Oxfam India Inequality Report 2020 PDF

1 ON WOMEN’s BACKS India Inequality REPORT 2020 Unpaid Care Work and Violence Against Women and Girls at a Crossroads: A Case for Behaviour Change of Dominant Social Norms By Amrita Nandy, Diya Dutta With inputs from Aajeevika Bureau, Abhilasha Singh, Mayurakshi Dutta and Prasoon Agrawal Acknow...

1 ON WOMEN’s BACKS India Inequality REPORT 2020 Unpaid Care Work and Violence Against Women and Girls at a Crossroads: A Case for Behaviour Change of Dominant Social Norms By Amrita Nandy, Diya Dutta With inputs from Aajeevika Bureau, Abhilasha Singh, Mayurakshi Dutta and Prasoon Agrawal Acknowledgments This report has been prepared by Oxfam India. It has benefitted from extensive discussions with Amitabh Behar. Ratna Sudarshan provided critical inputs at various stages of the report as peer reviewer which greatly improved the quality of the report. We would also like to thank Imogen Davies, Anam Parvez Butt, and Amita Pitre for their review of the draft report. We also take this opportunity to thank Aajeevika Bureau for the support they extended during fieldwork in Udaipur, Rajasthan and in drafting a section of the report. A heartfelt thanks especially to Kalpana Jain, Manju Kahar, Kalpana Joshi, Prema Dhurve, Vinod Verma, Gajendra, Saloni, Priyanka Jain, Manisha Patel, Kamla, Manju Rajput and Drishti Aggarwal from Aajeevika Bureau who supported and facilitated the successful fieldwork in Udaipur. Abhilasha Singh, Mayurakshi Dutta and Prasoon Agrawal also need special mention for their support in the field, drafting of the report and analysis of the data. We thank Amrita Nandy for her contribution to the fieldwork and co-authoring the report. We also acknowledge the support of Priyanka Sarkar for editing the report and Anandita Bishnoi for designing the report. Oxfam India would also like to thank the support provided by its team members, Satya Prakash Mishra, Savvy Soumya Misra, Tejas Patel, Himanshi Matta and Rahul Sharma. Ranu Kayastha Bhogal Commissioning Editor CONTENTS 1 Abbreviations 2 Executive Summary 5 Introduction: The Homeground of Inequality 25 Part I- Gendered Norms: Breeding Inequality 39 Part II- Unpaid Care Work: The Canvas of Inequality 53 Part III- Paid Work, Unpaid Care Work and Violence against Women 67 Part IV- The Way Forward 68 Annexe 1 | Unpaid Care Work and Violence Against Women and Girls at a Crossroads Abbreviations FGDs Focus Group Discussions FLFP Female Labour Force Participation GBV Gender Based Violence GDP Gross Domestic Product IDIs In-depth interviews NREGA National Rural Employment Guarantee Act OBCs Other Backward Classes PLFS Periodic Labour Force Survey SCs Scheduled Castes ST Scheduled Tribes UCW Unpaid Care Work VAWG Violence Against Women and Girls WPR Workforce Participation Rate  A Case for Behaviour Change of Dominant Social Norms | 2 Executive Summary The home is one of the most contested spaces when it schools are located within this perimeter, institutions comes to gender relations. It is the breeding ground of higher education are not. Thus, girls at best study till for gender inequality—the gendered division of labour 12th standard—most, quite often, drop out earlier to help between the caregiver woman and the breadwinner their mothers with care work at home, which is unpaid man. What makes it unequal is that because the work and unrecognized. Further, according to UNICEF, girls in that women do, often backbreaking and time consuming, India in the age group of 15-18 years are victims of child is not valued as productive formal labour that brings in marriage—another regressive patriarchal norm, which is income, their needs and rights go unnoticed. As per the why they drop out of school early. With no education and ILO, in 2018 women in India spent 312 minutes/day in bound by norms of a young bride, these girls are tied to the urban areas and 291 minutes/day in rural areas on unpaid home and norms of domesticity which severely restrict care work. Men correspondingly spent only 29 minutes their personal, economic, social and political growth. (urban) and 32 minutes (rural) on unpaid care work. Studies on India have shown that secondary and Women consequently suffer from extreme forms higher secondary education do not reap employment of income and time poverty affecting their health benefits. Other studies have also shown that a girl’s and emotional well-being and circumscribing their caste, economic status and horoscope matter more than aspirations for education and paid work. her education in the marriage market. Thus, a school education has no economic and/or social value. In such With an understanding that excessive unpaid care work circumstances, girls often drop out or are withdrawn by by women is a violation of their fundamental rights to parents from school to help their mothers with unpaid equal opportunity and liberty, this formative research domestic labour. However, boys are not subjected to aims to unpack and highlight the intersections between similar conditionalities. They have freedom of movement violence against women and the unpaid care work and therefore can pursue higher studies. Their options they perform. A little explored area of knowledge, this for paid employment are more varied as well—such as intersection became the springboard for the Oxfam India driver, mechanical contractor, etc., which are traditionally Inequality Study. The study hopes to contribute to the considered as male bastions of work. Thus, inequalities in knowledge about how and to what degree does unpaid social norms related to a patriarchal division of masculine care work cause and/or trigger violence against women. and feminine jobs confine a woman to the house and its associated work. At the heart of these unequal gender relations lies social norms that are patriarchal in nature. Parents of young Let’s take another example—sexual harassment by men girls educate their daughters in the hope that they will and boys. Sexual harassment is commonly seen as a be able to secure decent jobs as teachers, nurses, salaried rite of passage of young men and a minor aberration of government professionals, etc. Yet, the burden of unpaid masculinity, if at all. It is widely accepted that boys and care work in the lives of young girls and women is so men are naturally prone to harass women, therefore it enormous that such aspirations are often buried amidst is the responsibility of the girl/woman and her family the stark reality of their everyday drudgery. Women’s to limit their own mobility. No sanction on conduct or unpaid care work, which poses as an obstruction in restriction on mobility is imposed on the men or boys. their aspirational path, is defined and guided by a host of regressive social norms. For example in rural Udaipur Unpaid care work therefore emerges as the primary (Rajasthan) girls and women are not allowed to travel identity of women, albeit redefined by urban women beyond their village or at best their panchayat. While where they can outsource some of it to hired domestic 3 | Unpaid Care Work and Violence Against Women and Girls at a Crossroads help, nevertheless it is the primary responsibility of the While the study demonstrates that unpaid care work woman. For example, maternal care is considered as may be the cause of violence, it is more often the trigger ‘natural’ to a woman and women across the rural-urban for violence. The study shows that causes for VAWG divide believe that child care is a female responsibility. are multifarious and even the ideal caregiver may For women in Delhi, villages in rural Udaipur and not escape violence. The root cause is undervaluing lower/middle class colonies of Udaipur city, household women (and not just her labour and intellect but also work is the running thread in the lives of young girls the value of her labour both within the household and and women. in the labour market) and women’s subordination to men (lack of power). The normalization of social norms pertaining to gendered division of labour is so pervasive that women, There are degrees of acceptability of violence in especially rural women, tend to justify men’s work as women’s lives. Conflict with spouse is often seen as ‘hard work’ and women’s work as inconsequential. For an unavoidable part of marital life. Thus, any ensuing example, at a discussion with elderly women from the violence and abuse can get condoned and even accepted. Dalit community in rural Udaipur, the women were expressly uncomfortable to talk about women’s unpaid Yet physical violence is a lived reality in the lives of care work as they thought it was natural, compulsory many women—both rural and urban; and lower, middle work and not worth wasting time discussing in a and upper class families. Our study shows that 6 out gathering. In their worldview, there were no rights of 18 men interviewed, admitted to have been violent attached to the work that women did in their home and to their wives. It is also