Mandate To Win (A Manifesto for the Youths) PDF

MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) BY BITRUS LAWRENCE GARKI © Copyright 2024 by Praxis Publishers - All rights reserved. It is not legal to reproduce, duplicate, or transmit any part of this document in either electronic means or printed format. Recording of this publica...

MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) BY BITRUS LAWRENCE GARKI © Copyright 2024 by Praxis Publishers - All rights reserved. It is not legal to reproduce, duplicate, or transmit any part of this document in either electronic means or printed format. Recording of this publication is strictly prohibited. Cover Art: PRIM WORLDwide and Creatify Inc.  This book is dedicated to: My Parents, Late Mr. and Mrs. Bitrus David Dusa Garki. i  Contents Foreword iii Chapter One: A Brief History of Peyi 1 Chapter Two: Friendship, Work and Family 7 Chapter Three: The Politics of Dialogue 11 Chapter Four: A Youthful Revolution in Politics 19 Chapter Five: Epilogue 28 Photospeak 31 ii  MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) Foreword It is with profound pride that I write this foreword. The author of this book is well known to me and his story is one that should be on every shelf. In the pages that follow, you will be taken on a journey that is as inspiring as it is instructive. This memoir chronicles the life of a remarkable individual whose path from humble beginnings to the esteemed office of an honourable commissioner speaks to power of focus and ambition. The author is very well known to me and I am excited about the powerful future that awaits him. His little book succinctly documents the life of the author in four powerful chapters. From the earliest days of childhood, embellished by a nurturing family environment and formative experiences, to the challenging yet enlightening teenage years, the story of this young man captures the essence of growth and self-discovery. It is during these formative years that the seeds of leadership and ambition were sown, nurtured by key relationships and mentors who recognized and fostered potential. His journey into the private sector reveals a young professional eager to make a mark, coursing through the complexities of early career milestones with a blend of innate skills and acquired knowledge. Here, we witness the first significant achievements and the inevitable setbacks that serve as crucial learning experiences. The political journey, a central theme of this memoir, is a compelling account of baptism into the world of politics. It details the key milestones, the lessons learned, and the significant accomplishments that have not only shaped a career but also left an indelible impact on the community and the broader political landscape. This section is a vivid portrayal of the challenges faced and the triumphs achieved, underscoring the transformative power of intentional public service. Personal reflections offer a deep dive into the character arc of our subject, providing insights into personal growth, development, and the values that have guided every step of the journey. These reflections also cast a forward-looking gaze, contemplating the future and the legacy that will be left behind. iii MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) As you turn the final pages, the epilogue will leave you with a profound understanding of the subject's impact and relationships. This memoir is not just a recounting of events but a celebration of a life lived with purpose and passion. The beginning of greatness. It is an invitation to reflect on the power of perseverance and the potential within each of us to rise above our circumstances and make a meaningful difference. Bitrus Lawrence Garki, popularly known as BLG has given us a rich and motivating addition to our libraries. A brief manifesto for a youthful revolution in politics. It is my hope that this book will inspire, educate, and motivate readers to pursue their own paths with the same fervour. Raymond David Wodi Founder/CEO, 3R Company Nigeria Ltd.  MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) Chapter One: A Brief History Of Peyi Abuja, Nigeria's planned capital, came from big dreams and careful planning. Lagos, the old federal and state capital, had too many people and city problems. Keeping Lagos as the federal capital became hard because of its traffic jams bad housing, and dirty conditions. To fix this for good, General Murtala Muhammad set up a team on August 9, 1975. Retired Justice Akinola Aguda led this team. They had to check if Lagos should keep its two jobs as state and federal capital. They could also suggest a better place. They picked Abuja, and the government said yes. When the Federal Military Government accepted Justice Akinola Aguda's report, Abuja was set to become the nation's capital. In 1976, they started the Abuja Geographical Information System (AGIS). This kicked off Abuja's planned growth. The Federal Capital Development Authority made a form to take over land and check its value. The new federal capital territory took 80% of its land from Niger State, 16% from Plateau State (now Nasarawa State), and 4% from Kwara State (now Kogi State). Garki where I'm from, was one of the first areas built when Nigeria moved its capital from Lagos to the Federal Capital Territory. This big community helped the city grow. It's important in Abuja's history. As part of Phase 1 of the FCT, you can still see many old buildings in Abuja's streets. Before they made the Abuja Municipal Area Council AMAC, this part of Abuja was under the Garki Chiefdom. Garki Chiefdom has 28 district heads and 58 village heads. It is home to Aso Villa - where Nigeria's government works - and the Federal Capital City. It spreads across the FCC, all the way to Kubwa Expressway, Gwarinpa, Abacha Barracks, and Kpaduma. This busy packed area is right south of Abuja's city center. It touches Karu in the East, Karshi in the South, Kuje in the West, and Jiwa in the North. It mixes business and living spaces well. Along with Wuse and the Central Business District, Garki is one of Abuja's main business areas. Banks and government offices are here. The district splits into Garki 1 & 2 and then into Areas 1-11. 