Nvember and December Merged PDF

Note that Fukuzawa’s Japanese text deriving “civilization” qua bunmei 文明 from kuni 国 based on the following English footnote to the American translation of François Guizot’s General History of Civilization in Europe (published in French in 1828): “To this improvement various social condit...

Note that Fukuzawa’s Japanese text deriving “civilization” qua bunmei 文明 from kuni 国 based on the following English footnote to the American translation of François Guizot’s General History of Civilization in Europe (published in French in 1828): “To this improvement various social conditions combine; but as the political organization of society—the STATE—is that which first gives security and permanence to all the others, it holds the most important place. Hence it is from the political organization of society, from the establishment of the STATE (in Latin civitas), that the word civilization is taken. Civilization, therefore, in its most general idea, is an improved condition of man resulting from the establishment of social order in place of the individual independence and lawlessness of the savage or barbarous life.“ Note that Fukuzawa kuni 国 translates the English “state” (rather than “nation”) as the supposed English translation of civitas here. Note that the phrase “state (in Latin civitas)” appears to be right out of Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, of 1651: Hobbes on “the State” qua Civitas “For by art is created that great LEVIATHAN called a COMMONWEALTH, or STATE (in Latin, CIVITAS), which is but an artificial man, though of greater stature and strength than the natural, for whose protection and defence it was intended; and in which the sovereignty is an artificial soul, …; equity and laws, an artificial reason and will; concord, health; sedition, sickness; and civil war, death.” Compare the concept of kokutai 国体 to the frontispiece (title image) of Hobbes’ book. Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) Leviathan, or the Matter, Forme, and Power of a Common wealth Ecclesiastical and Civil (1651) “Common wealth” ←→ Res publica “Ecclesiastical” = “church-like”  “Society” ↔ “Corporation” 社会 ↔ 会社 Note that what Hobbes is depicting here is quite literally a “corporation” in the sense of plural individuals forming or becoming “one body” (corpus). When Fukuzawa uses terms such as ittai o nasu 一体を 成す (forming one body), or ikkoku no teisai 一国の体裁 (forming one nation) in explaining “civilization” he uses a similar metaphoric. Note also that you can look at this “assembly” of people spiritually united in “communion” with a “community” spirit or “god” (referred to by Hobbes as “the sovereign,” is also somehow similar to the idea inscribed in the term shakai 社会 and kaisha 会社 Ariga Nagao on the Term Shakai 社会 “I do not know who first translated the English word ‘society‘ as shakai 社会 into Chinese characters. As far as I am aware, the Chinese have been using the expression ever since the Song dynasty. In the ninth fascicle of the Jinsi lu 近視録 (“Reflections on Things at Hand” by Zhu Xi), under the heading “Rulership,” we find: ‘The local people formed a shehui 社会, and they established rules and regulations. They marked the difference between good and evil, clarifying encouragement and embarrassment (郷民為社会為立科條旌別善悪使有勧有恥).’ Thus, shehui 社会 here was a small entity formed from a single village.” Zōho shakai shinka ron 増補社会進化論 (1887) First Uses of Shakai 社会 in Book Titles スペンサー、松島剛訳『社会平権論』（1881-83） Herbert Spencer, Social Statics → compare the English “social state” and “state of society” as used for example by Alexis de Tocqueville in Democracy in America スペンサー、乗竹孝太郎訳『社会学之原理』（1882年） Herbert Spencer, Principles of Sociology Emile Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (1912) Establishment of first chair of “Sociology” in Bordeaux in 1887. “Society is a reality sui generis” (p. 15) “It may be strange that, to arrive at an understanding of present- day humanity, we should have to turn away from it so as to travel back in history…. But we must know how to reach beneath the symbol to grasp the reality it represents and that gives the symbol its true meaning.” “Religious representations are collective representations that express collective realities; rites are ways of acting that are born only in the midst of assembled groups and whose purpose is to evoke, maintain, or recreate certain mental states of those groups.” (p. 9) Randall Collins “The Sociology of God” “[There] is one reality that does have all the characteristics that people attribute to the divine. It is not nature, nor is it metaphysical. It is society itself. For society is a force far greater than any individual. … It has tremendous power over us. Everyone depends upon it in innumerable ways. We use tools and skills we did not invent; we speak a language passed on to us from others. Virtually our whole material and symbolic world is given to us from society. The institutions we inhabit … came from the accumulated practices of others, in short, from society. This is the fundamental truth that religion expresses. God is a symbol of society.” “The analysis of religion … leads us … to understand social rituals and the way in which they create both moral feelings and symbolic ideas. … It helps us to explain politics and political ideologies, and the dynamics of solidarity that make conflicts possible among social groups. It even tells us something about the private secular realms of modern life. You do not have to be either religious or politically active to experience the relevance of social rituals.” Motoori Norinaga (1733-1800) on the Meaning of Kami 神 “I do not yet understand the meaning of the term kami. Speaking in general, however, it may be said that a kami signifies, in the first place, the deities of heaven and earth that appear in the ancient records and also the spirit of the shrines where they are worshipped. It is hardly necessary to say that it included human beings. It also includes such objects as birds, beasts, trees, plants, seas, mountains and so forth. In ancient usage, anything whatsoever out of the ordinary, which possessed superior power, or which was awe-inspiring was called kami. Eminence here does not refer merely to the superiority of nobility, goodness or meritorious deeds. Evil and mysterious things, if they are extraordinary and dreadful, are called kami. It is needless to say that among human beings who are called kami the successive generations of sacred emperors are all included… Although they may not be accepted throughout the whole country, yet in each province, each village and each family there are human beings who are kami, each one according to his own proper position.” Terry Eagleton, The Idea of Culture (2000) “‘Culture’ is said to be one of the two or three most complex words in the English language and the term, which is sometimes considered to be its opposite – nature – is commonly awarded the accolade of being the most complex of all.” “[C]ulture, etymologically speaking, is a concept derived from nature. One of its original meanings is ‘husbandry,’ or the tending of natural growth. … Francis Bacon writes of ‘the culture and manurance of minds,’ in a suggestive hesitancy between dung and mental distinction. ‘Culture here means an activity, and it was a long time before the word came to denote an entity. Even then it was probably not until Matthew Arnold that the word dropped such adjectives as ‘moral’ and ‘intellectual’ and came just to be ‘culture’.” → Cicero: cultura animi (the tending of the mind) Terry Eagleton, The Idea of Culture (2000) “The Latin root of the word 'culture' is colere, which can mean anything from cultivating and inhabiting to worshipping and protecting. Its meaning as 'inhabit' has evolved from the Latin colonus to the contemporary 'colonialism', so that titles like Culture and Colonialism are, once again, mildly tautological.” But colere also ends up via the Latin cultus as the religious term 'cult', just as the idea of culture itself in the modern age comes to substitute itself for a fading sense of divinity and transcendence. Cultural truths - whether high art or the traditions of a people - are sometimes sacred ones, to be protected and revered. Culture, then, inherits the imposing mantle of religious authority, but also has uneasy affinities with occupation and invasion…” Raymond Williams on the English Term “Culture” “In 1945, after the ending of the wars with Germany and Japan, I was released from the Army to return to Cambridge. … …. I found myself preoccupied by a single word, culture, which it seemed I was hearing very much more often: not only, obviously, by comparison with the talk of an artillery regiment, but by direct comparison within the university over just those few years.” (p. xiii) Raymond Williams on the English Term “Culture” “I had heard it previously in two senses: one at the fringes, in teashops and places like that, where it seemed the preferred way for a kind of social superiority, not in ideas or learning, and not only in money or position, but in a more intangible area, relating to behavior; yet also, secondly, among my own friends, where it was an active word for writing poems and novels, making films and paintings, working in theatres. What I was hearing now were two different senses, which I could not really get clear: first, in the study of literature, a use of the word to indicate … some central formation of values …; secondly, in more general discussion … a use which made it almost equivalent to society: a particular way of life – ‘American culture’, ‘Japanese culture.’” Ruth Benedict The Chrysanthemum and the Sword (1946) “The Japanese were the most alien enemy the United States ever fought in an all-out struggle. In no other war with a major foe had it been necessary to into account such exceedingly different habits of acting and thinking… We had to understand their behavior in order to cope with it.” Kokka 国家 “state” linked to Confucian rites and Buddhist ritual in early and medieval Japan new overtones in “early modern” Japan Society 社会 “society” central to political debate in “modern” Japan but also used to talk about “Tokugawa society,” “Yayoi society” and so on. The term kokka 国家 in the “Seventeen-Article Constitution” of 604 (jūshichijō kenpō 十七条憲法) 四曰、群卿百寮、以禮爲本。其治民之本、要在禮乎、上不禮、而下非齊。下無禮、 以必有罪。 是以、群臣禮有、位次不亂。百姓有禮、國家自治。 