worth noting that cases of their family farm. physical violence largely go under reported. Oxfam India’s Household Care Survey 2019 found that The belief that women’s duty towards the household in households where men and women express greater and family is their prime responsibility has deep acceptability of beating women, women there spend social currency. Therefore, any ‘mistake’ made by 42 minutes longer on paid and unpaid care work and women within this context can be seen as deserving 48 minutes less on leisure activities. This finding of punishment (violence) by men and women. establishes a crucial link between unpaid care work and violence against women and girls (VAWG). Since unpaid care work is central to women’s selfhood and ascribed identities as daughters, daughters-in- It was surprising to find that a majority of those law, wives and mothers, it features integrally in the we interviewed in rural Udaipur and Udaipur city power dynamics of the household. As a fundamental mentioned that they had never faced sexual harassment feature of their daily lives and equations within the on the way to the workplace and at the workplace. Yet family (especially marital), women are judged for their a majority of them also said that the fear of sexual performance of house and care work. Narratives from harassment was the main cause for low participation rural and urban Udaipur and Delhi suggest that non/ of girls in school/college and women in labour. poor performance of unpaid care work was a trigger for violence on women. These cases show that where In Delhi, the situation is vastly different where sexual unpaid care work is not the root cause, it becomes harassment of girls and women is pervasive and a justification for violence because women are frequent. Unlike rural Udaipur, where fear of sexual exclusively held accountable for it. harassment deters young girls and women from accessing public spaces, young women in Delhi find Our study shows that there is greater unpaid care work ways to resist and defy such acts of violence against related violence in marital homes. them. Nevertheless, fear of violation prevents young, aspiring Delhi women from assuming certain kinds of employment such as jobs that require night shifts.  A Case for Behaviour Change of Dominant Social Norms | 4 Key Takeaways: Recommendations Since unpaid care work is The preceding discussion establishes a case for such an integral part of widespread norm change and behaviour change. Social norm and behaviour change are aspects of human women’s identity, simply lives, which need to be brought about little by little, advocating foR redistribution in the everyday lives of men and women, and in the of unpaid care work between communities they live in which determine the social men and women may be faced boundaries within which individuals operate. This report emphasizes that to aid the facilitation of such changes, with resistance from women the State needs to create a conducive environment for the themselves. It requires change to happen. Thus, our recommendations pertain to deeper and collective policies and initiatives that governments and non-state actors can adopt, which in turn would aid in social norm reflection and challenge the and behaviour change. social construct of gender, its norms, and their sexist Provide public amenities (for example, water, gas stoves discussions. and toilets) and services (safe and accessible transport in rural areas and childcare) for women to realize their rights to rest, leisure and equal participation in the labour market. Offer decent local employment, better working Since unpaid care work conditions and fair pay for women and men. is central to women’s lives—symbolically and/ Adopt and implement the ICLS 2013 definition of ‘work’ or actually, unpaid care and include women’s unpaid care work in national accounting mechanisms. work deserves a place in the strategies that counter Initiate gender sensitization and behaviour-change violence against women— strategies in schools and colleges, specifically messaging of redistribution of care work. be it domestic violence or structural violence faced Run public campaigns on progressive models of by them. masculinity and femininity, based on de-gendered labour within and outside the household. Support NGOs and civil society organizations with strong links to grassroots communities to run extensive gender sensitization workshops to help promote gender equal norms between men and women and adolescent boys and girls in schools. Ranu Kayastha Bhogal Commissioning Editor 5 | Unpaid Care Work and Violence Against Women and Girls at a Crossroads INTRODUCTION: THE HOME GROUND OF INEQUALITY A Case for Behaviour Change of Dominant Social Norms | 6 7 | Unpaid Care Work and Violence Against Women and Girls at a Crossroads INTRODUCTION THE HOME GROUND OF INEQUALITY In the last couple of decades of analyses on women’s rural areas on unpaid care work. Men correspondingly lives, the myth of complementarity and equality spend only 29 minutes (urban) and 32 minutes (rural) between the sexes in the private sphere has been on unpaid care work.4 Heavy and unequal care work busted. On the ground, changes in traditional roles of means women remain trapped in income and time men and women and the power hierarchy they breed poverty, and do not benefit equally from the wealth are slow and often contested. generated by our economies. This is so because social norms—a common Inequality, therefore, starts at home. It is a space understanding of appropriate conduct by individuals that can normalize inequality. For many women, or a group of individuals—can not only underpin it can blur the distinctions between ‘work’, ‘labour’ human behaviour but keep it in check via advantages and ‘livelihood’, as it has overlaps in production and (praise and acceptance) and penalties (from censure reproduction with undefined demarcations of work, to violence). Social norms can be deeply gendered and worker and workplace5. patriarchal, where the man is viewed as the provider of the family and the woman as the caregiving Unequal norms, unequal work subordinate. Women are seen and see themselves Besides sharply gendered forms of labour, the as carriers of social and biological reproduction, unavailability of safe, paid work and a labour-surplus sustaining the care economy through physical and economy (especially in rural, agricultural pockets) has psychological forms of ‘unpaid care work’. 1 This kept women bound to unpaid care work. Or, it offers makes women’s lives circumscribed by familial and them unsafe, paid work within the informal economy housekeeping responsibilities. Even among educated, with no social and employment benefits and security female professionals, caregiving (if not housework) of jobs6. Despite their exclusive and crucial role in the prevents or lessens their representation in the survival and well-being of the family unit, women’s workforce.2 The lack of quality and reliable public unpaid care work is neither considered an economic childcare or elderly care services in India adds a huge activity, nor reflected in measures of economic burden on women who can enter the formal paid progress or national production. workforce. As per the ILO, women in India spend 312 3 minutes/day in urban areas and 291 minutes/day in 1 ‘Unpaid care work’ refers to all non-marketized, unpaid labour performed (mostly by women and girls) in households such as looking after the elderly, children and indisposed as domestic work such as cleaning, cooking, washing, among others. 2 Ravi, Shamika. (2019). ‘We need many more women in economics’, The Indian Express, 27 October, Source: https://indianexpress.com/article/ opinion/columns/abhijit-banerjee-esther-duflo-nobel-prize-economics-women-economists-6089663/. Accessed on 17 December, 2019. 3 Deshpande, Ashwini. (2019). ‘The Visible and Invisible Barriers to Indian Women Working’, The India Forum, 2 August, Source: https://www. theindiaforum.in/authors/ashwini-deshpande. Accessed on 17 December 2019. 4 ILO. (2018). ILO Report: Care Work and Care Jobs: The Future of Decent Work. June 2018. Geneva: International Labour Organization. 5 Dewan, Ritu. (2019). ‘Gender Equalisation through Feminist Finance’, Economic and Political Weekly, April 27, Vol 17. 6 Khera, Reetika and Nayak, Nalini. (2019). ‘Women Workers and Perceptions of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act’, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 44, No. 43, pp. 49-57.  A Case for Behaviour Change of Dominant Social Norms | 8 Thanks to these market-oriented blind spots around In India, women’s definitions of ‘work’ and ‘worker’, a section of feminist contribution to its researchers, economists and development bodies 7 have highlighted the value of care and unpaid work GDP is one of the lowest and the accompanying inequalities. By conducting in the world: Time-Use surveys 8, they framed unpaid care work as an infringement on the principles of gender equality, linking it with labour 9 and multi-dimensional 17 percent15 poverty. Scholars such as Soman 11 point to how 10 ‘women’s roles as mothers structure their whole lives due to which many of them opt for part-time economy would grow at 43 percent. India’s National working, followed by unequal and generally low pay.’ Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGA) too Although women’s unpaid care work is not seen as an has promoted women’s paid work and economic economic activity, it was recognized by economists empowerment as a panacea to the concerns around as a factor in the country’s falling 12 female labour women’s economic independence and overall force participation (FLFP). 13 It also got highlighted—in empowerment. However, whether paid work—by itself a utilitarian way—as a culprit for the sagging Gross and/or necessarily—leads to empowerment is an arguable Domestic Product (GDP). 14 hypothesis. Also, the analyses of ground realities—such as gendered economics—that limit women’s workforce The economic argument in favour of women’s paid participation is limited and not rigorous. employment was that if India’s female formal labour force participation rate was the same as China’s, then The issue is not just limited to women’s participation India’s GDP was poised to grow at 27 percent. Or, if this in the workforce alone. rate was to be similar to men’s labour participation, the 7 Sepulveda Carmona, M. (2013). Report of the Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights: Unpaid Care Work and Women’s Human Rights. United Nations. Source: https://www.ohchr.org/en/issues/poverty/pages/unpaidwork.aspx. Accessed on 17 December 2019 ActionAid India. (2017). ‘Policy Brief: Incorporation of Women’s Economic Empowerment and Unpaid Care Work into Regional Policies: South Asia’, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands. 8 The last national time-use survey was conducted in 1998-99. 9 Ferrant, G., M. Pesando and K. Nowacka. (2014). ‘Unpaid Care Work: The Missing Link in the Analysis of Gender Gaps in Labour Outcomes’, issues paper, OECD Development Centre. 10 Fälth, Anna and Blackden, Mark. (2009). ‘Unpaid Care Work’, UNDP, Policy Brief: Gender Equality and Poverty Reduction, Number 1. 11 Soman, Uthara. (2009). ‘Theoretical Postulates and Empirical Findings’, Sociological Bulletin, Vol. 58, No. 2 (May - August), pp. 253-272. 12 Commentaries on the measurement (or, mis-measurement) of women’s ‘work’ have rightly suggested that either the definition of ‘work’ employed by surveys around women’s workforce participation invisibilised some kinds of ‘work’ by women and/or women themselves invisibilise their labour as ‘work’. This has consistently led to a lowering of the actual labour performed by women. Yet, corrections of both these factors too indicate rather low workforce participation by women. Deshpande, Ashwini. (2019). ‘The Visible and Invisible Barriers to Indian Women Working’, The India Forum, 2 August, Source: https://www.theindiaforum.in/authors/ashwini-deshpande. Accessed on 17 December, 2019. 13 Verick, Sher. (2017). ‘Women’s Labour Force Participation in India: Why Is It So low?’ Source: https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/- --ro-bangkok/---sro-new_delhi/documents/genericdocument/wcms_342357.pdf. Accessed on 17 December 2019. 14 Editorial Bureau. (2017). ‘Closing Gender Gap in Jobs by 2025 Can Add $1 trillion to India’s Economy: ILO’, The Hindu Business Line, Source: https://www.thehindubusinessline.com/economy/closing-gender-gap-in-jobs-by-2025-can-add-1-trillion-to-indias-economy-ilo/article9727914.ece. Accessed on 17 December 2019. Deloitte. (2019). ‘Opportunity or Challenge? Empowering Women and Girls in India for the Fourth Industrial Revolution’, Deloitte. Source: https:// www2.deloitte.com/content/dam/Deloitte/in/Documents/about-deloitte/UNGCNI_black_final%20v6%20web%20high%20res.pdf. Accessed on 17 December 2019. 15 World Bank. (2018). ‘Women in India’s Economic Growth’. Source:https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/speech/2018/03/17/women-indias- economic-growth-. Accessed on 28 November 2019. 9 | Unpaid Care Work and Violence Against Women and Girls at a Crossroads If and when women enter the labour force, their weak empowerment and not just paid work and (b) examining position within the family and society gets mirrored in the relationship between women’s unpaid care work the world of formal labour. As the less literate and/or and violence (both domestic and sexual harassment, less experienced worker with a heavy burden of house in public and workspaces). work and less time, they are underpaid and employed in unskilled jobs as well as part-time/flexible jobs— Unpaid Care Work (UCW) and violence which offer little social security—that are lower in against women in literature the work hierarchy16. They are often concentrated in low-paying caregiving jobs such as teaching, domestic Our process of literature review involved triangulating work, healthcare and so on. research (primary and secondary) on domestic violence as well as media reportage. Existing research makes it Other challenges of paid employment, such as lack clear that patriarchy and misogyny are rampant and run of safe and accessible public transport and sexual deep19, both in the natal and marital families. Research harassment at the workplace and public spaces, are on the sensitive issue of domestic violence is difficult used by patriarchal mind-sets to justify women’s to conduct. Reasons behind domestic violence are home-bound work. Women in paid work have to bear equally difficult to gather and measure because they are these additional challenges, besides the ‘double shifts’ multiple, complex and conjoined and everyday abuse is they perform that have an inter-generational impact. A normalized and condoned, including by women. 2018 report by the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights stated that of the around 40 percent Broadly, among all the reasons behind domestic of 15 to 18-year-old-girls were out of school, almost 65 violence, the issue of women’s unpaid care work percent were engaged in household work.17 is an important but under-examined one. It can get overshadowed by other more conspicuous Given the forecast18 about the increase in demand determinants—such as alcoholism—or manifestations for care work, women’s unpaid care work requires in the mix of the public and private domain that women urgent attention for it can jeopardize progress in face or are vulnerable to. For example, academic and other dimensions of women’s lives. Therefore, this other analyses of violence against women in India research is an attempt to inform the arguments for focuses on a spectrum of issues such as gender roles women’s unpaid care on two intersecting counts—(1) vis-à-vis communities,20 state support to women targeting harmful social norms towards substantive affected by violence,21 skewed sex ratios,22 agency of Dalit women,23 responses to domestic violence,24 safe 16 NITI Aayog. (2017). ‘India: Three Year Action Agenda. 2017-18 to 2019-20’. New Delhi: NITI Aayog, Government of India, Source: http://niti.gov.in/ writereaddata/files/coop/India_ActionAgenda.pdf. Accessed on 27 October 2019. 17 Editorial. ‘School Has Been a Right for Girls in India Since 2009. So Why Aren’t They Going?’ (2019), Time, 27 June, Source: https://time. com/5614642/india-girls-education/. Accessed on 17 December, 2019 18 Kuriakose, F. and D. Iyer. (2019). ‘Care’ Economy Uncharitable to Women’, The Hindu Business Line, October 8, Source: https://www. thehindubusinessline.com/opinion/columns/care-economy-uncharitable-to-women/article29619795.ece#. Accessed on 17 December, 2019. 19 Chapman, Jean. ‘Violence against Women in Democratic India: Let’s Talk Misogyny.’ Social Scientist, Vol. 42, no. 9/10, 2014, pp. 49–61. 20 Desai, Sonalde and Gheda Temsah. (2014). ‘Muslim and Hindu Women’s Public and Private Behaviors: Gender, Family, and Communalized Politics in India’, Demography, Vol. 51, No. 6, pp. 2307-2332. 21 Gothoskar, Sujata. (2013). ‘Women’s Work, Stigma, Shelter Homes and the State’, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 48, No. 4, pp. 10-13. 22 Bose, S., Katherine Trent and Scott J. South. (2013). ‘The Effect of a Male Surplus on Intimate Partner Violence in India’, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 48, No. 35, pp. 53-61. 230 Rao, Nitya. (2015). ‘Marriage, Violence, and Choice: Understanding Dalit Women’s Agency in Rural Tamil Nadu’, Gender and Society, Vol. 29, No. 3, pp. 410-433. 24 Poonacha, Veena and Divya Pandey. (2000). ‘Responses to Domestic Violence: Government and Non-Government Action in Karnataka and Gujarat’, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 35, No. 7 (Feb. 12-18, 2000), pp. 566-574.  