1 MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) People often think Garki's story begins with Abuja's creation. But Garki existed long before Nigeria became independent. It was a small settlement in Northern Nigeria home to the Gbagyi people. Back then, folks called it Peyi. Farming was the backbone of this rural community. Peyi's rich fertile soil let farmers grow crops like millet, sorghum, yam, rice, and corn. The local chief Sa'Peyi, kept things in order and looked after the people's well-being. The community had deep roots in customs and traditions. Everyone looked up to the elders, and they made choices together in community meetings. The Gbagyi have always farmed to feed themselves so their lives followed the seasons. Big events like the yearly harvest festival and The Rain Dance brought nearby communities together to celebrate and show gratitude. Peyi didn't have much contact with the British and didn't see much government presence until after 1960. When Peyi became Garki, a new chapter began. The government kicked off this change with several building projects. They built roads and schools to make life better for the locals. This time also marked the start of people moving to cities, with many coming to Garki to find better chances. Everyone saw education as key so new primary and secondary schools in Garki drew people who wanted formal schooling. Western education started to mix with old ways creating a unique blend of cultures. This Western influence would wipe out some parts of the local culture. One of the biggest things to happen in Garki was when the World Health Organization (WHO) kicked off the Garki Project in the 1970s. This big project wanted to study and control malaria in the area. While it didn't wipe out malaria, it made the world take notice of Garki and showed how tough it is to fight malaria in West Africa. The project also proved how tough and adaptable the local people were when facing health problems. The 1980s saw Garki grow into a city fast. The Nigerian government had just created the Federal Capital Territory and needed to build a lot of stuff. This time also saw the start of the Garki District, which made it even more important as a key government area. The influx of people from various regions of Nigeria transformed Peyi into a blend of cultures, languages, and customs. The local economy grew more diverse spawning new enterprises and industries. The Garki Model Market, a hub for buying and selling, took 2  MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) the place of the old Peyi market square. By the 1990s, Garki had become a major urban center in Nigeria. This decade saw ongoing efforts to modernize, including expanding infrastructure and bringing in new tech. When I was born, my parents' small village had grown into one of the country's developed cities. As we entered the 2000s, the shift from a tiny farming community to a bustling urban area was done. My generation watched the last bits of Peyi disappear, either through government-ordered teardowns, religious extremism, or the wilful surrender to the unstoppable force of urbanization. Though we didn't understand it then, our parents tried to keep our cultural roots alive while moving forward with the times. Childhood in Garki was fun and tough. Besides Wuse, Garki offers the most things to do for fun in all of FCT. Staying focused and well-behaved proved challenging. The many bars and drug spots weren't the main temptations. Our biggest distractions came from living in the heart of it all. Its schools, hospitals great transport links, and fun spots make Garki the ideal area for all sorts of people and needs, which makes it easy to seek thrills and ignore schoolwork and chores at home. The area sits next to the Central Area in the north Asokoro in the northeast Guzape in the southeast, Gudu in the southwest and Durumi in the west. For us kids and teens, this meant we could get to any part of the city without much trouble. Growing up in the 2000s was an unforgettable experience. Mobile phones and the internet connected the old Peyi to the world. I spent my childhood on Lagos Street, a busy part of the neighborhood. Kids played, vendors shouted, and cars honked as they squeezed through narrow streets. As a member of the ECWA church, Sundays were special. The church wasn't just for worship; it brought people together. I made friends for life and joined in many activities. The community's warmth shaped my early social life. After church, we turned Garki's streets into our playground. We played Suwe drawing grids on the ground and hopping to grab small objects. Ten-Ten was popular too, with its clapping and stepping in time with opponents. Police and Thief got our hearts racing as we chased each other. Girls stuck to Suwe and Ten-Ten, while tomboys joined Police and Thief. Boys had their own games like Backflip and Bicycle Stunts. 