of risk factors. international government must be questioned. Mark Duffield is Professor of Development, Democratisation 3. How do metropolitan states govern the borderlands through and Conflict at the Institute for Politics and International Studies, non-state actors? New for ms of regulation and University of Leeds. professional auditing have been introduced into non- The ‘New Humanitarianism’ Fiona Fox This paper outlines the changing nature of humanitarian agencies evaluate their humanitar ian-assistance action. It examines features of the ‘new humanitarianism’, programmes on the basis of how they contribute to under which humanitarian action has taken on a much longer-term sustainable development and peace. The more explicit political role. There are two main aspects ‘new humanitarianism’ differs radically from traditional to the ‘new humanitar ianism’: human rights and principles of humanitarian relief, and is a move away developmental relief. The r ights-based approach from the universal right to relief based on human need. demands that all humanitarian aid be judged on how it This paper outlines several problems with this new contributes to the protection and promotion of human approach. rights. The developmental approach demands that Fiona Fox is Head of Media at CAFOD, UK. The Politics of Coherence: The Formation of a New Orthodoxy on Linking Aid and Political Responses to Chronic Political Emergencies Joanna Macrae In the aftermath of the genocide in Rwanda in 1994, a dr iven by geopolitical events, domestic policy consensus emerged between donor governments, the considerations in donor countries and more parochial UN and many NGOs that there was a need to enhance concerns of aid policy, and is reflected in a number of the ‘coherence’ between humanitarian and ‘political’ significant changes in the architecture of the responses to complex political emergencies. Closer humanitarian system. Many of the tenets of this ‘new integration between aid and political responses was seen humanitarianism’ have been embraced by the majority to be necessary in order to address the root causes of of relief agencies, so legitimising it. conflict-induced crises, and to ensure that aid did not exacerbate political tensions. The paper concludes that political humanitarianism, as opposed to active engagement by international political This paper explores the theory and practice of coherence and military actors, is flawed ethically and technically. It as it has evolved over the past decade. It argues that, by will provide neither an effective palliative for the ill- sleight of hand, the coherence agenda has been effects of war, nor address its causes. reinterpreted such that humanitarian action has become Joanna Macrae is a Research Fellow at the ODI, working in the primary form of political action, rather than merely a the Humanitarian Policy Group. substitute for it. This integrationist approach has been 22 HPG at odi  Politics and Humanitarian Aid: Debates, Dilemmas and Dissension H P G R E P O R T Constructing Legitimacy André Pasquier Today’s questioning of the legitimacy of humanitarian of the day, with changes in state interests and with the action reflects the differences that exist within a evolution of conflicts. humanitarian community which now comprises a very large number of agencies with divergent views as to To what extent can humanitarian action fill the vacuum their role. The resulting confusion can also be seen in created by the lack of a consistent and predictable their dialogue with political players, who are themselves worldwide political system, without seeing its own divided on the question of the role of states in crisis legitimacy seriously challenged? This paper looks for management, and that of humanitarian organisations in answers in the vast accumulated experience of the the same crises. This situation mirrors a world which ICRC, an organisation which has played a key role in now operates in ‘deregulation mode’, where actions the development of the modern concept of taken by dominant states are governed by a pragmatism humanitarian action and of international humanitarian dictated by national and security interests, and an ethic law. The ICRC’s legitimacy in providing humanitarian characterised by ‘variable geography’. Another result of assistance and protection to war victims has traditionally this state of affairs is that the humanitarian organisations been upheld by three elements. The first is a set of either find themselves alone in coping with situations principles whose raison d’être is to mark out and define of chaos and unbridled violence that go beyond their the humanitarian space within which it operates. The capacity for action and far exceed their mandates, or, at second is a legal framework made up of the 1949 the other extreme, see themselves relegated to the Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols of sidelines of operations conducted by those same states 1977, which enjoys universal acceptance. The third is in conflicts where their own political interests are at stake. the product of time, the legitimacy acquired through Humanitarian action is therefore in danger of being activities conducted in the long term. turned into an ‘all-purpose’ activity which, for lack of a André Pasquier is Political Adviser at the ICRC. clear framework, fluctuates with the fads and ideologies Civil–Military Relations in Peace Support Operations: Hegemony or Emancipation? Michael Pugh Civilian agencies represent non-statist, even to manifest a military-driven hegemonic approach that cosmopolitan, approaches to humanitarian emergencies. emerged from the interventions in Somalia and the This distinctiveness safeguards the integ r ity of Balkans. Practice may not yet demonstrate an overriding emancipatory responses to contemporary conflicts. state-centric and militarising trend, but CIMIC doctrine However, the apparent trends towards the enfeeblement and the process of arriving at it implies a weakening of of international organisations and the integration of the cosmopolitan project for emancipating civil society NGOs into state-based relief efforts i