A Case for Behaviour Change of Dominant Social Norms | 10 public spaces25 and so on. In these sorts of analyses, cited reasons for a withdrawal of middle class women the references to unpaid care work are rarely upfront. from the labour market...Men and women agreed that a As far as reportage in the media goes, it tends to shine married woman could not possibly work full time and the spotlight on individual crime and incidents of provide “proper” food for her family’. violence against women, not deeper analyses of norms about the underpinnings of violence against women.26 An exception is a 1992 analysis by Rao31 on the prevalence of wife beating. Based on data from three On the other hand, there is anecdotal or tenuous villages in Karnataka, it concludes that domestic evidence that links the issue of women’s unpaid violence was commonly condoned and even justified care work and the domestic violence they face. For for reasons such as less dowry, wife’s sexual infidelity, example, Neogy 27 quotes a respondent as saying, ‘If I her neglect of household duties, and disobedience of don’t cook well, can’t take care of the children well or her husband’s instructions. He witnessed assault on refuse sex, I will have to face a beating’. Krishnaraj 28 a woman by her husband who “grabbed her by the offers a glimpse of unpaid care work as a cause for hair and pulled her out of the meeting” (a focus group domestic violence in ‘the triggers can be anything from discussion). He cited alcohol consumption, a woman’s not being at home when the husband comes home, not low education, absence of male children as other finishing work assigned…’. reasons for domestic violence against women. There are a few sociological studies that draw attention The National Family Health Survey 4 (2015-16) reveals to violence against women and their household skills. data on physical violence against women and their Visaria 29 found that women in Gujarat’s villages cited household work. (Figure 1) their ‘mistakes’ in household work as the cause for the violence they faced. Food was a central motif—67 Besides the above-mentioned intersections between percent pointed to meals not being served on time and women’s unpaid care work and violence against women 51 percent said that it was the taste of the food that and girls (VAWG), this relationship also got captured in caused conflict. For Visaria, food is a manifestation the results of the Oxfam India Household Care Survey of ‘some deep-seated tensions between husbands and 2019. Among its other findings was the critical evidence wives’. Women justified their husbands’ anger against that 42.2 percent women who failed to fetch water or unappealing or untimely food because as bread- firewood for the family were beaten and 64.7 percent winners they deserve good, timely food. Men perceived were harshly criticized. Moreover, 41.2 percent women that women have little work and much leisure. Donner 30 who failed to prepare meals for men in the family were too has stated, ‘Children’s formal education and the beaten and 67.9 percent were harshly criticized (see need to prepare full Bengali meals are the most often Figure 2). It also revealed high acceptance of violence 25 UN Women. ‘Creating Safe Public Spaces’, Source: https://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/ending-violence-against-women/creating-safe- public-spaces. Accessed on 17 December, 2019. 26 Gilbertson, Amanda and Niharika Pandit. (2019). ‘Reporting of Violence against Women in Indian Newspapers’, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 54, Issue No. 19, 11 May. 27 Neogy, S. (2013). ‘Breaking the Cycle: Targeting Sources of Violence against Women’, Harvard International Review, Vol. 35, No. 2 (FALL 2013), pp. 55-59. 28 Krishnaraj, M. (2007). ‘Understanding Violence against Women’, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 42, No. 44 (Nov. 3 - 9), pp. 90-91. 29 ‘Visaria, L. (2000). ‘Violence against Women: A Field Study’, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 35, No. 20 (May 13-19), pp. 1742-1751. 30 Donner, Henrike. (2011). ‘Gendered bodies, domestic work and perfect families – new regimes of gender and food in Bengali middle-class lifestyles’, in Henrike Donner (ed.). Being middle-class in India: a way of life, New York: Routledge, pp. 47- 72. 31 Rao, Vijayendra. (1998). ‘Domestic Violence and Intra-Household Resource Allocation in Rural India: An Exercise in Participatory Econometrics’. Gender, Population, and Development. M. Krishnaraj, R. Sudarshan, A. Sharif (ed.). Oxford and Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp. 94-121. 11 | Unpaid Care Work and Violence Against Women and Girls at a Crossroads Figure 1: Percentage of girls and women (aged 15-49 years) who agree that a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife for specific reasons: She goes She neglects She refuses She doesn’t She shows out without house or to have sexual cook disrespect husband’s children intercourse properly for her permission with him in-laws 26.1% 32.7% 13.3% 19.1% 37.1% India 13% 15.4% 7.4% 9.6% 22.1% DELHI 16.9% 17.8% 9.5% 14.8% 24.8% RAJASTHAN Source: NFHS 4 (2015-16). against women and girls who failed to perform unpaid Norms-work-violence: joining the dots care work by women themselves. This establishes With an understanding that excessive unpaid care work the power of social norms and engineering—women by women is a violation of their fundamental rights to truly believe that unpaid care work is primarily their equal opportunity and liberty, this formative research duty which-if found wanting—justifies male violence aims to unpack and highlight the intersections against them. between violence against women and the unpaid care work they perform. Simultaneously, it hopes to It is this crucial sliver that became the motivation contribute to knowledge about how and to what degree and springboard for the Oxfam India Inequality does unpaid care work cause and/or trigger violence Report 2020. against women. The intention is to explore how the home that can plant seeds of gendered inequality could also uproot those very seeds and their harmful social and economic manifestations.  A Case for Behaviour Change of Dominant Social Norms | 12 Figure 2: Social Norms, Women’s Unpaid Care Work and GBV DISOBEY MEN IN 24.3% THE FAMILY 42.6% SPEND MONEY 26.3% WITHOUT ASKING 42% FAIL TO CARE FOR 33% CHILDREN 53.4% LEAVE A DEPENDENT/ 36.2% ILL ADULT UNATTENDED 60.6% FAIL TO PREPARE 41.2% MEAL FOR MEN IN THE FAMILY 67.9% FAIL TO FETCH 42.2% WATER/ FIREWOOD FOR THE FAMILY 64.7% LEFT HOUSE WITHOUT 54.4% PERMISSION 86.4% 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 Beat a Woman Harshly Criticise Source: Oxfam India Household Care Survey 2019. 13 | Unpaid Care Work and Violence Against Women and Girls at a Crossroads METHODOLOGY The research methodology for this study was grounded including Udaipur city. A total of 12 IDIs were conducted in feminist principles of social equality and justice, in Delhi-NCR (National Capital Region). a belief that women and socially excluded groups are agents of change, and an intersectional and The snowball technique was used at all field sites34 contextualized approach. These principles informed to include 28 men and 32 women in rural Udaipur the research objectives and questions, sampling and 4 men and 10 women in Udaipur city. In Delhi approach, research methods and process, and analysis we interviewed 4 men and 8 women. There were and drawing up strategies for influencing. no adolescent boys and girls in the Delhi sample. In rural Udaipur, Aajeevika Bureau35and its partner Research Methods and Sampling Approach organization Jan Dakhsa in Udaipur city helped access respondents from specific communities (mentioned Udaipur was selected as a field site because of its above), age bands, marital status and specific outliers strong patriarchal culture, high levels of illiteracy and such as domestic violence survivors. reasonable representation of traditionally marginalized communities such as Tribals (Scheduled Tribes), Dalits In Rajasthan, the respondents, mostly poor, had a (Scheduled Castes`) and Muslims. It also offered a monthly income of less than INR 10,000 (US $140).36 strong grassroots partner, the Aajeevika Bureau. In Udaipur city, lower-middle class37 women from the minority community were also interviewed. Most of Qualitative data was collected from 5 blocks of them were not engaged in paid work and did not know Udaipur district in India’s northern state of Rajasthan their husband’s monthly income. In rural Udaipur, a fair as well as Udaipur City. In-depth interviews were balance was struck between respondents who were/ conducted among upper middle class32 and upper were not part of Aajeevika Bureau’s social/gender class33 respondents in Delhi. Seven focus group interventions to gain a more authentic assessment. Men discussions (FGDs) in a participatory workshop mode and women ‘trained’ by Aajeevika were more socially were conducted and 74 in-depth interviews (IDIs) were aware and de-gendered, yet carried remnants of deep- conducted with individuals belonging to Scheduled rooted social conditioning vis-à-vis women’s roles. Caste (SC), Scheduled Tribe (ST), Other Backward Class (OBC) and Muslim population in Udaipur district, 32 Those whose monthly combined (in case of husband-wife) couple and individual incomes are between INR 50,000 and 70,0000; between INR 70,000 and INR 1,00,000. 