3 MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) Exploring Garki was always exciting. Local markets bombarded our senses with bright colors, crowds, and all sorts of goods. I loved watching people haggle sometimes trying it myself. I cared more about the back-and-forth than the outcome. My mom, a trader, was a haggling pro. She'd pick something up and talk the price down to a quarter or less. She never rushed to buy. I learned my first negotiation lessons from her. My dad wore many hats - small-time property developer, farmer, and hunter. He tried his hand at business once, but it didn't work out. He built several houses and even a plaza. We loved when he took us to Mr. Biggs. The fast-food chain was at its peak then, with places like Chicken Republic starting to steal customers. Savannah Chum Chum was another favorite spot. It was like a kids' bank where we put in money to play arcade games. It's what Magicland is to kids now. When we weren't in school or doing risky stunts, we roamed Garki District collecting bottle caps. We hit up every beer joint and hangout from Area 1 to Area 11. Our reward depended on who sent us or who we "sold" them to. Without knowing it, we were taking our first steps in climate action. We spent many evenings at our neighborhood soccer field. This place meant more than just a spot to play; it became where we sharpened our abilities, built friendships, and started rivalries. My big brother Lucky played soccer better than me. I joined in too, but I went for the chance to hang out. Still, the thrill of kicking a goal or blocking a critical shot felt great, and the bond between us players was one of a kind. As you'd guess, lots of games turned into shouting matches and fistfights. Now we look back on all of those times with such fond memories. People knew me as the cool kid always with friends and doing lots of stuff. My time with ECWA Church Garki started when I was little. Our parents made sure we got into the church community. I loved Sunday school and couldn't wait to go each week. I joined in all the lessons and activities. Before long, everyone saw me at every event. On Children's Day, Workers' Day, or Drama Day, I was right there having fun and feeling part of the group. I went from Sunday school to the teen class where I kept joining in. Even though I was too free-spirited for the 4  MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) strict Boys Brigade, I found my spot in the choir. I wasn't the best singer, but being in the choir and helping with church music made me happy. Christmas carols were extra special to me, since parties and celebrations were a big part of my church life. Birthdays were always fun when we played double basket, a game that made us laugh and get excited. Because I did so much in church, people called me "Pastor." They meant it in a nice way showing how much I did and cared about the church. Many thought I'd end up becoming a pastor, given how committed and passionate I was about church. Now, the church isn't just a place to worship; it's a community that's helped me grow, supported me, and shaped what I believe in. My time at ECWA Church Garki has an impact on how I think about building communities. Lagos Street played a big role in shaping my life. I knew the folks next door, down the block, and at the end of the street, plus every nook and cranny of what I called my home turf. The street was always bustling; sellers hawked their wares and kids ran around playing. This place made me feel connected to others. I watched as society and tech changed things, but I still enjoyed simple fun like parties. During this time, pay phones started showing up all over. Internet cafes sprang up on lots of corners around town. One of our tenants, Mr. Nemi, ran a computer center across from Garki hotel where my little brother Lamdu and I signed up to learn. Our classes taught us the basics of using computers. I practiced making graphics before I moved on to building websites. My first taste of IT came at Mr. Nemi's business center, which is what they call these places on Nigerian streets. Besides my childhood buddies, I got along great with grown-ups, and some of my parents' friends liked me because I could fix their phones. Most problems just needed a few setting tweaks, since smartphones weren't a thing back then. I became a bit of a local hero for this. This motivated me to learn more. By 2014 I was a professional ICT consultant. The evolution of Peyi from a small village to a mega city imitates our lives in many ways. I have tried to imagine the thinking of my forebears during their youths. I imagine the men relaxed in the evenings inside their spacious compounds, after a long day of tilling the earth, 5 MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) drinking palm wine and debating innovative approach to agriculture. It is easy to imagine our grandmothers telling stories about talking calabash with children sitting in circles at their feet. This was the ancient means through which history, wisdom and morals were handed down from one generation to the other. What they could never have imagined was that their agrarian Peyi would become a cosmopolitan city to be called Garki. What they did imagine and worked for was a better life. Long before government's presence reached them, they organized themselves and planned for life beyond farming. They sent their children to faraway Jos, Minna, Bida and Kwara to get quality education. Although they did not live to witness the gigantic evolution, they prepared their wards for it. Garki is more than just a home to us. It is a lingering reminder of growth and everything that is possible. 