IV. The Ministers and functionaries should make decorous behavior their leading principle, for the leading principle of the government of the people consists in decorous behavior. If the superiors do not behave with decorum, the inferiors are disorderly: if inferiors are wanting in proper behaviour, there must necessarily be offences. Therefore it is that when lord and vassal behave with propriety, the distinctions of rank are not confused: when the people behave with propriety, the Government of the Commonwealth proceeds of itself. (English translation by W. G. Aston, 1896) … If the common people have rites the state will govern itself. (English translation by Kiri Paramore, 2017) Two Main Myths about Amaterasu Myth 1 Offended by her brother, Amaterasu withdraws into a cave, leaving the world in darkness. The Goddess Ame no Uzume [“Heavenly Alarming Female”] performs a lewd dance in front of the cave, and the gods make merry. When Amaterasu peeks out to see what is going on, she is confused by her own reflection in a mirror placed in front of her and pulled out. Myth 2 Descent of her heavenly grandson Ninigi to the land of Japan, and foundation of the imperial line by his grandson Jinmu 神武. The Oldest “Histories” Two chronicles (one in Japanese and one in Chinese) compiled by nascent “imperial court” to establish and enhance its legitimacy tracing “imperial descent” from an “Age of the Gods.” Kojiki 古事記 (“Record of Ancient Matters”) completed in 712 Nihon shoki 日本書紀 (“Chronicles of Japan”) completed in 720 History of the Kingdom of Wei 魏志倭人伝 Dynastic History covering the Wei dynasty (220-265) most revealing of early Chinese descriptions of Japan (297 CE) At least thirty power centers (Ch. guo or J. kuni 国) Elaborate burials and divination practices “tattoo patterns on their faces and bodies,” but “their customs are not indecent” Prominence of women in powerful positions (different from Chinese Confucian norms) → prevalence of co-gendered rulership in early Japan! Queen Himiko and “Yamatai” 卑弥呼王 Unmarried shamaness in “Yamatai” with ability to divine spirits, assisted by younger brother Location of “Yamatai” (Yamato) debated: Northern Kyushu or Nara (Yamato) Region. (Possibly in Northern Kyushu, but different power center later capital region) “It is the custom … to divine by baking bones… The fire cracks are examined for the signs” (similar to early Chinese divination practices) Tribute missions to China, gifts of bronze mirrors in return  connection to Amaterasu myth? Gold seal from Wei emperor in 238 CE: “Himiko, Queen of Wa, is designated a friend of Wei” “Religious Revolution?” Himiko may have been leading a “religious revolution” where faith in earlier deities associated with bells was displaced by faith in deities associated with mirrors, due to crises in connection with climatic shifts. (Smashed bells found in the archeological record) Religious Practices in Yayoi Period (ca. 300 BCE to 300 CE) Apparently many of the elements of later “Shintō”: appeal to shamans, rites to appease spirits, use of water to purge pollution Linked to emergence of regional centers dominating scattered hamlets. Increasing complexity of communal organization with the introduction of wet-field rice farming and other continental technologies (weaving, metallurgy, etc.) Yoshinogari 吉野ヶ里 Early regional center in northern Kyushu, excavated in 1980s Lively commercial life, various trades Indications of class differences: officials separated by a moat Large storehouses on stilts to house tax grains Possibly cooperative ownership of tools Headless skeletons and arrow-pierced bones in graves (military conflict) Glass beads and Korean-style dagger in ruler’s burial side (international trade) Bronze as a critical import and later domestically produced metal Kofun (Ancient Tomb) Period 古墳時代 Mounded tombs begin to proliferate by the end of the Yayoi period most significantly in the Nara region Signifies stratification of early Japanese society into rulers and ruled → Threshold of state formation “Mounded Tomb Culture” (Gina Barnes) Mounded burials known through contact with Continent. By fifth century, extremely large tombs in the Osaka coastal terraces. Suggests both the emergence of a dominant power and a desire to advertise this to the continent. In struggles among regional rivals, the rulers of the Kinai (Nara-Kyoto) region increasingly predominant Crucial aspect of “mounded tomb culture” is that it integrated many rulers of small polities in western Japan into a wide network However, no evidence of any sort of administrative organization beyond the burial rituals themselves! → Emergence of an elite sharing common values, aspirations, and beliefs → Springboard for the emergence of an actual organization that could be called a state Triangular-rim mirrors (often with deity-beast motive) found in tombs hypothesized by some scholars to have been the ones (or of the same kind as those) received by Himiko according to the History of Wei. “Queen Mother of the West” Motives and imagery of these mirrors point to possible connection with the Chinese folk deity “Queen Mother of the West” (associated with mountains, jade, a cosmic tree, mounded burial, curved jewels. Connection to Amaterasu myth?) Continental Connections of Later Amaterasu Cult Association with important technologies of continental origin: silkworm cultivation (also symbol of metamorphosis and longevity) weaving, metallurgy Introduction of Confucianism According to the Nihon shoki (720) “On the sixth day of the eighth month in the autumn of the fifteenth year a Prince from [the Korean state of] Paekche called Araki came before the court and presented two fine horses to the [Japanese] emperor… This Araki was very good at reading the [Confucian] classics… Hearing this, the emperor asked Araki, ‘Do you possess a fine Confucian professor [in Paekche]?” Araki replied: “There is one called Wani, he is excellent… In the spring of the sixteenth year Wani arrived. Prince Uji no Waki took him as his teacher. He learned various classics from Wani. There was none of them he could not master. Wani became the first keeper of the imperial books.” Allegedly this occurred in 284. More likely 402 CE or fictional account. Confucianism perceived as part of the status symbolism of East Asian interstate relations. “Formulation of Confucianism in Japan and formation of the Japanese state were concurrent and symbiotic processes.” (Kiri Paramore) Introduction of Buddhism Reportedly occurred in 552, when a Paekche diplomatic mission presented a statue of the Buddha and several sutras to the Yamato court. Soga 曽我 clan advises Emperor Kinmei to worship the gifts. Opposing faction warns of wrath of indigenous gods threat to indigenous belief system, which upheld the political and social order by legitimizing the clan (uji 氏) chieftain’s role as representative of the clan’s guardian spirit (uji-gami 氏神) Conflict breaks out in the 580s. Soga prove victorious. Court officially recognizes Buddhism. Construction of large burial mounds now ceases, as Buddhist temples coopt funeral rites Hōryūji est. by Shōtoku Taishi Empress Suiko and Shōtoku Taishi 592 Head of Soga clan orchestrates assassination of the emperor and replaces him with his niece Suiko 推古. Shōtoku Taishi 聖徳太子, also of Soga descent, serves as regent and co-ruler 581-618 Sui Dynasty in China, Reunification of Chinese Empire utilizing Buddhist, Daoist, and Confucian ideology. Centralized military, effective legal code, new state bureaucracy, large-scale public work projects Reforms under Shōtoku Taishi in Japan as well: 603 Introduction of cap ranks 604 “Seventeen-Articles Constitution” (mixture of Confucian and Buddhist maxims) Seventeen-Articles Constitution (604) 十七条憲法 I. Harmony is to be valued, and contentiousness avoided. All men are inclined to partisanship and few are truly discerning. II. Sincerely reverence the Three Treasures. The Buddha, the Law (Dharma) and the religious orders are the final refuge of all beings. III. When you receive imperial commands, fail not scrupulously to obey them. The lord is Heaven, the vassal is Earth. Heaven overspreads, and Earth upbears. IV. The ministers and functionaries should make ritual decorum their leading principle… If the common people have rites the state will govern itself. XI. Give clear appreciation to merit and demerit, and deal out to each its sure reward and punishment XV. To turn away from what is private, and to set our faces to what is public – this is the path of a minister (背私向公、是臣之道矣) Taika Coup and Reforms 大化の改新 Succession struggle after the death of Shōtoku Taishi in 622 and Empress Suiko in 628 Assassination of Soga chief in 645. Taika 大化 (Great Reform) chosen as the first era name. (Leader of this coup, Nakatomi Kamatari, ancestor of the Fujiwara clan.) Centralization of taxes, population registers, court appointment of governors etc. Imperial control of resources by announcing end to clan possession of land and people (Clan aristocracy still remained, but the authority and income of clans and their chieftains now derived from their position as officials of the court and central government.) Nihon shoki: “Now our hearts are one. There shall be one sovereign and ministers shall not oppose his rule.” Advent of the “Heavenly Sovereign” (Tennō 天皇) By 650, alliance between Tang China (618-907) and Korean state of Silla. Japanese come to the aid of Paekche, but are defeated in 663. Emperor Tenji 天智 (668-671) expands authority of imperial line against background of fear of Tang-Silla invasion(e.g. creation of the Council of State). Aided by Paekche refugees, including members of the royal house. Renewed infighting in the imperial line leads to civil war in 672. Tenmu 天武 (Heavenly Warrior) establishes himself in power, succeeded by his wife Jitō 持統. Beginning of compilation of the two chronicles Kojiki 古事記 and Nihon shoki 日本書紀. Jitō first to claim Tenmu’s descent from the Sun Goddess. Nihon 日本 as self-appellation of “Japan.” Assumption of the title tennō 天皇. Emperors asserted to be “living gods” → But close association with Buddhism continues. Tenmu often recognized as first ruler to officially sponsor Buddhism as a protector of the country and the imperial family. The Design of the Ritsuryō State (律令制) Series of Law Codes culminating in Taihō (702) and Yōrō Codes (718) hierarchical, nation-wide social and administrative system in which all power flowed from the emperor. Functional ministries. Officials ranked according to position. Taxes levied according to complex system. Basic assumption that all land belonged to the emperor. Military conscription of all able-bodied adult males. Permanent capitals following Chinese model, ultimately in Heijō (Nara) and Heian (Kyoto). Increasing Privatization of Power Fujiwara family dominates politics and culture of the Heian Court Taxable land assigned to monasteries and aristocratic families tax-free in return for political support By 1200 half of imperial tax land converted into shōen 荘園 (tax-free/”private” landed estates) From 11th century onward, “retired emperors” participate as heads of the imperial clan in scramble for income from “private estates” as well Disintegration of military conscript system since ninth century Court increasingly dependent on hired military men (samurai 侍 or bushi 武士) By 1150s, commanders of samurai bands most powerful men in Japan. Shōen Landed Estates 荘園 Provincial landed properties, home to cultivators engaged in agricultural production and obligated to pay part of their produce to local managers and absentee proprietors. Exempt from “public taxes.” Often right to deny entry to public officials. Complex system of “rights to income” (shiki 職) Initially created as: Sources of operating expenses for religious institutions Incentive for land reclamation Later: commendation to power brokers in capital The Kenmon System of Codependent Rulership (Kuroda Toshio) “The elite formed three large power blocs (kenmon 権門) that performed administrative, military, and religious duties, respectively, in a codependent arrangement of shared rulership. The court nobility (kōke or kuge 公家), consisting of the imperial