33 Those whose monthly income is above INR 1,00,000. 34 Snow ball sampling is a purposive sampling method used in qualitative research where existing study subjects recruit the future study subjects from among their acquaintances. 35 Aajeevika Bureau is a public service organization that attempts to make migration a safe, valued and dignified livelihood activity demonstrating that an institutional response to the challenges facing a large, impoverished and highly mobile community facing high levels of informality, both in their work and living conditions is possible. On the one hand, it has developed a comprehensive set of services and solutions to directly respond to the different challenges facing migrant workers, including skills trainings, legal aid, collectivization of workers, financial services, healthcare services, and identity solutions that are customized to the specific needs of migrant workers from highly socio-economically marginalised communities. At the same time, keeping in mind that labour migration largely comprises the movement of single https://www.google.com/ url?sa=i&url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.rajasthandirect.com%2Fdistricts%2Fudaipur&psig=AOvVaw1V38ugbz6WlaZKObWmIitZ&ust=157829516739 2000&source=images&cd=vfe&ved=0CAIQjRxqFwoTCIiq6O716-YCFQAAAAAdAAAAABBW male migrants, it works with women and girls from high migration communities who remain in the villages to facilitate their collectivization into solidarity groups to claim their critical public entitlements in the absence of men, and hold grassroots democratic institutions accountable in order to enjoy full rights as citizens. 36 At the current exchange rate of 1 US $= INR 71.68. 37 Their class status is based on the consumables they used such as refrigerator, washing machine and so on, and not on the basis of actual income.  A Case for Behaviour Change of Dominant Social Norms | 14 In a country as diverse as India, we cannot extrapolate UCW and VAWG in Indian society with similarities and findings from this study to pan-India generalizations. exceptions found in different geographic contexts. However, it was striking to find similarities between the findings from Oxfam India’s Household Care Sampling: Survey 2019 findings (presented earlier), which was A gender transformative and feminist participatory conducted in Bihar, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and approach was used to develop the sampling framework Uttar Pradesh and qualitative responses from men and for the FGDs and IDIs. Participants were selected to women in rural Udaipur and Udaipur city. The findings reflect the diverse backgrounds of social groups, age, from the qualitative study conducted for this report are marital status, vocations among others. In socially indicative of overall trends and norms around women’s Figure 3: Sampling Framework—FGDs PARTICIPANTS SOCIAL GROUP/S AGE Barwada 28 women Scheduled Caste (Meghwal) 25-50 years Salumbar 25 girls Scheduled Tribe (Meena) 12-20 years Sayra 31 women 28 Scheduled Castes (Meghwal); 3 OBC 40-70 years KherwaDa 33 women Scheduled Tribe (Bhil) 25-50 years Kherwada 13 women 12 Scheduled Tribe (Meena); 1 OBC 25-70 years Royda 18 girls Scheduled Caste 14-18 years Udaipur City 13 women Muslim 30-45 years Total: 161 participants 15 | Unpaid Care Work and Violence Against Women and Girls at a Crossroads conservative rural Udaipur, mixed gender workshops Since the FGD conducted as participatory workshops were not possible, so men were included in IDIs while is a new method, we attempted to triangulate the women participated in both FGDs and IDIs. data with conventional qualitative research methods such as IDIs with both men and women across social categories and classes. Figure 4: Sampling Framework: IDIs UDAIPUR DELHI characteristics WOMEN MEN characteristics WOMEN MEN SC 8 12 lower middle class 1 3 ST 11 13 upper middle class 2 0 GENERAL 7 1 upper class 5 1 OBC 7 2 MUSLIM 9 4 Total: 86 Figure 5: Age-wise sampling characteristics, IDIs characteristics WOMEN MEN (AGE GROUP) 16-25 years 18 12 26-50 years 18 18 50+ years 14 6 Total: 86  A Case for Behaviour Change of Dominant Social Norms | 16 Social Norms Diagnostic Tool into a discussion on social norms in their community, including the norm of gendered division of household The Social Norms Diagnostic Tool38 was adapted to and care work and ideas of masculinity and femininity. the Indian context as a guide to the FGDs. It consists It offered insights into a plethora of local social norms of a set of participatory exercises that identify and and their practice over time. discuss social norms, perceptions and expectations that shape, constrain or promote sexual harassment Activity 2. Quantifying Unpaid Care Work and gender-based violence in relation to unpaid care To enlist and calculate the time, labour and financial worth work and strategies for change. The FGDs/workshops of women’s day-long, unpaid care work, respondents were organized around four activities described below. shared all the work they performed at home. This revealed All the exercises in the tool were contextualized with women’s disproportionately heavy load of unpaid care the support of the local partner, Aajeevika Bureau. work. The facilitators compared the financial value of women’s work with the earnings of their husbands. The Activity 1. Discussing Gender Norms exercise revealed that women’s work costs a lot more Starting with an icebreaker where respondents sang than what men earned and how they subsidized their and danced to local folk music, Activity 1 eased women households with their unpaid care work. ITY1 TIV AC Ice Breaker,Norms Around Gender Roles, Responsibilities AC To identify social norms about TIV expected roles, responsibilities and ITY household decision-making 2 Strategies NORMS AROUND for Change Social UNPAID CARE WORK To brainstorm potential Norms Using a 24-hour recall strategies for change, building on earlier Diagnostic consciousness raising about time and effort outcomes and priorities based on feasibility and Tool spent on women’s unpaid care work impact GENDER BASED VIOLENCE AC T IVI Through vignettes understand TY women’s perception of GBV (Gender- 4 Based Violence), sexual harassment 3 VI TY TI AC 38 http://wee.oxfam.org/forum/topics/new-social-norms-diagnostic-tool last da Accessed on 20 December 2019). 17 | Unpaid Care Work and Violence Against Women and Girls at a Crossroads Activity 3. Vignettes on Sexual Harassment at Work ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS IN DATA COLLECTION and Domestic Violence at Home Recognizing how research itself can be an act of Since issues of sexual harassment at workplace and exercising power/site where power plays out between domestic violence are sensitive issues, especially researchers and participants, attempts were made to for discussions, facilitators shared contextualized make the FGDs as participatory as possible—enabling vignettes with the participants. Two vignettes (see women to voice their emotions and apprehensions as Annexure), one each on sexual harassment to/at openly as possible. workplace and domestic violence, involved different manifestations of harassment (for example gestures, Primary data was collected in Udaipur district in the sounds and phrases used) as well as details (for month of September 2019 and IDIs were conducted example age, reaction of bystanders, etc.). This helped in Delhi between October and November 2019. respondents open up about real cases they had Informed and voluntary consent was obtained from experienced or heard of. participants at the start of every workshop and interview. Participants were informed about the These vignettes were followed by question-prompted research, its process, design, information storage discussions around the social norms, social sanctions, and use, anonymity and confidentiality, as also influencing factors, positive deviances and key referrals for care and support, if/where available and influencers of such experiences. needed. All recorded data was treated as confidential and anonymous. As the research was on a sensitive Activity 4. Brainstorming Strategies topic and involved survivors of violence and young The previous activity led directly into the final activity, people, Oxfam’s Safeguarding Adults and Children in which full autonomy was given to the participants Policies (2018) and Guidelines for Research Ethics to brainstorm strategies for change and prioritize (2012) were fully adhered to. Engaging facilitators them. This provided valuable insights for the design who had previously worked in or were