6  MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) Chapter Two: Friendship, Work And Family One of the things that I wrote down to achieve in my hundred days in office was to write a book chronicling my journey so far. Until I sat down to do the writing, it did not occur to me the enormity of such a decision. Once I had written an outline for the book, the challenges slapped me in the face. First, I am still new in the system to hold strong opinions or have enough valuable lessons to share. Secondly, I realized how much care is needed in telling stories that are still unfolding. Nevertheless, it is important that I keep my promise of writing a book in my first year. This is important to me as an individual and as emerging political leader. The upbringing I had is one where I was trained to do what I promise and never promise what I cannot deliver. As a compromise, I decided to put together a manifesto that gives a glimpse into my thinking and shines light on the direction of my politics. This chapter drives home both my current limitations as the teller of my story as well as the strength of the home that I come from. It is at once both the most painful and the most soothing. I have learned that the ache of losing a parent cannot be fully understood until it is lived. The pain of losing my parents is a constant wound for me. Especially now that I hold a position of great responsibility, I miss them. Their words of reassurance, the guiding hands, and the physical presence are all missed. As I type this, a particular feeling that I experienced in 2022 is creeping back. It was a day in November and I had just changed my Facebook cover photo to a portrait of my mother. So many thoughts flashed through my mind in a millisecond. As I stared at her bright white eyes it occurred to me that even though I missed her, her smile still had a soothing effect on me. My parents lived an honest and impactful life. They were respected and long after their demise, they are still celebrated by people who experienced them. My mother, despite been strict, was always jovial with a smile about her. She was born and brought up in a small town in Nassarawa state. She met my father as a student and they hit it off instantly. In the course of their courtship, she took in and had their 7 MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) first child. As they were both Gbagyi, it was easy for them to person the rites in such situation so they could become husband and wife. Like every marriage, they faced their share of challenges. They were to many in Garki what my generation refers to as couple goals. When my mother passed on, it took a long time for it to make sense. We were consoled by the presence of our father until he too left us. Becoming an orphan in my early twenties made me mature faster than my peers. I became a provider and a protector to my siblings and it scared me because I knew that I could never fill their shoes. Life without my parents has not been all grim. At different times I have been blessed with people who play parental roles in my life. Some of our parents' relatives and friends tried their best to help us through life. This book is too small to contain the support that we enjoyed from these people, we shall show our appreciation to them as a family at the appropriate time. There are also friends who became family whose presence reduced the negative impact of our parents' absence. One example is Ms. Serah Shekwonya Tukura whom I met through work. I was a hot headed entrepreneur trying to build my first business when she gave me an assignment to design a logo for her. She was patient and observant. After I delivered the logo, she offered an honest feedback. Our relationship metamorphosed to that of siblings until she moved from being an older sister to being a mother to me and my siblings whenever we needed one. She would scold, counsel, and pray for us even when I was defiant. Looking back, she has always been there through my career advancement and even in my adventure into politics. It was through her that I first met her brother, Tukura John Daniel who we all call Tee Jay Dan. She had an idea to start an NGO that would educate, empower and bring together Gbagyi people from across the country. This was when she brought Tee Jay and I together to start Gbagyi Enlightenment Initiative (GEI). GEI was my baptism into the development space and unknown to me at the time, it was preparing me for a bigger platform in the future. Our first outing was organizing a National Gbagyi Summit in Abuja. I learned so much about organizing and project management while working on the summit which turned out to be a great success. 8  MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) Tee Jay and I went on to become great friends, with her playing a big sister role to both of us – although there were instances when Tee Jay was less agreeable than I was. After our second enlightenment outreach which held in Minna, he tendered his resignation from GEI leaving only our Big Sis and me. Ms. Serah taught me patience and perseverance. Even when my actions or inactions frustrated her, she never gave up on me. She constantly reminded me that God put me on earth and blessed me with my talents for a bigger reason than money or myself. My siblings got used to her and submitted to her authority over certain matters. Ms. Serah Tukura is one of the few strangers who became family to me. When I started my ICT company, Creatify, Ms. Serah was in the background – advising and praying for its success. I co-founded Creatify with another friend of mine, Otiga Alih. He is a brilliant and multitalented designer and business developer. We did good work together and learned while at it. Ms. Serah brought us clients at some point. Otiga would later move on to work for Anakle, one of the biggest advertising agency in Nigeria, before he ventured into the business of multimedia. But before Otiga's exit from Creatify, we teamed up with Tee Jay Dan to create what became Africa's biggest literary platform. It was Tee Jay who came up with the vision for Praxis Magazine for Arts and Literature. Something he said that stuck with me was, “we are on the verge of something great”. He was right as we indeed built something great together. While he furnished the idea, Creatify – in other words, Otiga and I – invested our technical skills. In less than a year Praxis became a household name in the creative space in Africa. We were hungry and eager to prove that we could build something