family and the capital aristocracy, held the administrative and ceremonial responsibilities of the state. The emperorship remained above the system as the untouchable symbol of the state, ensuring its survival through ages of both peace and turmoil. Accordingly, the emperor made all central appointments, including the shogun (from the Kamakura period onward) and monks to lead important ceremonies at the court, even so such rights were at time in name only… The main responsibility of the warrior aristocracy (buke 武家) was keeping the peace and physically protecting the state. From the late eleventh century, these duties were entrusted increasingly to prominent warrior leaders from the Minamoto 源, Taira 平, and other central warrior houses.” Buddhism and the State under the Kenmon System “The third member of the ruling triumvirate [i.e. the temple-shrine complexes], supplied the state and its members with spiritual protection through a panoply of religious services and rituals. These ceremonies were also important as status markers since they supported a vertical differentiation between rulers and ruled through participation in and sponsorship of magical and expensive rituals. In contrast to the other two blocs, however, the religious establishment had no clear apex, but consisted instead of a handful of elite temples supported and patronized by various factions in the capital.” The idea of Buddhism as “protecting the state” (chingo kokka 鎮護国家) also gave rise to the idea of promoting peace and defending the state in the sense of defending the people. Rise of new forms of popular Buddhism including popularization of Esoteric Buddhism (Tendai and Shingon, confined to elite during Heian). Kamakura Shogunate (1192-1333) Struggle over imperial succession in 1156 leads to fighting between warriors in capital. Taira no Kiyomori 平清盛 establishes himself in control. 1180-1185 Genpei 源平 War between Minamoto and Taira. Minamoto no Yoritomo 源頼朝 emerges victorious. 1192 appointed as shogun. Establishes military government (later called bakufu 幕府) in Kamakura. Right to appoint “provincial governors” (shugo 守護) and “stewards” (jitō 地頭) to private estates  Parallel structure of shogunal rule (“Dual Polity”) with imperial clan dominating civil affairs in Kyoto while shogunal government in Kamakura commands newly empowered warrior network. Institutions of Kamakura Governance Crisis of leadership after Yoritomo’s death in 1199. Power wielded by Hōjō Masako (Yoritomo’s widow) until her death in 1225 (“the nun shogun”) and subsequently Hōjō clan as regents. 1221 Attempt at uprising by ex-emperor Go-Toba against Hōjō ends in failure. → expanded powers to place warriors on landed estates and in selection of future emperors. Second generation of Hōjō leaders (Yasutoki and Shigetoki) famous for formulations of governing ethos. 1232 Goseibai shikimoku: Fifty-one article law code as a guide to adjudicating disputes involving warriors, emphasizing fairness and equity based on thorough understanding of context → (dōri 道理 “common sense” or “reasonableness” as norm) Challenges of Kamakura Governance Shogunate rewarded its retainers with rights to income from land. (No clearly defined warrior “class” yet. “Warriors” essentially land managers, tax collectors, bureaucrats, police etc.) Minamoto Yoritomo had gained adherents by promising “job security” But as enemies defeated, no further land and posts to distribute to vassals. Conflicts between landholders over income rights. Problem of inheritance. Land increasingly passed on to one heir (leaving siblings empty-handed.) Increasing independence of “stewards” (at times becoming land proprietors themselves.) Famines and warriors without inheritance causing rise in banditry and piracy. Failed Mongol Invasions (1274 and 1281) as beginning of the end of Kamakura rule. The Kenmu Restoration 建武中興 Hōjō benefited from defeat of Mongols in the short run. However, no lands to distribute for military service. At the same time, split in the imperial line: Descendants of two emperors alternate. 1318 Godaigo becomes emperor, seeks to reassert power of court. 1331 Exiled to Oki island by Hōjō 1333 Escapes. Ashikaga Takauji sent by Hōjō to quell uprising, but switches over to Godaigo. Collapse of Hōjō rule. Significance: End of dual government. Ashikaga Takauji seeks to control warriors from Kyoto. Also: Precedent for “restoration” of imperial rule. Samurai fighting and dying for Godaigo later become paragons of “imperial loyalty” in prewar and wartime school textbooks. Ashikaga Shogunate (1338-1573) 1336 Ashikaga Takauji turns on Godaigo. Godaigo escapes and establishes “Southern Court” in Yoshino. → Imperial schism until 1392: “Northern and Southern Court” 1338 Ashikaga Takauji establishes shogunate in Kyoto Ashikaga ultimately fail to gain firm grip on the land. Solid control only over the capital region. 1392 End of imperial schism. Height of Ashikaga power under third shogun Yoshimitsu. (“Palace of Flowers” in Muromachi. Hence “Muromachi period”) 1402 Beginning of tally trade with Ming China. Yongle Emperor addresses Yoshimitsu as “King of Japan.” Shugo as Precursors of Daimyō 守護から大名へ Shugo (provincial military governors) primary link between Ashikaga shoguns and provinces Ashikaga shoguns dependent on these military governors for crushing resistance of forces aligned with Southern Court until 1392 For this purpose, shugo received permission to exact half of the revenues collected from local estates (hanzei “half tax”) from 1352. → Military governors increasingly independent from center. Third Shogun Yoshimitsu hosts military governors in the capital, where they partake in culture of the capital. But increasing tensions: Autocratic Sixth Shogun Yoshinori killed by military governor in 1441 While Eighth Shogun Yoshimasa patronizes culture (“Silver Pavilion”), political order disintegrates. Aesthetics and Arts Spreading impact of Buddhism noticeable not least in arts and literature themes of evanescence and non-attachment Nō (Noh) drama as representative works of the period use of sparse prose to narrate tales of dead warriors, priests, and officials returning as ghosts But also comical intermezzos (Kyōgen) and gaudy architecture (“Golden Pavilion”). Ink paintings, tea ceremony, tatami rooms, gardening etc. often seen as instances of Zen aesthetics. However, this is a simplification owing much to Western ideas about “Zen” and “Japanese Culture.” Warlords patronize culture to bolster their claim to legitimacy and leadership. Much of what is considered distinctive about Japanese aesthetics today originates in this period. The Period of Warring States 戦国時代 (late 15th – late 16th century) By the middle of the 15th century, warrior leaders were far less preoccupied with securing the shogun’s approval than with finding reliable sources of local support. 1467-77 Ōnin Civil War Rival clans take their fight to the capital. Widespread destruction of Kyoto. Effective (although not nominal) end to Ashikaga shogunal rule Political order disintegrates. Country divided up between “warlords.” 1543 Portuguese shipwrecked off Tanegashima Introduction of muskets. From 1549, arrival of Jesuit missionaries. Portuguese traders. Sengoku (Warring States) Daimyō 戦国大名 Term used by historians by contrast to the earlier “shugo [military provincial governor] daimyo.” Far more powerful within their realms than earlier local power. Need for survival in all-out warfare. New military tactics, greater armies, more efficient administration of economic resources, military consolidation of holdings, strategic marriages, land surveys, new forms of taxation, absolute loyalty by vassals, detailed stipulation of obligations, legal codes, exchange of hostages, castle towns. Early modern uses of the term kokka 国家 (Katsumata) New overtones by the end of the Warring States Period “For instances where daimyo ordered temples and shrines within their domain to offer prayers and ceremonies for the safety of kokka 国家, the word did not imply all of Japan but only the consolidated sphere of a daimyo’s political control.” “The basis or rule over the country is not attained by being appointed shugo by the shogun. Control [of the kokka] is achieved when the daimyo, by his own efforts, brings peace to the kokka by establishing the laws of the kuni 国 (land).” Kuni 国 and ie 家 frequently used separately: Okuni, oie no tame 御国御家の為 The word kokka 国家 expressed the idea of the union of the daimyo house (ie 家) and the kuni 国 that served as the sphere of political control.  It embraced both the private aspect of control over the ie 家 and the public aspect of rule over the kuni 国 as composite object of political control. Three characteristics of warring-states period kokka 国家 1. Autonomy or integrity of the sphere of political control. Numerous prohibitions against the formation of ties with other domains. Imposition of unified standards, including coin selection edicts. 2. Inhabitants of the domain, not merely the daimyo’s direct retainers, were seen by the daimyo as constituent members of the kokka 国家 made up of a sphere of territorial authority and of the people who resided within that sphere (kokumin 国民) 3. Use by daimyo of the concept of kokka 国家 as an ideology of political control for the purpose of legitimizing their authority over the territory (ryōgoku 領国): purpose of maintaining the peace, security, and social order of this kokka 国家. Warring-states daimyo who had carved out their domains and enforced their authority over the inhabitants of these domains by force of arms and with little heed to legitimacy, were able to claim legitimacy for their rule as a “public” or “official” authority (kōgi 公儀 or kubō 公方). The “Kyoto Orientation” of the Sengoku daimyo Even as many Sengoku daimyo sought to portray themselves as absolute rulers of their realms, they were also eager to maximize their ties to the faltering Ashikaga shogunate and imperial court. Peasants who challenged samurai government appealed to the more distant governance of earlier times in which the military had not come to stand between them and the court, and frequently claimed for themselves the standing of imperial servants. Consequently the warriors had to insist that their control over the countryside derived from the imperial court as well as from the authority of the shogun. The Three Unifiers Oda Nobunaga Toyotomi Hideyoshi Tokugawa Ieyasu Account of Japan by a Foreign Observer in the 1570s “The second defect of this nation is the meagre loyalty which the people show towards their rulers. They rebel against them whenever they have a chance, either usurping them or joining in with their enemies. Then they about-turn and declare themselves friends again, only to rebel once more when the opportunity presents itself; yet this sort of conduct does not discredit them at all…” Alessandro Valignano (Jesuit Missionary) → gekokujō 下剋上 “The low overthrow their superiors” Account of Japan by a Foreign Observer in 1620 “This government of Japan may well be accompted the greatest and powrefullest Terrany, that ever was heard of in the world, for all the rest are as Slaves to the Emperor (or greate commander as they call him), whoe upon the leaste suspition (or Jelosie) or being angry with any man (be he never soe