from the same of a future campaign, as the suggestions came directly community and spoke the local language was key to from the participants who would be beneficiaries of establishing greater trust among participants. The use future interventions. of vignettes and questions with hypothetical, relatable characters was helped establish distance between Thus, participants were taken on a journey from issues discussed and specific personal experiences. diagnosing norms, deepening their understanding of how they are sustained, and brainstorming strategies DATA ANALYSIS for change—transitioning progressively into more The data collected was analysed by a team of active roles. researchers in Delhi. The qualitative data collected from the field, was transcribed and shared among the The Research Process team of researchers in Delhi for collective analysis. Where numbers could be pulled up from the IDIs, these RESEARCH DESIGN were collated and have been presented throughout the A day-long research design workshop was held with report to depict representation of views on particular Aajeevika Bureau in Udaipur in September 2019 to issues. The data analysis adopted an intersectional lens review the draft of the social norms tool, sampling to women’s unpaid care work burden and vulnerability framework and other research tools. It involved to violence. The anonymous narratives have been a detailed discussion on each activity, duration, woven through the analysis. The following section on customization, local sensitivities and so on. It was the context of southern Rajasthan is a contribution of attended by four workshop facilitators, note-takers the research team at Aajeevika Bureau. and community mobilizers from Aajeevika Bureau. This was followed by a pilot of both the workshop and IDIs in Barwada block the following day.  A Case for Behaviour Change of Dominant Social Norms | 18 THE CONTEXT: SOUTHERN RAJASTHAN Rajasthan’s socio-economic history is marked by issues highlighted that migration has become one of the of slow growth and income poverty, compounded by main sources of livelihood for the region’s poor. By inequalities in access to services and entitlements of 2014, Aajeevika Bureau’s state-level migration surveys education, health, employment and social security. 39 estimated that about 56 percent of the rural households A World Bank 2016 report40 suggests that southern had started depending on seasonal migration—that Rajasthan is among its poorest regions, with poverty is at least one of its members would spend anything level rising up to 60 percent in some areas. Studying between 3 to 11 months working outside their native the impact on livelihoods in the region, Sharma et al 41 block for causal, waged work.44 Further analysing point to the topography, rapid decline of traditional the inter-generational trends from such migratory forest dependent livelihoods, extreme water scarcity movements, Jain and Sharma45 have argued that the and lack of alternative employment opportunities to poor of southern Rajasthan remain stuck in the bottom- explain such high poverty levels. most segments of labour markets in Gujarat and Maharashtra, with poverty wages, hazardous and toxic Southern Rajasthan (comprising of Dungarpur, work conditions, lack of significant inter-generational Banswara, Udaipur and Rajsamand) has the lowest vertical mobility and erosion of minimum labour rights. Human Development Index score of 0.50 among all the regions in the state.42 Its population is dominated (61 percent) by tribals—mainly Bhils and Meena. Analysis43 points to colonial and post-independence 61% migrants exploitation of forest resources and local ecology, from southern Rajasthan with a concentration of wealth among dominant caste are Bhil and Meena (they groups, as the genesis of widespread poverty and impoverishment in the area. account for 53% of total tribal population of the state) SEASONAL MALE MIGRATION Dispossessed of their lands, the tribal were forced 57% families sending at least into waged work, typically in the neighbouring states one male member for labour in of Gujarat and Maharashtra. In 2002, a UNDP report the urban areas46 39 Sharma, Amrita, Santosh Poonia, Zaineb Ali and Rajiv Khandelwal.(2014). Their Own Country, A profile of Labour Migration from Rajasthan. Udaipur: Aajeevika Bureau. 40 World Bank Group. (2016). ‘Rajasthan, Poverty, Growth and Inequality’, Source: http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/ en/423761467995629413/pdf/105877-BRI-P157572-ADD-SERIES-India-state-briefs-PUBLIC-Rajasthan-Proverty.pdf. Accessed on 17 December 2019. 41 Sharma et al 2014. 42 Government of Rajasthan. (2008). Human Development Report Rajasthan (An update – 2008). Jaipur. Source: http://statistics.rajasthan.gov.in/ Details/hd_final.pdf. Accessed on 17 December, 2019. 43 David Mosse. (2007). Power and the durability of poverty: a critical exploration of the links between culture, marginality and chronic poverty. Chronic Poverty Research Centre Working Paper No. 107. 44 Sharma, Amrita, Santosh Poonia, Zaineb Ali and Rajiv Khandelwal. (2014). Their Own Country, A profile of Labour Migration from Rajasthan. Udaipur: Aajiveeka Bureau. 45 Jain, Priyanka and Amrita Sharma. (2018). Super exploitation of Adivasi Migrant Workers: The Political Economy of Workers from Southern Rajasthan to Gujarat. Udaipur: Aajeevika Bureau. 46 Sharma, Amrita, Santosh Poonia, Zaineb Ali and Rajiv Khandelwal. (2014). Their Own Country, A profile of Labour Migration from Rajasthan. Udaipur: Aajeevika Bureau. 19 | Unpaid Care Work and Violence Against Women and Girls at a Crossroads Figure 6: Map of Southern Rajasthan, the three blocks The three blocks of Gogunda, Kherwada and Salumbar of Gogunda, Salumbar and Kherwada are marked in the map marked in the map, acted as the field sites of this study. Similar in their demographics and poverty levels, they are distinct in terms of language, culture and traditions. Gogunda has a population of 8,75150 of whom almost 50 percent belong to the ST category, while 7 percent are SC, 11 percent OBC and 32 percent general51. Hindus are the predominant faith group (87.49 percent) while 6.34 percent belong to the Muslim community. Gogunda Kherwada 54% of the total households had at least Salumbar one migrant family member Udaipur, the site of the study, is the biggest district Only 13.09% of the land is of Southern Rajasthan and predominantly tribal inhabited—almost 50 percent. With an almost 80.2 arable while the rest is hilly. percent rural population, the economy of Udaipur is Only 18% of the fertile land mainly dependent on agriculture. Of the 61.7 percent is irrigated. workers in the district, 39.5 percent are cultivators, 22.2 percent are agricultural labourers, 2.5 percent work in Source: Survey by Aajeevika Bureau in 2008 (n=7292 households) household industry and the rest are concentrated in other areas of work.47 The district is home to a large Decreased agricultural productivity, shortage of fertile Hindu community (93.5 percent) and a much smaller land and a lack of alternate livelihood opportunities share of Muslims (3.40 percent). Interestingly, the 48 triggered a pattern of migration from Gogunda. This rural region of Udaipur boasts of a better sex ratio (966) has direct implications on women’s burden of paid and as compared to the urban area (929). The high female unpaid work. literacy level (48.45 percent) is much lower than the male literacy level (74.74 percent)49. The situation has Kherwada lies at the cusp of Rajasthan and Gujarat. not improved much in the last decade as the male Of its population of 206,777, 96.3 percent reside in and female literacy was recorded at 74.66 percent and the rural belt. Here too, 73.3 percent belong to the 44.49 percent respectively, in 2015. Scheduled Tribe (Bhil, Meena, Garasita, and Gameti), 47 Directorate of Census Operations Rajasthan (2011), Census of India 2011 Rajasthan. 48 Census 2011. 49 Directorate of Census Operations Rajasthan (2011). Census of India 2011 Rajasthan. 50 Ibid. 51 Aajeevika Bureau. (2008). Migration and Labour Profile of Gogunda Block (Udaipur, Rajasthan). Source: http://www.aajeevika.org/assets/pdfs/ Gogunda%20Block%20Profile.pdf. Accessed on 20 December 2019.  