worthwhile. Unfortunately, around the same time that Otiga exited Creatify, I too stopped work with Praxis. As usual, Ms. Serah was a silent partner in this journey. She never left. She never doubted. Her faith in me never shook. Besides Serah Tukura, I have enjoyed so much love and support in the form of friendships, mentorship and partnerships. I have also recorded great losses. This chapter of my life is evidence that all the dots connects eventually. God will never take away someone or 9 MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) something from us without providing someone or something to cushion the effect of the loss. Inasmuch as I still miss my parents, I am fulfilled with how my life has turned out. 10  MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) Chapter Three The Politics Of Dialogue As a kid, I loved lions. Their grand look, loud roars, and regal manners grabbed my attention. In my culture, lions stand for power and royalty. I never went to any local wildlife park while growing up, but I watched these amazing animals for hours on the National Geographic Wild channel. This made me love lions even more, and I started to see links between how they act and what makes a good leader. I didn't just like lions for their strength; I was drawn to how they live in groups and lead their pride. The top lion, while tough and in charge also guards and plans. This mix of might and care speaks to me and has an impact on how I lead. Even though it's not the biggest cat or the strongest beast in the wild, people call it the King of the jungle, which shows how well it leads. Watching lions wait and strike with care when hunting taught me how timing and planning matter to reach goals. A lion never hurries. It waits for just the right time to attack making sure it wins with little risk. This lesson about being patient and planning smart became a key part of my work in politics later on. I've always seen myself as the top dog in every situation. Even before I knew it, I led my friends and kept the group safe. In my family, I was the go-to guy. My younger siblings ran to me when our older brother picked on them. My older brother asked me for help with math. My parents talked to me before making big choices. At church and school, my friends looked to me to lead a revolt. Looking back, I think everyone saw how clear I was about what I believed. As I got older and joined politics, I led with strength and care always putting my people first. This made my peers loyal and respect me, but others hated it. During the 2023 election, my team - all young politicians with new ideas - faced a big challenge. We had to sell a tough Muslim-Muslim ticket to FCT voters against a popular candidate and one of the longest- serving Senators, both Christians. It was easier to campaign against Mr. Peter Obi from the Labour Party than to oppose Senator Philip Aduda. Senator Philip had been in the national assembly for about twenty years and was popular with FCT locals, thanks to his constant small gifts 11 MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) disguised as empowerment projects and his grip on the People's Democratic Party (PDP). The PDP had always won FCT votes by a lot, but in 2023, some of us thought Senator Aduda and the PDP were worn out and we needed a new leader to keep working on a new platform. When the campaign started, his fans attacked my team and me hard. I stood by the team helping and guiding them, and in the end, we grew closer and stronger. This taught me that real leadership isn't just about power. It's about protecting your people, finding ways to reach your goals, and showing strength and skill in every situation. I didn't know it then, but the 2023 win was about to teach me the opposite lesson changing how I see the world in a big way. The 2023 elections taught me a big lesson: there's more than one way to get results. This idea grew on me until after the elections ended. Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu's rise as our party's (APC) candidate and his later win as Nigeria's sixteenth president is something future students will study, political experts will break down, and Asiwaju's rivals will gnash their teeth over. In the months before the APC's Presidential primary, Bola Ahmed Tinubu's chances seemed pretty slim. But as time went on, his talks picked up speed and he became one of the top three contenders. When he became Candidate Tinubu many political experts thought the PDP would win. When Mr. Obi got the Labour Party ticket around the same time the APC chose a Muslim-Muslim ticket, the opposition said Tinubu was done for. President Tinubu's opponents made a big mistake by not seeing how his determination and all the talking he did from the primary election through the whole campaign would affect things. Just like how Presidential hopefuls backed out for him one by one on the night before the primary election, the roadblocks set up to stop him from getting to Aso Rock came down. Candidate Tinubu beat both real and made-up challenges by talking to key people - whoever they were and wherever they were. He explained, taught, repeated his goals, and changed their minds. Right after the election, I told my team it was time to try a new plan in our fight to free the native people of the FCT. 12  MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) Negotiating the Future of FCT While I admire and show the power and leadership traits of a lion, I recognize the serious limits of this big cat. My biggest shock came when I first found out that some animals hunt and devour my favourite jungle ruler. The hyenas though much smaller, pose the biggest danger to lions because they hunt in packs and have jaws that can crush bones. When hurt or alone even a group of baboons could harm or kill and eat a lion! After the 2023 