Funan to Angkor PDF Collapse & Regeneration in Ancient Cambodia

Collapse and Regeneration in Ancient Cambodia 145 10 From Funan to Angkor Collapse and Regeneration in Ancient Cambodia Miriam T. Stark emphasize long-term political unity and...

Collapse and Regeneration in Ancient Cambodia 145 10 From Funan to Angkor Collapse and Regeneration in Ancient Cambodia Miriam T. Stark emphasize long-term political unity and continuity. Beginning no later than the mid first millennium AD, individual Khmer states rose and fell for more than nine centuries. External documentary sources misrepresent the region's actual history, which counterpoised conflict and power struggles of individual rulers against persistent social and ideological institutions for many centuries (Vickery 1998; Wolters 1979). If Khmer states were inherently fragile, then what accounts for the per- sistence of the Khmer civilization for more than a thousand years? And, following George Cowgill (1988:275), how closely was the Angkorian Ion- gevity connected to degrees and kinds of economic, political, and social integration? This chapter examines the nature of collapse and regeneration in ancient The cyclical quality of ancient states (Adams 1988; Feinman 1998; Marcus Cambodia by identifying points of continuity and discontinuity in the se- 1998;Yoffee 1988b) is abundantly evident in mainland Southeast Asia, where quence. Sociopolitical change in ancient Khmer civilization appears to have multiple and overlapping histories of collapseand regeneration characterized assumed two primary forms: (1) collapse and regeneration of economicand the region from the first millennium AD onward (Hutterer 1982:562; Stark and social institutions that mark the life spans of individual "states" (some of Allen 1998). Many areas experienced this first pulse of state formation, from which the Chinese described), and (2) some continuity in elites' practice the Irawaddy River valley of Myanmar and the Chao Phraya delta of Thailand of Indic religious ideologies to legitimate their claims to power, which or- to the Bac Bo region of northernVietnam. The archaeological record of early dered the political organization of the first- and second-millennium Khmer Southeast Asia involves nucleated settlements and religious monuments that states.' suggest a close articulation of religious ideology and sociopolitical organiza- That continuity in the"cultura1 matrix" (Wolters 1999) characterizes the tion (see also Hagesteijn 1996:187). ancient Khmer civilization through time is becomingly increasingly clear The very monumentality of the ninth-fourteenth century Angkorian as research on ancient Cambodia accelerates. This syncretism melded as- empire may explain why scholarship on ancient Cambodia continues to fo- pects of Indic ideology with an emergent Khmer cultural identity and was cus on the latter period of ancient Khmer civilization rather than on its ear- embodied in elite practice and temple construction. It proved instrumen- lier periods. Yet the Angkorian state represents the endpoint in a 1,500-year tal in regenerating Khmer states during the turbulence that characterized developmental sequence, the beginnings of which lie in the late prehistoric Cambodia's early history. period. From the mid first millennium AD onward, Khmers constructed brick, stone, and laterite monuments with dedicatory stelae bearing Khmer, Sanskrit, or Khmer and Sanskrit inscriptions; these constitute the primary HistoricalSequence indigenous documentary source. Conventional historiography (e.g., Briggs Cambodia's ancient history is among the least known in SoutheastAsia,owing 1951; Coedes 1968; Wheatley 1983) depends inordinately on Chinese docu- to decades of civil war and a parochial, colonialist tradition of historiography mentary evidence rather than on indigenous inscriptions to reconstruct that has only recently been challenged. Most scholars have relied on exter- ancient Khmer history. Resultant reconstructions are problematic (Jacques nal documentary sources such as Chinese annals, contemporary inscriptions 1979:371; Stark 1998), as Chinese dynastic annals describe "kingdoms" that (in Sanskrit and Khmer), and retrospectiveAngkorian period allusions to the emissaries encountered, while most indigenous inscriptions record the be- pre-Angkorian period to reconstruct a dynastic history of Khmer civilization. neficence of aspiring elite individuals. Problems are inherent in taking either the inscriptions or the Chinese sources While the Chinese documentary record focuses on periods of politi- literally or privileging one source over the other (Jacques 1979,1995;Vickery cal consolidation and dissolution through time, indigenous documents 1994,1998). Both sources probably sought to elevate existing polities to king- 146 Miriam T.Stark dom status: the former out of self-aggrandizement and legitimation, and the latter out of self-promotion. Archaeological research has played a secondary role in studying the Cambodian historical sequence, for political as well as historical reasons. Yet archaeological research in neighboring Thailand documents a continu- ous trend toward increasing complexity in the first millennium BC and the emergence of relatively stratified societies by the time of contact with South Asia (Higham 2002:193-212). The name "Funan" was applied to the earliest state in the Mekong delta (fig. io.~),which emissaries visited during the third and sixth centuries AD (Coedks 1968; Pelliot 1903). Chinese annals and indigenous inscriptions (in Khmer and in Sanskrit) also document a successor state to Funan in the lower Mekong basin that materialized in the seventh century AD along the banks of the Mekong River in central Cambodia. The third polity ap- peared two centuries later in the northwestern region of the country and is known as Angkor. Its florescence after the ninth century AD and collapse six centuries later created the Khmer empire, the largest territorial entity in mainland Southeast Asia. A growing body of archaeological and historical research on these polities is forcing scholars to revise their conventional models of political structure and process. Cultural Chronology Figure 10.1 Mainland SoutheastAsia during the early first millennium AD (afterHall 1985). The following periods demarcate the political history of ancient Cambodia (table 10.1): (1) the early historic period, which straddles the boundary be- tween the Iron Age and the historic period; (2) the pre-Angkorian period, a term that Cambodian scholars have used for nearly a century; (3) the early Table 10.1 Temporal frameworkfor Southeast Asia Angkorian period, to designate the period during which the Angkorian pol- -- -- - -- ity was established and developed; and (4) the mature Angkorian period, to Time period Date range Cultural development identify the period of the Khmer empire's greatest expansion. The Khmer Early Historic -500 BC--AD 500 Origin of earliest stateand development of empire did not collapse until some point during the mid fifteenth century, internationalmaritime trade but the period after AD 1250 is excluded because this era involved a gradual decline in the political and economic prominence of the region from which Pre-Angkorian AD 500--800 Adoption of indigenous writing and expansion of early states the Khmer state never recovered. The term "state" is used here to refer to a polity characterized by at Early Angkorian AD 802-1000 Founding and expansion of the Khmer empire least two classes of social strata, in which the government is centralized and specialized (following Feinman 1998). Determining scalar differences Mature Angkorian AD 1001-1250 Florescenceof the Khmer empire between successive Cambodian states is essential to understanding their structure, where scale refers to the extent of territorial integration (follow-