greate a man) will cause hym upon the Recepte of his Letter to cutt his bellie, which if he refuse to doe, not only he, but all the rest of their race shall feele the smart thereof.” Richard Cocks (English merchant) Note that “the Emperor” refers to the Tokugawa shogun here! Lee Butler, “The Sixteenth-Century Reunification” Various forces drove the country toward unification, and it is probably more correct to say that the unifiers jumped on board the incipient ship of state than to say that they personally built it and launched it. Among the factors that led to reunification, three – one material, one ideological, and one a matter of common practice of the era – stand out: population growth, the idea that Japan had previously been unified and that this was its normative condition, and the formation of communities and confederations. “The ideal of unity, of a well-organized central government that appointed and removed officials as required, endured.” (quoted from Karl Friday, ed. Japan Emerging) Lee Butler, “The Sixteenth-Century Reunification” The third factor that led toward reunification … was the Sengoku custom of forging communities and leagues. At their simplest, these took the form of self-governing villages in central Japan or the religious league of the Ikkō (single-minded) sect of Buddhism. On a broader scale they consisted of groups of villages banding together to provide mutual defense and mutual assistance, or associations of warriors doing likewise. Of course, one might argue that some of these, such as the Ikkō leagues, were ultimately divisive. And so they were, and yet taken as a whole, these groups reveal a clear push toward and desire for greater stability and unity, something that community members were willing to attain at the cost of a portion of their independence. Ikki Leagues in the Late Ashikaga / Warring States Period 一揆 Alliances or confederations formed horizontally by armed middling and small peasants, men of the provinces (kokujin 国人), rural samurai (jizamurai 地侍) and itinerant crafts- and salesmen. → Not under the rule of a lord. → Quest for a new social order through which rights to land and profession could be guaranteed. Ikkō ikki 一向一揆 (Single-minded leagues) which were based in a shared Pure Land salvationist belief and relied on temple networks for organization, were especially powerful. Oda Nobunaga 織田信長 (1534-1582) Son of deputy military governor in strategically located Owari Relies on new firearms in winning out against rivals 1568 March on Kyoto after called in by contender for shogunal succession and emperor 1571 Destruction of Enryaku-ji temple complex on Hiei-zan 1573 exiles recalcitrant shogun from capital 1575 defeats remaining main rival warlords at Nagashino 1580 destruction of Ishiyama Honganji in Osaka. Head temple of religiously inspired (True Pure Land) peasant warrior leagues Oda Nobunaga 織田信長 (1534-1582) Ruthless extirpation of opponents. Disregard of conventional taboos for sacred places and communities. Claim to act in the name of “the realm” Tenka fubu 天下布武 (Subdue the realm by military might) 1575-78 Accepts increasingly lofty court titles, which he then returns. (Not clear whether he planned to be reinvested with court titles after having established control by his own means.) 1582 Forced to commit suicide after surprise attack by trusted vassal Akechi Mitsuhide Tenka 天下 as used by Oda Nobunaga (Katsumata) As a political concept, the word tenka 天下 was already in use in the fourteenth century to designate the object of the political authority that had been vested in the Ashikaga shoguns. While acknowledging that authority to govern the tenka had been delegated to Yoshiaki as holder of the shogunal office, Nobunaga was also asserting that this authority was being delegated to himself, without whom the shogun was helpless. “Since the affairs of the realm (tenka) have in fact been put in Nobunaga’s hands, Nobunaga may take measures against anyone whatsoever according to his own discretion and without the need of the shogun’s agreement.” Tenka no tame, Nobunaga no tame 天下の為、信長の為 (Nobunaga is tenka) Nobunaga conceived of tenka 天下 both as a sphere of political control … and sought to instill in his followers the recognition that he was the tenka. Kamakura Shogunate (1192-1333) Struggle over imperial succession in 1156 leads to fighting between warriors in capital. Taira no Kiyomori 平清盛 establishes himself in control. 1180-1185 Genpei 源平 War between Minamoto and Taira. Minamoto no Yoritomo 源頼朝 emerges victorious. 1192 appointed as shogun. Establishes military government (later called bakufu 幕府) in Kamakura. Right to appoint “provincial governors” (shugo 守護) and “stewards” (jitō 地頭) to private estates  Parallel structure of shogunal rule (“Dual Polity”) with imperial clan dominating civil affairs in Kyoto while shogunal government in Kamakura commands newly empowered warrior network. Institutions of Kamakura Governance Crisis of leadership after Yoritomo’s death in 1199. Power wielded by Hōjō Masako (Yoritomo’s widow) until her death in 1225 (“the nun shogun”) and subsequently Hōjō clan as regents. 1221 Attempt at uprising by ex-emperor Go-Toba against Hōjō ends in failure. → expanded powers to place warriors on landed estates and in selection of future emperors. Second generation of Hōjō leaders (Yasutoki and Shigetoki) famous for formulations of governing ethos. 1232 Goseibai shikimoku: Fifty-one article law code as a guide to adjudicating disputes involving warriors, emphasizing fairness and equity based on thorough understanding of context → (dōri 道理 “common sense” or “reasonableness” as norm) Challenges of Kamakura Governance Shogunate rewarded its retainers with rights to income from land. (No clearly defined warrior “class” yet. “Warriors” essentially land managers, tax collectors, bureaucrats, police etc.) Minamoto Yoritomo had gained adherents by promising “job security” But as enemies defeated, no further land and posts to distribute to vassals. Conflicts between landholders over income rights. Problem of inheritance. Land increasingly passed on to one heir (leaving siblings empty-handed.) Increasing independence of “stewards” (at times becoming land proprietors themselves.) Famines and warriors without inheritance causing rise in banditry and piracy. Failed Mongol Invasions (1274 and 1281) as beginning of the end of Kamakura rule. The Kenmu Restoration 建武中興 Hōjō benefited from defeat of Mongols in the short run. However, no lands to distribute for military service. At the same time, split in the imperial line: Descendants of two emperors alternate. 1318 Godaigo becomes emperor, seeks to reassert power of court. 1331 Exiled to Oki island by Hōjō 1333 Escapes. Ashikaga Takauji sent by Hōjō to quell uprising, but switches over to Godaigo. Collapse of Hōjō rule. Significance: End of dual government. Ashikaga Takauji seeks to control warriors from Kyoto. Also: Precedent for “restoration” of imperial rule. Samurai fighting and dying for Godaigo later become paragons of “imperial loyalty” in prewar and wartime school textbooks. Ashikaga Shogunate (1338-1573) 1336 Ashikaga Takauji turns on Godaigo. Godaigo escapes and establishes “Southern Court” in Yoshino. → Imperial schism until 1392: “Northern and Southern Court” 1338 Ashikaga Takauji establishes shogunate in Kyoto Ashikaga ultimately fail to gain firm grip on the land. Solid control only over the capital region. 1392 End of imperial schism. Height of Ashikaga power under third shogun Yoshimitsu. (“Palace of Flowers” in Muromachi. Hence “Muromachi period”) 1402 Beginning of tally trade with Ming China. Yongle Emperor addresses Yoshimitsu as “King of Japan.” Shugo as Precursors of Daimyō 守護から大名へ Shugo (provincial military governors) primary link between Ashikaga shoguns and provinces Ashikaga shoguns dependent on these military governors for crushing resistance of forces aligned with Southern Court until 1392 For this purpose, shugo received permission to exact half of the revenues collected from local estates (hanzei “half tax”) from 1352. → Military governors increasingly independent from center. Third Shogun Yoshimitsu hosts military governors in the capital, where they partake in culture of the capital. But increasing tensions: Autocratic Sixth Shogun Yoshinori killed by military governor in 1441 While Eighth Shogun Yoshimasa patronizes culture (“Silver Pavilion”), political order disintegrates. Aesthetics and Arts Spreading impact of Buddhism noticeable not least in arts and literature themes of evanescence and non-attachment Nō (Noh) drama as representative works of the period use of sparse prose to narrate tales of dead warriors, priests, and officials returning as ghosts But also comical intermezzos (Kyōgen) and gaudy architecture (“Golden Pavilion”). Ink paintings, tea ceremony, tatami rooms, gardening etc. often seen as instances of Zen aesthetics. However, this is a simplification owing much to Western ideas about “Zen” and “Japanese Culture.” Warlords patronize culture to bolster their claim to legitimacy and leadership. Much of what is considered distinctive about Japanese aesthetics today originates in this period. The Period of Warring States 戦国時代 (late 15th – late 16th century) By the middle of the 15th century, warrior leaders were far less preoccupied with securing the shogun’s approval than with finding reliable sources of local support. 1467-77 Ōnin Civil War Rival clans take their fight to the capital. Widespread destruction of Kyoto. Effective (although not nominal) end to Ashikaga shogunal rule Political order disintegrates. Country divided up between “warlords.” 1543 Portuguese shipwrecked off Tanegashima Introduction of muskets. From 1549, arrival of Jesuit missionaries. Portuguese traders. Sengoku (Warring States) Daimyō 戦国大名 Term used by historians by contrast to the earlier “shugo [military provincial governor] daimyo.” Far more powerful within their realms than earlier local power. Need for survival in all-out warfare. New military tactics, greater armies, more efficient administration of economic resources, military consolidation of holdings, strategic marriages, land surveys, new forms of taxation, absolute loyalty by vassals, detailed stipulation of obligations, legal codes, exchange of hostages, castle towns. Early modern uses of the term kokka 国家 (Katsumata) New overtones by the end of the Warring States Period “For instances where daimyo ordered temples and shrines within their domain to offer prayers and ceremonies for the safety of kokka 国家, the word did not imply all of Japan but only the consolidated sphere of a daimyo’s political control.” “The basis or rule over the country is not attained by being appointed shugo by the shogun. Control [of the kokka] is achieved when the daimyo, by his own efforts, brings peace to the kokka by establishing the laws of the kuni 国 (land).” Kuni 国 and ie 家 frequently used separately: Okuni, oie no tame 御国御家の為 The word kokka 国家 expressed the idea of the union of the daimyo house (ie 家) and the kuni 国 that served as the sphere of political control.  