elections ended, my friends and I looked at what happened. Non-locals won two of the three top positions in the FCT. Both local candidates - Senator Philip Aduda and Hon. Micah Jibah - lost their bids to stay in the senate and federal house. We knew we needed to change how we approached politics. The first step, I said, was to give time to make up. People saw my friends and me as the reason local politicians in Abuja North lost. I focused on pushing for the President and Senator, while others worked on the President and Federal House. Since we didn't work with Senator Aduda or Hon. Jibah, people thought we were against the fight for FCT's political freedom. I talked to as many of our people as I could to explain that we needed to work together and always put our best people forward. My peers and older leaders were spoiling for a fight with the federal government. Some career protesters had already made hashtags and slogans to challenge the new President. They also wanted to be tougher on residents – an action that was already damaging relations - but I knew we couldn't let that happen. We started a three-part plan: talk to our people through the Coalition of FCT Indigenous Groups, change the story on social media from anger to dialogue, and fix the damage already done. We started a big debate about needing a new plan on the coalition's WhatsApp group. We got the local groups to join a push for the FCT to be included at the highest level of the new government. My team and I then led high-level talks with President Tinubu's new team. I also went on TV shows to spread our message of inclusion and to fight the idea some people had about us not accepting residents in the FCT. We got some 13 MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) friendly residents to help lobby. Even though many people doubted at first, we managed to lobby for certain appointments. For the first time ever, an original inhabitant of the Federal Capital Territory became a minister giving us a seat at the country's highest decision-making table. Even though we worked hard for it and it was the right thing to do, hearing that an indigene of the Federal Capital was now a minister was a nice surprise. Our people had protested, rebelled, and even made threats before, yet our calls to be included in the federal executive council (FEC) were ignored. The naming of Hon. Zaphanian Bitrus Jisalo as the Minister of Special Duties and Intergovernmental Affairs proved my point that we needed to rethink how we do politics in the FCT. It was then that the FCT struggle connected to my core humanity. My parents were liberal. They never hit us. They talked to us instead. Now and then, our father would yell to show his frustrations and sometimes warn he'd take away certain perks. Our mother was a bit more showy. She'd wake us up late at night to either question or grill us. Her way of punishing us was to list all possible outcomes that could stem from our stubborn behaviour or risky moves, none of which ended well. This parenting style allowed me to engage with them as I got older. As a teen when they misread my actions or got frustrated by my refusal to act a certain way, I talked to them to explain my view. This built a base for talks and give-and-take. This gave me the courage to always express my point of view. The first time I saw how well talking things out worked outside the family was in church. The main language for our church back then was Hausa. I knew the language and didn't get why they didn't use English instead. To protest, I and other teens stopped going to that church. When the pastor at the time came to me about why I stopped coming, I laid out my reasons. He was shocked at how many young people wanted the church to bring in English in its services. The pastor right away asked if we'd come back to church if they added an English service. I told him I'd convince those who left to return and even bring new people. This short talk led to the creation of the English section of ECWA church Garki. 14  MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) This is the thinking that I advanced in my interaction with the original inhabitants of the federal capital territory. Thankfully, President Tinubu had given us the right amount of oomph to win the argument. I argued that in less than a year, for the first time in the history of Nigeria, the indigenous people of FCT had gotten five serious appointments. We had no reason to fight. The residents of the FCT in general also have reasons to stay hopeful. My boss, Barr. Nyesom Wike as Minister of FCT, had done more in the area of infrastructural development more than any of his predecessors in one year. Incidentally, it was also around this time that some political actors were attempting to rile up Nigerian youths against the administration by sponsoring violent protests targeting Abuja and other key states. I deemed it necessary at that point to engage a wider audience on the importance of dialogue over violence. I held a press conference where I encouraged the youths of Abuja to articulate their demands to the President so we can push them through the proper channel. I also itemized the efforts by the President to ameliorate some of the pressing issues in the country. The purpose of the press conference was deliberately misconstrued by mischief-makers to insinuate that I was threatening the nonindigenous residents in the FCT. This dangerous narrative started gaining ground on social media. Two days later, I took to Facebook and made the post below which gained virality: Good morning Naija! My fellow youths, let's gather around for a brief chat. Our great nation is like a jigsaw puzzle that is diverse, colorful, and sometimes a bit tricky to piece together. But guess what? We're making progress! For days now well-meaning Nigerians have