A Case for Behaviour Change of Dominant Social Norms | 20 4.5 percent are SCs and the rest comprise of General WOMEN IN SOUTHERN RAJASTHAN and OBC groups such as Patels, Jains, Rajputs and Muslims. Its male literacy rate is 66.09 percent while Work vis-à-vis male migration that of the females is much lower at 41.42 percent. Kherwada’s hilly terrain, poor irrigation, untimely rains NATIONAL 25.5% and systematic decline of traditional forest-based Workforce livelihoods have led to distress migration. Given its Participation 53.3% Rate proximity with Ahmedabad, Himmatnagar, Surat and Idar, a large portion of the local population migrate to these areas in Gujarat as daily wage manual labourers. RAJASTHAN 42.7% WPR Salumbar has a higher female sex ratio (951) than the (RURAL) 51.7% average of the state of Rajasthan (928). Its literacy rate— 85.82 percent—is also higher than the state average—66.11 percent, and the male literacy (93.7 RAJASTHAN 12.0% percent) and female literacy (77.56 percent) rates WPR fare better too. Agriculture is the primary occupation (URBAN) 50.7% of most households, but due to its dependence on rains, limited fertile land and meagre landholding, agriculture is a low-income generating occupation. Source: Census 2011 Animal husbandry, selling firewood, timber and forest produce such as tendu leaves, sitafal, mahua make for a small share of household income52. The 2016 survey The heavy exodus of rural migrants from southern by Aajeevika Bureau (of 500 households in Salumbar) Rajasthan comprises 80 percent males.54 This matches found that 55 percent of women were malnourished and trends in data on national migration where 85 percent 99 percent women were anaemic of whom 13.5 percent of the short-distance, seasonal migrants are men who were severely anaemic. The study concluded that the move without their families.55 In the literature on male scarcity of resources and the poor intake of nutritious migration, women feature as the ‘left-behind women’ food by the women has led to such a situation. Despite who bear an increased burden of labour but also such emaciated bodies and poor health, it is common experience greater autonomy with regard to decision for women to take up their everyday responsibilities,53 making and mobility. Their lives are dominated a fact that remains true for the entire region. by intra-household relationships and community surveillance for a check on their mobility. Other than these inputs, the literature on migration is silent about these women’s lives, especially the nature and degree of intensive paid and/or unpaid labour performed by rural women. There is scant research on women migrants. 52 Aajeevika Bureau. (2008). Block Migration Profile of Salumbar Block (Udaipur Rajasthan). Source: http://www.aajeevika.org/assets/pdfs/ Salumbar%20Block%20profile.pdf. Accessed on 17 December 2019. 53 Mohan, Pavitra, Kumaril Agarwal and Priyanka Jain. (2016). ‘Child Malnutirtion in Southern Rajasthan: Study of Tribal Migrant Communities’. Economic and Political Weekly, Source: https://www.epw.in/journal/2016/33/special-articles/child-malnutrition-rajasthan.html. Accessed on 17 December, 2019. 54 Sharma, Amrita, Santosh Poonia, Zaineb Ali and Rajiv Khandelwal. (2014). Their Own Country, A profile of Labour Migration from Rajasthan. Udaipur: Aajeevika Bureau. 55 Srivastava, R. (2011). Internal Migration in India: An Overview Of Its Features, Trends And Policy Challenges. New Delhi: UNESCO. 21 | Unpaid Care Work and Violence Against Women and Girls at a Crossroads The National Commission for Enterprises in the a higher incidence (39.5 percent). Reporting of such Unorganized Sector56 has observed that a household’s cases have seen a rise in the past decade, since the access to higher income and sustainable forms of Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act livelihood reduces women’s burden of work and share became a civil instrument. in domestic and subsistence economies. Drawing from Aajeevika Bureau’s experience in southern Rajasthan, In its work among women from migrant households Jain and Jayaram 57 have observed similar patterns in in southern Rajasthan, Aajeevika Bureau has observed the region, with households investing in labour-saving deep-rooted patriarchal norms as the major reason devices such as bore wells and gas stoves, which for violence against women. Another common factor reduces women’s time invested in unpaid, domestic reported by a majority in the area is alcoholism work for the family’s survival. However, they argue, among men. Violence perpetrated by the community that the extractive conditions of work that migrant or in-laws is rather common, especially among husbands toil under means that most households in single women including widows. The region’s social the region are unable to save enough to make such practices and customs related to marriages, such as investments. Therefore, the women in these migrant Nata61 and Jhagda (bride price), earlier offered women household continue to perform a high degree of unpaid greater freedom in terms of marriage. However, over and underpaid work to keep the households afloat, time these have become practices that commoditize exacerbated by the care work they have to perform for women’s labour, buying and selling it through the their sick and burnt out husbands upon their return social contract of marriage.62 from migration58. Violence against women has another insidious but Domestic violence fatal face—the outright neglect of women’s health. Despite the under reporting of violence faced Medical data from AMRIT clinics (running in 4 blocks by women, about 40 percent women in India are of the region and serving a population of about 1,15,000 estimated to have experienced at least one form of people) point that almost 99 percent ST women in physical violence in their married life.59 In 2016, the these areas are anemic. Some families refuse to seek National Crime Records Bureau 60 reported that among treatment for the daughters-in-law, even during the all the crimes against women, a majority (29.2 percent) time of delivery or when the woman is too weak to belonged to the category of ‘Cruelty by husband or perform any labour in the house. Such neglect is his relatives’. Of these, Rajasthan had a share of 8.1 accompanied by a general lack of respect, contempt percent, making it the state with the fourth highest and verbal abuse by the husband and his family. state incidence of crimes against women (National Colloquial expressions in the local dialect suggest the Crime Records Bureau). Against the national average normalization of this disrespect towards women. of crimes against women (17.5 percent), Rajasthan has 56 National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganised Sector. (2007). Report on Conditions of Work and Promotion of Livelihoods in the Unorganised Sector, Source: https://dcmsme.gov.in/Condition_of_workers_sep_2007.pdf. Accessed on 17 December, 2019 57 Forthcoming. 58 Jain and Jayaram. (forthcoming). ‘Intimate’s Subsidy to Capital: Gender Analyses of Male Migration from Western India and Commodification of “Left-Behind” Women’s Labour’, Gender, Place and Culture. 59 Sahoo, Harihar & Pradhan, Manas Ranjan. (2009). ‘Domestic violence in India: An empirical analysis’. Man in India, Vol. 89, No. 3, July-Sept. 2009. 60 National Crime Records Bureau Ministry of Home Affairs (2016). Crime in India. Source: http://ncrb.gov.in/StatPublications/CII/CII2016/pdfs/ NEWPDFs/Crime%20in%20India%20-%202016%20Complete%20PDF%20291117.pdf. Accessed on 17 December 2019. 61 IDS, Jaipur. (2008). Human Development Report Rajasthan: An update. Source: http://www.im4change.org/docs/569hd_final.pdf. Accessed on 17 December 2019. 62 Jain and Jayaram forthcoming.  A Case for Behaviour Change of Dominant Social Norms | 22 SOME EXAMPLES ARE: shelter and care services to children below the age Lugayia ri buddhi to choti mei ya goda mei veve of three years. The Aajeevika study also highlighted (a woman’s brain is either in her braid or in her knees); that 25 percent of families did not have ration cards; Aadmi ke to sau dimaag hain, ghaagra ro gher those who did, found it difficult to access any/full jitro lugaayi ra dimaag hai (a man’s brain is entitlements. Panchayat officials refused ration and equal to a 100 brains, but a woman’s brain is as big NREGA work on the pretext that both were unavailable. as the circle of her skirt); Since much information and many provisions of the aurtaan to paav ri jooti hai, paav mei chhala ho gya public distribution system can now be procured via the to ek utaari dusri pehen li (a woman is like a shoe, internet or computer, a sizable segment in rural areas if you get blisters, you can get a new shoe; implying without access to technology got excluded. As per the that a man can find a new wife if he doesn’t like the Aajeevika Bureau’s study findings (2016-2017),64 an old wife); average of 39 person days under NREGA was offered aurtaan to ghar ri kheti hai, ek gyi to dusri during the whole year as opposed to the prescribed 100 aayi (women are like locally produced vegetables, days. It has been reported that even after applying for you can always get a new one if the older ones work, people’s name rarely finds a place in the muster get stale); roll, pointing to dysfunctionalities of public schemes, kutte ri tarah vou vou kare, aadmi ke saamne to chup especially accessibility issues for women. rehna chahiye (if a woman speaks in front of a man she is compared to a dog and is advised to stay silent Over time, Aajeevika has facilitated citizens’ access in front of him). to information and mobilized Ujala Samoohs65 to demand accountability for better