It embraced both the private aspect of control over the ie 家 and the public aspect of rule over the kuni 国 as composite object of political control. Three characteristics of warring-states period kokka 国家 1. Autonomy or integrity of the sphere of political control. Numerous prohibitions against the formation of ties with other domains. Imposition of unified standards, including coin selection edicts. 2. Inhabitants of the domain, not merely the daimyo’s direct retainers, were seen by the daimyo as constituent members of the kokka 国家 made up of a sphere of territorial authority and of the people who resided within that sphere (kokumin 国民) 3. Use by daimyo of the concept of kokka 国家 as an ideology of political control for the purpose of legitimizing their authority over the territory (ryōgoku 領国): purpose of maintaining the peace, security, and social order of this kokka 国家. Warring-states daimyo who had carved out their domains and enforced their authority over the inhabitants of these domains by force of arms and with little heed to legitimacy, were able to claim legitimacy for their rule as a “public” or “official” authority (kōgi 公儀 or kubō 公方). The “Kyoto Orientation” of the Sengoku daimyo Even as many Sengoku daimyo sought to portray themselves as absolute rulers of their realms, they were also eager to maximize their ties to the faltering Ashikaga shogunate and imperial court. Peasants who challenged samurai government appealed to the more distant governance of earlier times in which the military had not come to stand between them and the court, and frequently claimed for themselves the standing of imperial servants. Consequently the warriors had to insist that their control over the countryside derived from the imperial court as well as from the authority of the shogun. The Three Unifiers Oda Nobunaga Toyotomi Hideyoshi Tokugawa Ieyasu Account of Japan by a Foreign Observer in the 1570s “The second defect of this nation is the meagre loyalty which the people show towards their rulers. They rebel against them whenever they have a chance, either usurping them or joining in with their enemies. Then they about-turn and declare themselves friends again, only to rebel once more when the opportunity presents itself; yet this sort of conduct does not discredit them at all…” Alessandro Valignano (Jesuit Missionary) → gekokujō 下剋上 “The low overthrow their superiors” Account of Japan by a Foreign Observer in 1620 “This government of Japan may well be accompted the greatest and powrefullest Terrany, that ever was heard of in the world, for all the rest are as Slaves to the Emperor (or greate commander as they call him), whoe upon the leaste suspition (or Jelosie) or being angry with any man (be he never soe greate a man) will cause hym upon the Recepte of his Letter to cutt his bellie, which if he refuse to doe, not only he, but all the rest of their race shall feele the smart thereof.” Richard Cocks (English merchant) Note that “the Emperor” refers to the Tokugawa shogun here! Lee Butler, “The Sixteenth-Century Reunification” Various forces drove the country toward unification, and it is probably more correct to say that the unifiers jumped on board the incipient ship of state than to say that they personally built it and launched it. Among the factors that led to reunification, three – one material, one ideological, and one a matter of common practice of the era – stand out: population growth, the idea that Japan had previously been unified and that this was its normative condition, and the formation of communities and confederations. “The ideal of unity, of a well-organized central government that appointed and removed officials as required, endured.” (quoted from Karl Friday, ed. Japan Emerging) Lee Butler, “The Sixteenth-Century Reunification” The third factor that led toward reunification … was the Sengoku custom of forging communities and leagues. At their simplest, these took the form of self-governing villages in central Japan or the religious league of the Ikkō (single-minded) sect of Buddhism. On a broader scale they consisted of groups of villages banding together to provide mutual defense and mutual assistance, or associations of warriors doing likewise. Of course, one might argue that some of these, such as the Ikkō leagues, were ultimately divisive. And so they were, and yet taken as a whole, these groups reveal a clear push toward and desire for greater stability and unity, something that community members were willing to attain at the cost of a portion of their independence. Ikki Leagues in the Late Ashikaga / Warring States Period 一揆 Alliances or confederations formed horizontally by armed middling and small peasants, men of the provinces (kokujin 国人), rural samurai (jizamurai 地侍) and itinerant crafts- and salesmen. → Not under the rule of a lord. → Quest for a new social order through which rights to land and profession could be guaranteed. Ikkō ikki 一向一揆 (Single-minded leagues) which were based in a shared Pure Land salvationist belief and relied on temple networks for organization, were especially powerful. Oda Nobunaga 織田信長 (1534-1582) Son of deputy military governor in strategically located Owari Relies on new firearms in winning out against rivals 1568 March on Kyoto after called in by contender for shogunal succession and emperor 1571 Destruction of Enryaku-ji temple complex on Hiei-zan 1573 exiles recalcitrant shogun from capital 1575 defeats remaining main rival warlords at Nagashino 1580 destruction of Ishiyama Honganji in Osaka. Head temple of religiously inspired (True Pure Land) peasant warrior leagues Oda Nobunaga 織田信長 (1534-1582) Ruthless extirpation of opponents. Disregard of conventional taboos for sacred places and communities. Claim to act in the name of “the realm” Tenka fubu 天下布武 (Subdue the realm by military might) 1575-78 Accepts increasingly lofty court titles, which he then returns. (Not clear whether he planned to be reinvested with court titles after having established control by his own means.) 1582 Forced to commit suicide after surprise attack by trusted vassal Akechi Mitsuhide Tenka 天下 as used by Oda Nobunaga (Katsumata) As a political concept, the word tenka 天下 was already in use in the fourteenth century to designate the object of the political authority that had been vested in the Ashikaga shoguns. While acknowledging that authority to govern the tenka had been delegated to Yoshiaki as holder of the shogunal office, Nobunaga was also asserting that this authority was being delegated to himself, without whom the shogun was helpless. “Since the affairs of the realm (tenka) have in fact been put in Nobunaga’s hands, Nobunaga may take measures against anyone whatsoever according to his own discretion and without the need of the shogun’s agreement.” Tenka no tame, Nobunaga no tame 天下の為、信長の為 (Nobunaga is tenka) Nobunaga conceived of tenka 天下 both as a sphere of political control … and sought to instill in his followers the recognition that he was the tenka. Toyotomi Hideyoshi 豊臣秀吉 (1537-1598) Son of foot soldier Meteoric rise in Nobunaga’s army 1582 Revenges Nobunaga’s death by defeating Akechi Mitsuhide Wins pledge of allegiance from Tokugawa Ieyasu 1585 Appointed Kanpaku 関白 (Imperial Regent) but transfers imperial honors to nephew, Hidetsugu 秀次. Henceforth known as Taikō 太閤 (Retired Imperial Regent) Completes military unification of Japan: 1587 Subdues warlords of Kyushu (claiming imperial mandate) 1590 Subdues Hōjō 北条 of Kantō (Eastern Japan) Toyotomi Hideyoshi 豊臣秀吉 (1537-1598) Discontinuation of Nobunaga’s ‘reign of terror’ as a means of control. Delegation of rule over subject areas to leading vassals, including defeated rivals. However, increasingly megalomaniac and paranoid. Forced suicide of tea master Sen no Rikyū in 1591 Gruesome public execution of nephew and heir with his entire household in 1595 following the birth of own son Hideyori. Invasions of Korea in 1592 and 1597 Dies of natural causes while son and heir only five years old Toyotomi Hideyoshi 豊臣秀吉 (1537-1598) Structure of Administrative Rule “culminating stage in the transformation of Japanese Institutions from the medieval to the early modern” Land surveys of tax potential (Taikō kenchi 太閤検地)) Plots rated for productivity and size. Individual responsible for tax payment named. Tax amount stated in units of rice (kokudaka 石高) rather than cash (kandaka 貫高). Samurai moved to castle towns. Income (stipends) paid by the lord and calculated in rice equivalents (koku 石) Separation of warriors and farmers. “Swordhunt” of the countryside Adoption of kokudaka as opposed to kandaka system Appears at first sight as backward step from monetarization. However this was a more ambitious effort to quantify total production. Productivity, in an agrarian society is a much more stable measure than fluctuating market prices. Measure of status. Also, rice highly marketable in cities like Osaka and Kyoto. (Hideyoshi, rather than the farmers, would thus cash in on marketing rice.) Complete abolition of “private estates” under Hideyoshi. Oaths of Loyalty Linked to Prestige of Imperial Court Oath exacted from vassals before the Emperor in Hideyoshi’s newly built Jurakudai castle in 1588: “We shed tears of gratitude that His Majesty has honored us with his presence. If any evil person should interfere with the estates and lands of the Imperial House or with the fiefs of the Court Nobles, we will take firm action. Without equivocation we commit not only ourselves but our children and grandchildren as well. We will obey the command of the Regent [Hideyoshi] down to the smallest details. If any of the above provisions should be violated even in the slightest, then may punishments of … [names of Shinto and Buddhist deities].. be visited on us.” Like Nobunaga, Hideyoshi stressed the idea of tenka, and even went so far as referring to himself as tenka. However, Hideyoshi based his claim to rule the country on his appointment to the office of kanpaku 関白 by the emperor. Oath by Senior Daimyo before Hideyoshi’s Death in 1598: “ITEM: I will serve Hideyori. My services to him, just like my service to the Taikō (i.e. Hideyoshi) shall be without negligence. ADDENDUM: I will know no duplicity or other thoughts at all. ITEM: As for the laws and Hideyoshi’s orders as they have been declared up to the present time. I will not violate them in the slightest. ITEM: In as much as I understand it to be for the sake of kōgi 公儀, I will discard personal enmities toward my peers and will not act in my own interests.” Mary Elizabeth Berry on the term Kōgi 公儀 Kōgi 公儀 associates “public interest,” “common good,” “corporate interest” Emerges in the Warring States period to symbolize “wide-ranging but co- ordinated efforts to eliminate lawless violence predicated upon private interest, personal justice, the habitual resort to arms, and the failure of superior mechanisms of law enforcement,” characteristic of the unification regimes. The term kōgi 公儀 “condemned the entire constellation of ideas and actions that splintered authority and gave license to violence.” “Kōgi 公儀 was the antithesis to these ideas and actions.” Mary Elizabeth Berry on Kōgi 公儀 (continued) However: “the term is misconstrued insofar we associate it with a public body, a collective citizenry, invited into a dynamic relationship with the ruler” It signifies “integration of the daimyo elite, the formation of a corporate commitment to the political settlement” “The regalia of power – insignia, seals, martial trappings – was the regalia of a governing household rather than a nation.” “Commoners participated merely as kneeling witnesses of whatever processions ensued.” Tokugawa Ieyasu 徳川家康 (1543-1616) 1580s Controls five provinces after Nobunaga’s death. Allies himself with Toyotomi Hideyoshi. 