asked me why I am against protesting. I took my time to explain to them that protest is a fundamental right of citizens and knowing that I cannot be against protest in itself. Instead I am against lawlessness and politics of bi erness. I explained certain things to them and they understood. I also want to extend those explanations to my friends and supporters over here. 15 MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been on a roll, y'all. Here's the lowdown on some of his moves: Electricity Revolution: You know those days when NEPA (or PHCN, if you're feeling nostalgic) played hide-and-seek with our light bulbs? Well, President Tinubu said, "Enough!" He signed that 2023 Electricity Act, shaking things up. Now, states, companies, and even your neighbor with a solar panel can generate electricity. This act democratized the business of power which can only benefit the people. Fuel Subsidy Bold Move: So many people (especially the opposition) still criticize the removal of fuel subsidy without addressing the gains. Yeah, fuel prices went up a bit, but it's like sacrificing a pawn in chess for your advancement. Those extra funds saved from the subsidy? They're building roads, schools, and hospitals. Go and verify! CBN Shu e: President Tinubu gave the former CBN governor a timeout. Why? 'Cause he's all about that fiscal responsibility. No more funny business, our money's in good hands now. The current CBN governor has shown a willingness to firmly reform our financial sector. This has a positive long-term e ect on our economy. The NELFUND Magic: Education is the golden ticket to a great life, my friends. NELFUND which stands for National Education Loan Fund was created to make sure that everyone both the rich, not-so-rich, and those in-between can chase their dreams without breaking the bank. Instead of taking to the street to cause destruction, I encourage our students to take advantage of this o er and apply for the fund. When the indigenous people of the FCT issued a press conference distancing themselves from the planned violent protest their stand was misinterpreted for cowardice. Here in the FCT we have peacefully protested in the past and whenever it becomes necessary we will come out again. But what we are saying is that 16  MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) this government has shown great goodwill towards us as a people. We have never had it this good and we know of the promises for more. Hold up! Indigenous folks in the FCT finally got a seat at the big table for the first time - the federal executive council. It's like ge ing invited to the coolest party in town. Why would you want to sca er the party? Now, about those protests... Word on the street is that some sore losers (politicians who lost elections) are teaming up with foreign sponsors to stir up trouble. There is credible intelligence that these protesters simply want to destabilise the progress that this government is making. Nation building is a collective e ort. Every patriotic citizen knows that progress hinges on dialogue, collaboration, and constructive engagement. Violent protests only hinder our growth, disrupt our economy, and harm our people Instead of turning the streets into a WWE ring, let's talk it out. Dialogue, my friends! We can call out our leaders without throwing tantrums. Constructive criticism is our secret weapon. Nigeria's like a jollof pot that is spicy, diverse, and very delicious. Let's celebrate our di erences and build bridges, not bonfires. We've survived tougher storms and we shall survive whatever the enemies of Nigeria throw at us. Let's channel our energy into nation-building, not chaos. We must line up behind President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to build our nation together, brick by brick, hope by hope. As the nation debated whether Nigerian youths should take to the streets in protest, something remarkable happened right at the heart of our nation. The natives of FCT agreed and spoke with the government through strategic negotiations with the FCT Minister H.E Nyesom Wike. Their needs were urgent and clear. They sought a reversal of the position of FCT Commissioner for Public Complaints 17 MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) Commission, which had been erroneously given to one Mr. David Onoja, a former Deputy Governor of Kogi State. They agitated for a secretariat for youths, as well as quarterly engagements with the office of the Honorable Minister. The appointment of Mr. Onoja was successfully reversed, and not only did the Minister agree to the establishment of a secretariat for youth, but he also went around the six area councils, meeting various youth groups to hear directly from the people. The excitement among the indigenous youths of the FCT was palpable. Many more started to subscribe to the progressive idea of effective dialogue over violent protests. All those who attacked me on every available social media similarly had to concede that dialogue wasn't a bad approach at all. The rest of the country can learn from some of the approaches being taken here in the FCT. I am a hopeless believer in the power of dialogue. This is not because it was an effective tool in my home or because it aided us in our push for an English service in the ECWA Church Garki; my belief in dialogue solidified after the EndSARS protest that I was part of. The social media critics, in their vain attempt to embarrass me, reminded everyone I was part of the EndSARS protest and I am now denying other protesters their rights. Well, the reality is less gladiatorial. When the protest at EndSARS was over, it became clear that no tangible possibility for change could be advanced from outside of the government. It brought about a brutal realization that the Nigerian youth needed political power to influence systemic change. Hitherto, I had been an idealist who felt that politics was a dirty game meant for the unambitious. Now, I have seen the light and am actually the most vocal advocate for the participation and inclusion of youth. 