performance of Women’s interface with the State public schemes. In many cases, rural women led Another fallout of male migration is an increase in successful interventions and pressurized the local their village-bound, female relatives’ negotiations administration to respond to their demands on time. with the panchayat for social security and public provisioning. These encounters are fraught with THE NATIONAL CAPITAL TERRITORY (NCT) OF social hierarchy, corruption and power structures DELHI- DEMOGRAPHICS in the panchayat, making it difficult for Adivasi or unschooled women to access their entitlements. In its The National Capital Territory (NCT) of Delhi is the survey among 500 families in Salumbar, Aajeevika63 second largest metropolis in India and the 2nd largest found that only 44 percent children could access food agglomeration in the world. With a population of from the aanganwadis because they had infrequent 16.8 million, an area of 1,484 square kilometers, it is and unpredictable working hours. In these areas of home to 82 percent Hindus while Muslims and Sikhs heavy male migration and women’s preoccupation comprise 12.8 percent and 3.4 percent of its population, with paid or unpaid work (including walking miles for respectively. Delhi has a high literacy rate (86.2 percent) firewood, water or wage work), the Integrated Child and on an average, a citizen of Delhi earns three times Development Services has no provision to provide more a counterpart in other states.66 However, its sex- 63 Mohan, Pavitra, Kumaril Agarwal and Priyanka Jain.(2016).‘Child Malnutirtion in Southern Rajasthan: Study of Tribal Migrant Communities’. Economic and Political Weekly, Source: https://www.epw.in/journal/2016/33/special-articles/child-malnutrition-rajasthan.html. Accessed on 17 December 2019. 64 The study was conducted by Aajeevika Bureau in 15 Panchayats, 54 villages in 4 districts of Southern Rajasthan, with a sample size of 2871 households, in the year 2016-2017. 65 Agarwal, Dristi. (2018). ‘In Rajasthan, Adivasi Women Are Coming Together to Assert Their Rights’. Source: https://thewire.in/rights/in-rajasthan- adivasi-women-are-coming-together-to-assert-their-rights. Accessed on 17 December 2019. 66 The Hindu. (2019). ‘Delhiites’ per capita income thrice the national average’. Source: https://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Delhi/delhiites-per- capita-income-thrice-the-national-average/article26353795.ece. Accessed on 17 December 2019. 23 | Unpaid Care Work and Violence Against Women and Girls at a Crossroads Figure 7: Map of National Capital Territory Despite the economic boom that Delhi has experienced, the recorded participation of women in the workforce remains considerably low. The combined workforce participation rate (WPR) in Delhi stands at 68.1 percent and the female WPR is as low as 12.8 percent (below national average). Despite a high enrolment rate (48.30 percent)68 of women in higher education in Delhi, the low female WPR in Delhi could also be explained by the involvement of women in unpaid domestic chores and care work. However, household chores affect different classes of women unevenly. One explanation of the disproportionate decline of female WPR is ‘most jobs in Delhi are in the service sector and the chances of securing these jobs are higher for the educated high consumption class rather than women from the poorer sections.’69 Women in Tertiary Sector Analysis by Chakraborty (2019) indicates that more ratio is among the worst in the country at 913 females than 60 percent of the female workforce is involved in per thousand males during 2017.67 the service industry. Women’s involvement is highest in the caregiving vocations in health, social work Women in the workforce and personal service sectors. However, most of these jobs are tagged as ‘informal’. The number of domestic DECLINE OF 10% between workers exceeded more than two lakhs in the year 2017-18. An ILO report70 refers to Delhi as a major 2011-12 and 2017-18 (Periodic migration destination and employment hub of female Labour Force Survey [PLFS] domestic workers. As many as 13.2 percent of Delhi’s female workforce is employed as domestic helpers, 2017-18). Larger decline in cooks, etc.71 ILO Decent work team’s research around WPR AMONG women from domestic employers in Delhi and Mumbai suggests poorer households. that households with women in paid employment outside the house hire domestic helpers the most.72 A 67 India Today. (2017) ‘Sex ratio in Delhi has seen some improvement in the past year’. Source: https://www.indiatoday.in/education-today/gk- current-affairs/story/sex-ratio-improve-delhi-1027971-2017-08-04. Accessed on 17 December 2019. 68 Government of India, Ministry of Human Resource Development and Department of Higher Education. (2017). All India Survey on Higher Education (AISHE) report 2016-17. Source: http://aishe.nic.in/aishe/viewDocument.action?documentId=239. Accessed on 17 December 2019. 69 Chakraborty, Shiney. (2019). ‘Why Are So Few Delhi Women Participating in the Workforce?’ Source: https://thewire.in/labour/why-are-so-few- delhi-women-participating-in-the-workforce. Accessed on 17 December 2019. 70 ILO Special Action Programme to Combat Forced Labour (SAP-FL). (2015). Indispensable yet Unprotected: Working conditions of Indian domestic workers at home and abroad. Source: https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_norm/---declaration/documents/publication/ wcms_378058.pdf. Accessed on 17 December 2019. 71 PLFS 2017-18. Source: http://www.mospi.gov.in/sites/default/files/publication_reports/Annual%20Report%2C%20PLFS%202017-18_31052019. pdf. Last accessed on 29 November 2019. 72 ILO Decent Work Team for South Asia and Country Office for India. (2017). Persisting Servitude and Gradual Shift towards Recognition and Dignity of Labour: A study of employers and of domestic workers in Delhi and Mumbai. Source: https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/-- -ro-bangkok/---sro-new_delhi/documents/publication/wcms_622812.pdf. Accessed on 17 December 2019.  A Case for Behaviour Change of Dominant Social Norms | 24 survey of part-time domestic workers in Delhi found poorly paid76. Irrespective of the trade, home-based that nuclear families and those with children saw the workers earn far below the decreed daily minimum domestic worker as an indispensable support system wage and receive delayed payments. and even a source of companionship and emotional support.73 The ILO study also reports that female domestic Violence against women in Delhi workers in long-term service tend to have relatively Dwivedi and Sachdeva’s77 time-series analysis on GBV in lower wages, whereas new workers can negotiate higher Delhi uses the National Crime Record Bureau data (2009 wages. According to this study on average, a part-time to 2015) to posit that the actual number of registered domestic worker is paid around INR 1,500 per month, cases of crime against women ranged from 4251 (2009) while a full-time (live-out or live-in) domestic worker is to 17,104 (2015). According to their analysis, there was a paid about INR 5,000 per month in Delhi. 40 percent increase in reported cases in New Delhi from 2009 to 2012 and a 33 percent rise from 2013 to 2015. Moreover, domestic work is not recognized as Following the horrific gang rape in Delhi, it witnessed skilled labour—it is not included in the Schedule of a surge of 116.2 percent in reporting of crime against Employment in Delhi, and therefore not entitled to the women. This indicates that crime statistics do not truly minimum wage of the state. On one hand, there are no divulge the true rate of violence women face. In most specific legislative safeguards of the rights of domestic countries, less than 40 percent women report violence. workers. On the other hand, there has been a sharp rise of illegal, private placement agencies 74 for domestic Keeping this discrepancy in mind, data for Delhi workers and little support by employers for domestic from NFHS-4 states that 26.5 percent and 6.6 percent workers’ unionization. of women who have ever married aged 15-49 have faced physical and sexual violence at the hands of Women in Home-Based Work their husbands respectively, whereas 29.6 percent of Deshpande75 has emphasized on the need for greater women have experienced an overlapping of emotional, availability of suitable employment opportunities that physical and sexual violence in their marriage. would enable women who are primarily involved in household chores to be involved in economic work. In Delhi, 15.4 percent married women believe that This suitability would depend on ‘the compatibility violence against them is justified if they could not of work with a woman’s “primary” responsibility of complete or neglected household chores and the domestic chores.’ The work is compatible if it can be children. Another 9.6 percent women justify physical done at home or somewhere near or is easy to get to. violenc