1590 Moved to the Eastern Provinces (Kantō) after defeat of the Hōjō at Odawara. 1590s Builds fortress in new location: Edo (today’s Tokyo). Consolidates administrative control over Kanto. 1598 Appointed one of the five guardians for five-year old Hideyori at the death of Hideyoshi 1600 Battle of Sekigahara. Ieyasu comes to dominate all of Japan. Eight-year old Toyotomi Hideyori removed to Osaka Castle. 1603 Awarded title of shogun (1605 retires but stays in control. Consolidation of Tokugawa Power 1615 Defeat of forces rallied around Toyotomi Hideyori at Osaka Castle (Battle of Osaka). Destruction of the Toyotomi house. → Important turning point: As long as Toyotomi Hideyori remained in Osaka, the legitimacy of Tokugawa rule remained vulnerable to challenge. Ieyasu was among those who had sworn “I will serve Hideyori … for the sake of kōgi 公儀.” “Code for the Imperial Court and Court Nobility” and “Code for the Warrior Households” setting down rules for court and daimyo 1616 Death of Ieyasu Kōgi 公儀 as (Self-)Appellation of the Shogunate During the Tokugawa period the shogunal government in Edo was generally referred to as gokōgi 御公儀, a term that, since it appears in the official documents in the era, can be taken to be the one that the shogunate adopted to refer to itself. → The terms bakufu 幕府 (literally “tent government” or “military headquarters”) and han 蕃 (commonly used in textbooks to refer to the shogunal government and domains respectively) were almost never used until the end of the Tokugawa period. These were terms applied by the imperial loyalists who sought to topple the Tokugawa government with the aim of delegitimizing it as the supreme authority. → The term kōgi 公儀 originally derived from references to ceremonial functions in the court and Kamakura shogunate. compare gishiki 儀式 (“ceremony”) or reigi 礼儀 (“etiquette”) Mary Elizabeth Berry on the term Kōgi 公儀 Kōgi 公儀 associates “public interest,” “common good,” “corporate interest” Emerges in the Warring States period to symbolize “wide-ranging but co- ordinated efforts to eliminate lawless violence predicated upon private interest, personal justice, the habitual resort to arms, and the failure of superior mechanisms of law enforcement,” characteristic of the unification regimes. The term kōgi 公儀 “condemned the entire constellation of ideas and actions that splintered authority and gave license to violence.” “Kōgi 公儀 was the antithesis to these ideas and actions.” Mary Elizabeth Berry on Kōgi 公儀 (continued) However: “the term is misconstrued insofar we associate it with a public body, a collective citizenry, invited into a dynamic relationship with the ruler” It signifies “integration of the daimyo elite, the formation of a corporate commitment to the political settlement” “The regalia of power – insignia, seals, martial trappings – was the regalia of a governing household rather than a nation.” “Commoners participated merely as kneeling witnesses of whatever processions ensued.” Tokugawa Ieyasu 徳川家康 (1543-1616) 1580s Controls five provinces after Nobunaga’s death. Allies himself with Toyotomi Hideyoshi. 1590 Moved to the Eastern Provinces (Kantō) after defeat of the Hōjō at Odawara. 1590s Builds fortress in new location: Edo (today’s Tokyo). Consolidates administrative control over Kanto. 1598 Appointed one of the five guardians for five-year old Hideyori at the death of Hideyoshi 1600 Battle of Sekigahara. Ieyasu comes to dominate all of Japan. Eight-year old Toyotomi Hideyori removed to Osaka Castle. 1603 Awarded title of shogun (1605 retires but stays in control. Consolidation of Tokugawa Power 1615 Defeat of forces rallied around Toyotomi Hideyori at Osaka Castle (Battle of Osaka). Destruction of the Toyotomi house. → Important turning point: As long as Toyotomi Hideyori remained in Osaka, the legitimacy of Tokugawa rule remained vulnerable to challenge. Ieyasu was among those who had sworn “I will serve Hideyori … for the sake of kōgi 公儀.” “Code for the Imperial Court and Court Nobility” and “Code for the Warrior Households” setting down rules for court and daimyo 1616 Death of Ieyasu Kōgi 公儀 as (Self-)Appellation of the Shogunate During the Tokugawa period the shogunal government in Edo was generally referred to as gokōgi 御公儀, a term that, since it appears in the official documents in the era, can be taken to be the one that the shogunate adopted to refer to itself. → The terms bakufu 幕府 (literally “tent government” or “military headquarters”) and han 蕃 (commonly used in textbooks to refer to the shogunal government and domains respectively) were almost never used until the end of the Tokugawa period. These were terms applied by the imperial loyalists who sought to topple the Tokugawa government with the aim of delegitimizing it as the supreme authority. → The term kōgi 公儀 originally derived from references to ceremonial functions in the court and Kamakura shogunate. compare gishiki 儀式 (“ceremony”) or reigi 礼儀 (“etiquette”) Code for the Imperial Court and Court Nobility, 1615 (Kinchū narabi ni kuge shohatto 禁中並公家諸法度) 1. Of all of the emperor’s various accomplishments, learning is the most important. If an emperor does not study, he will not clearly know the ancient way; [never yet has such an emperor] been able to establish great peace through his rule. 7. Appointments of warriors in functions and ranks of the imperial bureaucracy must be considered separate from those of the court aristocrats who are actually fulfilling such positions. 10. Each of the various houses may propose promotion in rank and office [to the emperor], in keeping with the ancient precedents that apply to that house. However, the emperor should appoint those who are diligently studying the Chinese corpus of courtly lore and precedents or waka composition, and also those who have accumulated merit through their exertions for their lord. Code for the Warrior Households, 1615 Buke shohatto 武家諸法度 “1. One must wholly devote themselves to the civil and military arts and to the Way of the bow and horse.” (武 “military arts” and 文 “civil arts”) 3. “Those who have defied the law shall not be given sanctuary in any of the provinces… Principle can be violated in the name of law, but law cannot be violated in the name of principle.” 5. “From now on, no one who is not from that province shall be allowed to live there [freely] among [the inhabitants of that province].” “7. If new [construction] is planned or bands are formed in a neighboring province, you must speedily inform [the shogunate].” “8. One must not perform marriages privately.” “9. How they daimyo should report for duty” System of Alternate Attendance Sankin kōtai 参勤交代 Daimyo required to spend alternate years in the shogun’s capital of Edo. (System formalized in the revised Code for the Warrior Households of 1635 under Iemitsu.) - Edo central to life of the ruling class; daimyo born and raised in Edo - elaborate processions and need to maintain Edo residences drained the daimyo’s coffers. - residences located according to rank, “conspicuous consumption” - shogunal audiences (omemie 御目見え) - official employment in the service of the shogun - system of national communications, five main highways, Edo hub of information - economic opportunities for commoners, regional economies linked across political borders. Tokugawa Iemitsu 徳川家光 System of alternate attendance was regularized Ieyasu’s grandson, Tokugawa Iemitsu, the third shogun. His rule from 1623 to 1651 marked the height of Tokugawa power. Iemitsu also established the right to confiscate daimyo lands and give them to lords considered more reliable. Increasingly severe persecution of Christians, expulsion of Spanish and Portuguese traders, and edicts forbidding foreign travel. Brutal suppression of Shimabara uprising (1637- 38) in Northern Kyushu. (Peasant uprising in formerly Christian region, under charismatic leader using Christian symbols.) Geographical Distribution of Daimyo Orange: “Shogunate” Green: “Hereditary vassals” (fudai 譜代) and “Related Houses” (shinpan 親藩) Blue: “Outside lords” (tozama 外様) Terms used by modern historians: “Bakuhan (=bakufu and han) system,” “centralized feudalism,” “parcellized sovereignty,” “compound state,” etc. Domains in Tokugawa Japan (Luke Roberts) Han 藩 not commonly used as a term for daimyo domain until the end of the Tokugawa period. Mostly referred to as kuni 国 instead. As long as daimyo did not transgress against Regulations for the Warrior Houses, they were left to their own devices in autonomously administering their domains. (They collected their own taxes, issued their own domain laws, adjudicated legal matters in their domains etc.) Hōken 封建: Chinese concept applied to political system of Japan by late Tokugawa thinkers (and used as translation for “feudal” since Meiji era): “polity of delegated and ‘sealed-off spaces’ of governance” Note that the English “domain” is derived from domus (“house”). While these domains were kuni 国, from the viewpoint of the Tokugawa they were territories ruled by vassal “houses” (ie 家). The Confucian Great Learning “The Ancient who wished to illustrate illustrious virtue through the kingdom, first ordered well their own States (治国). Wishing to order well their States they first regulated their Houses (済家). Wishing to regulate their Houses, they first cultivated their persons (修身). Wishing to cultivate their persons, the first rectified their hearts-and-minds (正心). Wishing to rectify their hearts-and-minds, they first sought to be sincere in their thoughts (誠意). Wishing to be sincere in their thoughts, they first extended to the utmost their knowledge （致知). Such extension of knowledge lay in the investigation of things (格物).” →The Eight Items: 格物、致知、誠意、正心、修身、斉家、治国、平天下 (pacifying the Realm/All-under-Heaven) Insight into and practice of what is “right by nature” as foundation of the political order. Watanabe on the Ruling House and Ie 家 “The successive Tokugawa shoguns were all given, in addition to the appellation tenka-sama, names beginning with le- 家 (lit., ‘house’), leaving no doubt that they were the heirs of the founder, Ieyasu 家康. Thus the names of the individual shoguns – Iemitsu 家光, Ietsuna 家綱, Ienobu 家宣, etc. – not only expressed their hereditary status and position, but also took on some of the reflected glory of their ancestor and founder of the shogunate Tokugawa Ieyasu, who after death was styled Tōshō Daigongen ("Great Avatar Illuminating the East"). In principle every person belonged to an ie and made a livelihood by engaging in the business or profession of the ie 家 in some capacity. … Moreover, the ie 家 did not exist simply to benefit its current individual constituents. It was inherited from one's ancestors along with the duty to pass it on to future generations. It was an enduring entity transcending the generations. Kokka 国家 in the mid-Tokugawa Period “The state (kokka 国家) is inherited from one’s ancestors and passed on to one’s descendants; it should not be administered selfishly. The people belong to the state; they should not be administered selfishly (shi 私). The lord exists for the sake of the state and the people: the state and the people do not exist for the sake of the lord.” Uesugi Harunori, Daimyo of Yonezawa, 1785  Idea or ruler as “first servant” of the state, guardian of a “public” (kō 公) rather than “private” (shi 私) interest. Deification of Tokugawa Ieyasu Tenkai 天海 (1536-1641) Tendai Buddhist priest who devised Ieyasu cult Tōshōgū 東照宮 Tōshō-daigongen 東照大権現 (“Great Incarnation Shining Over the East”) → Amaterasu ōmikami 天照大神 (“Heaven-Shining Great Goddess”) Nikkō as counterpoint to Ise Shrine → Same distance from Edo as Ise Shrine from Kyoto. Tōshōgū goikun (Ieyasu’s Testament) 東照宮御遺訓 “To expand the principle of oneself is to fill it with tenchi 天地 (Heaven and Earth); to reduce tenchi’s principle is to hide tenchi in one’s mind, and it is the conditions of one’s mind that determine the length of one’s life, the well-being of one’s body… The same holds true for ruling the realm and the state (tenka kokka 天下国家)… One can never go wrong by comparing things to oneself, or expanding oneself to tenka. That is the way one should govern. One should understand tenka as the shogun’s body, the Way of the Warrior as his mind, and his vassals as his five senses.” → metaphor of the body politic → Tentō/tendō 天道: Syncretistic belief combining Shinto, Buddhist, Taoist and Confucian notions, gaining ground in Warring States period “Heaven, not the Emperor, was the source of Ieyasu’s authority. Nowhere is there any mention of delegation of authority from the emperor to the shogun.” Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) Leviathan, or the Matter, Forme, and Power of a Common wealth Ecclesiastical and Civil (1651) “Common wealth” ←→ Res publica “Ecclesiastical” = “church-like” The Mechanisms of Shogunal Majesty (goikō 御威光) “The warrior houses seized the realm through force of arms, and it was solely through continuing to assert and flaunt this power that they succeeded in cowing the common people into submission; in ruling the country as well, they depended entirely upon the twin factors of prestige and ceremony.” Hori Keizan (1688-1757) Comment by Watanabe Hiroshi: “The military houses were therefore at great pains to make a shining display of their power and glory. As a result, for example, the majority of people were immediately silenced and intimidated by the very sight of the hollyhock crest that symbolized the authority of the Tokugawa house. This ‘majesty’ also shone upon the vassals and retainers of the Tokugawa, and the officials of the shogunate partook of it to varying degrees, according to their rank and station. The politico-military organization as a whole was cloaked in the armor of this majesty, and shone grimly with its light.” “The realm is the realm of the realm” (天下は天下の天下なり) “Six Secret Teachings” (Liu Tao 六韜, 11 c. BCE) included among the Chinese “Seven Military Classics”: 天下非一人之天下，乃天下之天下也。同天下之利者，則得天下；擅天下之 利者， 則失天下。 “All under Heaven is not one man’s domain. All under Heaven means just that, all under Heaven. Anyone who shares profit with all under Heaven will gain the world. Anyone who monopolizes its profits will lose the world.” Note the emphasis on ri 利 (profit, benefit) rather than the Confucian emphasis on “what is right” or 義. → Subordinate daimyo were well aware that this assertion of tenka e.g. by Nobunaga served their own interests, and were therefore willing to accept him as the ‘official ruling authority’ (kōgi 公儀). The “Great Peace” (Taihei 太平) “Grateful for the bounty of the ruler of the Land of the Rising Sun To every corner in this sacred land All bow in allegiance.” “Comfortable pillows to rest our wary heads These, too, are Nikkō craftsmanship.” “Maybe not exactly what the warriors have in mind But what a paradise our world is now,” “Even the Dutchmen Have come to see the cherry blossoms Saddle the horse! Even the kapitan Bows before him Our lord in springtime.” (Haiku by Bashō) David Hume on “Opinion” NOTHING appears more surprising to those who consider human affairs with a philosophical eye, than the easiness with which the many are governed by the few; and the implicit submission, with which men resign their own sentiments and passions to those of their rulers. When we inquire by what means this wonder is effected, we shall find, that, as Force is always on the side of the governed, the governors have nothing to support them but opinion. It is, therefore, on opinion that government is founded; and this maxim extends to the most despotic and most military governments, as well as to the most free and most popular. The soldan of EGYPT, or the emperor of ROME, might drive his harmless subjects, like brute beasts, against their sentiments and inclinations. But he must, at least, have led his mamelukes or praetorian bands, like men, by their opinion. “opinion of right” / “opinion of interest” “Of the First Principles of Government” (1741/1777) Kōgi 公儀 and Res Publica Note Watanabe Hiroshi’s following comparison of the term kōgi 公儀 with the Latin res publica: “The problem is that the character kō 公, while used in modern Japanese in various compounds to translate the Western concept of ‘public,’ did not originally mean ‘public’ in the Western sense at all. As one may find in consulting any English dictionary, the term ‘public’ is rooted in the Latin for people or populace; in all of the Western languages, words derived from res publica (lit., ‘public affairs’) are used to signify the state. What we are talking about with kōgi 公儀 is something entirely different, and the shogunate should certainly not be understood as some form of ‘public authority’ in the Western sense. The kōgi 公儀 did not embody any pretense of being a public institution for the purpose of resolving common problems or issues among the people.” Watanabe Hiroshi, A History of Japanese Political Thought 1600-1901 Sino-Japanese kō 公 and Latin publicus Watanabe: “‘public’ is rooted in the Latin term for people or populace.”  Cicero: Est igitur res publica res populi (“The state is an affair of the populus”) However: populus does not mean “people” or “the people” in the modern Anglo- American (“republican”) sense of “popular sovereignty” here! And the adjective formed from populus in Latin is not so much publicus as popularis. The Latin publicus blends the roots populus and pubes together pubes meaning “young men” (capable of military service) Cf. adjective publicus in Republican Rome  done for, or at expense of, the state cf. thus publicanus as noun referred a tax collector in Imperial Rome Habermas on the Term ‘Public’ in European languages “The usage of the words ‘public’ and ‘publicity/public sphere’ (Öffentlichkeit) betrays a multiplicity of concurrent meanings. Their origins go back to various historical phases and, when applied synchronically … they fuse into a clouded amalgam.” “We call events and occasions ‘public’ when they are open to all, in contrast to closed or exclusive affairs – as when we speak of public places or public houses. But as in the expression ‘public building,’ the term need not refer to general accessibility... ‘Public buildings’ simply house state institutions and as such are ‘public’. The state is the ‘public authority.’ It owes this attribute to its task of promoting the public or common welfare of its rightful members.” “The word has yet another meaning when … a powerful display of representation is staged whose ‘publicity’ contains an element of public recognition. Jürgen Habermas, Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere Habermas on the Term ‘Public’ in European languages “There is a shift of meaning again when someone says has made a name for himself, has a public reputation….” “None of these usages, however, have much affinity with the meaning most commonly associated with the category – expressions like ‘public opinion,’ an ‘outraged or informed public,’ ‘publicity,’ ‘publish,’ and ‘publicize’.” Jürgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere The Mechanisms of Shogunal Majesty (goikō 御威光) “An institution such as the bakufu based its existence not on any inherent right to rule the realm, but in fact on an extremely cumbersome apparatus … It either intimidated the people with military force, or employed the arts of deceit to mislead them … Its methods were myriad. But what it particularly emphasized, with the greatest exertion of its power, was to make the government appear as majestic as possible, so that the people would look up to it as something high and mighty, feeling it was something to which they could not possibly aspire, something truly grand, something vast and limitless in its power. Their constant awe froze their will and broke their spirit… It was what one might call a ‘political strategy of mystification’.” Ueki Emori (early-Meiji popular rights activist) “Rule by Status” Status groups: Samurai-Farmers-Artisan-Merchants (shi-nō-kō-shō 士農工商) → Outside the four classes: Court nobles, priests, Confucian scholars or doctors, outcasts. Samurai on top and merchants at bottom. However, Tokugawa society increasingly commercial and driven by money. Samurai continue to receive stipends in rice, while rice price declines. Most samurai in precarious financial and personal circumstances. System of complementary hierarchies, each of which had its upper, middle, and lower classes. Farmers include prosperous village leaders, engaging in entrepreneurial activities. Artisans range from producers of highly valued commodities supplying the political elites to petty manufacturers of handicraft items. Merchants range from powerful commercial houses and financial brokers such as Mitsui and Sumitomo to street hawkers. Watanabe on Tokugawa-era ie 家 “The ie 家 was an institutional mechanism, a type of juridical person. As such, it had a social function: the family profession or business. Related to this was the family pedigree, status, and reputation (iegara 家柄, kakaku 家格, kamei 家名). Then there were the actual physical assets or property of the ie 家 (kasan 家産, kazai 家財). This was not conceived of as the sum total of the individual assets of the members of the ie, nor was it what the present Japanese civil code refers to as ‘co-ownership.‘ The assets of the ie 家 were collective..” “The ie 家 had a single representative: the head of the house. This was a formally recognized position, inherited from its former occupant, although succession could take place while the incumbent was still living, through retirement (inkyo) and transfer of authority to the heir.” Watanabe on Tokugawa-era ie 家 “This concept of the ie 家 was something that appears to have been held only by a certain segment of the upper classes until early modern times. During the course of the seventeenth century, however, the majority of the peasantry came to think of themselves as living within their own small ie 家, and the concept spread throughout Japanese society. Villages, towns, domainal governments, the shogunate, the imperial court – all were collectives whose basic compositional unit was the ie 家. The entire country resembled a set of nested boxes – smaller ie 家 within larger – with individuals living to preserve and maintain their own ie and by extension preserving and maintaining the whole.” Compare buke 武家 (warrior houses) and kuge 公家 (noble houses) in Ieyasu’s Code for the Warrior Houses and Code for the Imperial Court and Nobility of 1615 However, while peasant households were nōka 農家, “villages” and “towns” were not ie 家, but mura 村 and machi 町! Townspeople were chōnin 町人 and precisely not kenin 家人 (a daimyo’s samurai “housemen”) Villages in Tokugawa Japan Villages were also largely self-governing as long as they paid taxes and complied with status restrictions Tax assessments named individual cultivators but taxes were collected from village as a whole. (Tokugawa officials did not enter villages. Village headmen delivered tax rice to local district administrators.) Village headmanship hereditary, rotating among eligible families, or in some cases decided by ballot. Villages frequently established own laws or regulations. Considerable pressure on individuals to comply with collective discipline. Restrictions on clothing, food, items for trade. Luke Roberts on “sealed-off spaces” Alternative definitions of political space are key to understanding how the roles of inferiors could simultaneously express both “autonomy” and “complete subservience” → “delegation” of power omote 面 (literally “surface” or “interface”): “performance” of rituals of submissions uchi 内/naibun 内分 (“inside”): acknowledged space of authority held by the inferior party naishō 内証: “inside agreement” → mutually arranged management of “disobedience” in “lived reality” Omote was the ritual framework that statically bound disparate compartments of naibun authority together. → Reassuring performance of signs that one accepted the hierarchy and general order of the higher authority. Luke Roberts on Deviance in Omote as a Collective Bargaining Tool “Deviance in omote could be a form of political behavior, but it was disruptive, uncivil politics and always called for punishment. Such deviance was most often used strategically by people poorly placed in the hierarchies of power, typically commoners engaging in public disorder as a tactic to cause their superiors to ‘lose face.’ Illegal petitioning, protests, and riots could be effective tools in collective bargaining because they exposed a ruler’s inability to maintain the peace. Such disruption often achieved demands, but always at a heavy cost. The rituals of resolution of such conflicts involved punishing some representative of the inferior party for the crime of insubordination so that reinstatement of the hierarchy could be affirmed. Leaders of protests therefore expected to receive punishment and had to be willing to sacrifice themselves for the collective good.” → Note that “forceful appeals” of nature by peasants often succeeded with this tactic, even as their leaders faced severe punishment! Peter Duus on the Tactics and Success of Peasant Uprisings “When crowds of peasants descended on a domain office, samurai officials tried to disperse them with appeals to act reasonably and promises of concessions, and only if that failed did they resort to force or threat of punishment. For their part, the peasants did not speak a language of defiance, proclaiming their rights, but rather a language of persuasion, calling on the daimyo and his officials to act ‘benevolently’ or reminding them that conditions were once better in the ‘good old days’ under their ancestors. … At the core of most peasant disturbances was not revolution but negotiation.” “It should be remembered, however, that once disturbances had subsided the samurai authorities meted out harsh reprisals to remind peasants that however reasonable or grievous their complaints might be civil disobedience would not be tolerated. The village ringleaders were punished, often by death; fines were levied on the village; and the villagers were forced to promise never to be disorderly again.” Fukuzawa Yukichi 福沢諭吉 (1835-1901) Seiyō jijō 西洋事情 (1866-1869) (Conditions in the West) Chambers’s Political Economy Gakumon no susume 学問のすゝめ (1872-76) (An Encouragement of Learning) Francis Wayland, Moral Science Bunmeiron no gairyaku 文明論之概略 (1875) (An Outline of a Theory of Civilization) Guizot, A History of Civilization in Europe Chambers’s Political Economy “Civilisation (bunmei kaika no michi 文明開化の道) It is shewn by history that nations advance from a barbarous to a civilised state. The chief peculiarity of the barbarous state is, that the lower passions of mankind have there greater scope, or are less under regulation; while the higher moral qualities of our nature are little developed, or have comparatively little play. In that state the woman is the slave instead of the companion of her husband; the father has uncontrolled power over his child; and, generally, the strong tyrannise over and rob the weak. From the consequent want of confidence between men, there can be no great combinations for the general benefit; in short, no institutions. In the state of civilisation all is reversed: the evil passions are curbed, and the moral feelings developed: woman takes her right place; the weak are protected: institutions for the general benefit flourish.” → Bunmei kaika 文明開化 as leitmotif of the early Meiji period (usually translated as “Civilization and Enlightenment”) Bunmei kaika 文明開化 Current state of “Civilization” epitomized by the “West” “civilization” proceeds in stages representing cumulative “progress” opposed to “barbarism” Japan seen as “backward” not only because its technology was backward but because its people were mired in “superstition, irrationality, ignorance, and backwardness.” For ordinary Japanese, however, “civilization” represented less by values than by material culture of the West (clothing, beef-eating, pocket-watches and the like) The term bunmei 文明 by itself was first asserted as a translational equivalent of the English “civilization” in English by Fukuzawa Yukichi in 1875. → Bunmeiron no gairyaku 文明論之概略 (An Outline of a Theory of Civilization) Bunmei 文明 in Classical Chinese The Chinese character sequence wen-ming appears in the Chinese Classics, such as the “Classic of Chances” (Ijing 易経). Modern English translation by Richard John Lynn: 見龍在田。天下文明。 “‘There appears a dragon in the field’”: all under Heaven enjoy the blessings of civilization. 天文也；文明以止、人文也 This is the pattern of Heaven. It is by means of the enlightenment provided by pattern (i.e. culture) that curbs are set, and this is the pattern of man. Compare the “curbs” (止) here to the “brake” in the entry for “Civilisation” in the Dictionnaire Universel (Trévoux), where “religion puts a brake on humanity” and is thus “the first source of civilization.” Bunmei 文明 used today for “civilization” as in “Egyptian civilization”, “Chinese civilization” etc. → But compare the insistence on “Japanese culture” (Nihon bunka 日本文化) Fukuzawa Yukichi, “There is only a government…” in 1872 ”Though regulations for publication are not very strict, the newspapers never carry opinions unfavorable to the authorities. To the contrary, every commendable trifle about the government is praised in bold letters. They are like courtesans flattering their guests. If we read the memorials, we find that their wordings are always extremely base. They look up to the government as if it were some god. They look down upon themselves as if they were criminals. They use empty phrases which are unworthy of equal human beings. …Yet the publishers of these newspapers and the writers of these memorials are almost all scholars of Western Learning. In private life they are not necessarily courtesans or lunatics. Their extremes of insincerity are the result of the fact that, never having had an example of equal rights, they are oppressed and blindly ruled by a spirit (kifū 気風) of subservience. Thus they are not able to realize their real capacity as citizens (kokumin 国民). It may well be said that in Japan there is a government, but as yet no people (kokumin 国民).” Fukuzawa Yukichi, An Encouragement of Learning, January 1874 Note that Fukuzawa would seem to seek to use the term kokumin 国民 (citizens) to ultimately convey as a sense of “civil society” here. Samuel Smiles, Self-Help (1859) Translated by Nakamura Masanao in 1870 “Civilization itself is but a question of the personal improvement of the men, women, and children of whom society is composed.” → Nakamura Masanao was a Confucian and teacher at the Confucian academy, who studied in English in the later 1860s. Later Professor for Chinese Philosophy at Tokyo Imperial University. “Civilization” here linked to individual “character” formation. Nakamura Masanao, “On Changing the Character of the People” (Meiroku zasshi 1875) “If we desire to change the people’s character and thereby encourage elevated conduct and virtuous feelings, we will accomplish absolutely nothing if we only reform the political structure… We should aspire instead to change the character of the people, more and more rooting out the old habits and achieving ‘renewal’ with each new day.” “Renovating the People” in Opening Line of the Confucian Great Learning “[The way of greater learning lies in] keeping one’s inborn luminous Virtue unobscured, in renovating the people, and in coming to rest in perfect goodness.” 明明德，在新民，在止於至善。 Commentary by Zhu Xi, quotes the following line from the Classic of Poetry “Zhou is an old state, its mandate, however, is new.” 周旧邦雖、其命惟（維）新 This is the origin of the term ishin 維新 as in Meiji ishin 明治維新 as the as the Japanese term rendered “Meiji Restoration” in English The Term Ishin 維新 Linked to the Imperial Line The court noble Iwakura Tomomi, one of the key figures in the coup leading to the “restoration of imperial rule” (ōsei fukko 王政復古) on January 3, 1868, quotes in his memoir the following advice by the National Learning scholar Tamamatsu Misao of 1867. “You must make the restoration of imperial rule (ōsei fukko 王政復古) as broad and far-reaching as possible. Thus in reconstituting the structure of official ranks and offices, the goal should be a comprehensive regeneration (banki no ishin 万機の維新) aimed at unifying the realm based on the original foundation established by Emperor Jimmu (Jimmu-tei 神武帝).” If in Confucianism ishin 維新 (“renovation”) was linked to the moral transformation of “the people” under a state of enlightened (“luminous”) rule, it is linked to the mythical founding of the Japanese Empire by Emperor Jinmu (supposedly in 660 BCE) here. Fukuzawa on “Civilization” (bunmei 文明) as derived from “Civitas” in 1875 In An Outline of a Theory of Civilization of 1875, Fukuzawa explained the meaning of bunmei 文明 via the English term “civilization” as follows: “Hence the term civilization in English. It derives from the Latin civitas, which means nation (kuni 国). Civilization thus describes the process by which society (ningen/jinkan kōsai 人間交際) gradually changes for the better and takes on a definite shape. It is a concept of a unified nation (ikkoku no teisai 一国の体裁) in contrast to a state of primitive isolation and lawlessness (yaban muhō no dokuritsu 野蛮無法の独立).” Note that the phrase ikkoku no teisai 一国の体裁 is exactly the same as used by Fukuzawa to explain kokutai 国体 as a translation of “nationality” in the preceding chapters. Note also the difficulty Fukuzawa has rendering the term “society.” He does not use the