18  MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) Chapter Four A Youthful Revolution In Politics The shift in FCT's political scene started before the 2023 elections. 2023 just marked its peak. Starting in 2016 young people in all sixty-two wards began to complain about the lack of guidance and rewards for their support. They grew tired of being used as online warriors and thugs during elections. By 2019, these youths spoke out more against political leaders. We had many concerns. Most of us with degrees couldn't find jobs. When we faced clear social wrongs and needed our elected officials to speak up, they were often missing. We stopped blaming outside forces and decided to tackle the serious problems within. This led us to watch our elected officials in 2019, from senators to councillors. Online criticism, which leaders saw as personal attacks got stronger. In 2022, as FCT prepared for local elections, some politicians were told not to run again. Young people's involvement made this election very competitive due to online campaigns. Adamu Shekwonya from Kubwa ward ran an innovative campaign and won as the youngest and most educated councillor there. His win, despite being new and having no money, shows how FCT's youth were waking up. He did not only emerge as the minority leader but has proven to know his mettle, living up to the responsibilities of a councillor as the representative of people at the grassroot and as a legislator who checks the functions of the executive. My friends and I, warned older politicians about leaving young people out of politics. The signs were clear, but they didn't see them until it was too late. Many active young people in FCT worked for candidates who were nonindigenous because the indigenous politicians didn't include us in their teams, and we were fed up with being ignored. On February 25, 2023, the FCT's longest-serving Senator lost his bid to stay in office. After the elections, things slowly got back to normal. People stopped moving around so much, and all the social media talk and worries about the campaigns ended. FCT folks were sad about Senator Philip Aduda and Honourable Micah Jiba losing, but we in the All 19 MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) Progressive Congress party were happy about President Tinubu winning. I took a few days off then went back to work at my own company. My team and I decided we needed to push the right people about the promises made to FCT folks during the campaign. So I stayed in touch with my boss Seyi Tinubu and Hon. James Falake, who ran Tinubu's campaign. We wanted to get results for our people. We wanted the older indigenous political big shots to take us serious, and we didn't want people to think we were liars who helped trick our folks. While we worked behind the scenes, I also talked to the media to back up what we were asking for. Our reminders worked because some appointments started coming in. The best news was when Zaphania Bitrus Jisalo, who used to be in the Federal House of Representatives for Abuja Municipal Bwari, was named as a minister nominee. We expected it, but it still felt unreal. Since this was the highest appointment, we thought Hon. Jisalo's job would be the last good thing for FCT. But on a cold evening in late August, I got a call. I was out with my team at our favorite place when someone called to tell me they were thinking about giving me a job. We were excited but decided to keep it quiet. At first, I thought I'd just keep working in the background and try to work well with the FCT appointees. Even when they told us about the appointment, we didn't think it would be what we got. On September 5, 2023, they made the official announcement, which shocked everyone. As it happened, my birthday was on the 6th so we had two things to celebrate. In my early 30s, President Tinubu picked me as the youngest commissioner to oversee the FCT Area Councils. The federal capital territory lacks a typical state structure, so commissioners go by the name Mandate Secretaries and local governments are called area councils here. My job title reads Mandate Secretary, Area Council Services Secretariat or MS, FCT ACSS. My job matches that of a commissioner for local government and chieftaincy affairs. Before me, mandate secretaries came from a pool of former area council chairmen and older folks. My appointment marked a big step, not just for me, but for Nigerian youths. This happened at a time when young people and women were asking for more involvement, which showed FCT 20  MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) residents that President Tinubu's Renewed Hope agenda was more than campaign rhetoric. As the country's youngest commissioner, I became a sign of what young leaders could do. I knew how big this job was. I promised to do my best in this role. I felt proud to work with FCT Minister Barr. Nyesom Wike whose tenure as Rivers State governor I had followed closely and hoped to learn the ins and outs of politics from. Administrative reforms and Other interventions As it is with every Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, my office serves as a regulatory body overseeing the governance, development, and cultural heritage preservation within the federal capital territory's area councils. To achieve this, my secretariat is saddled with the following responsibilities: 1. Supervision of the administration and operations of area councils. 2. Facilitating the appointment and recognition of traditional rulers and chiefs. 3. Implementing policies and programs to enhance community development. 4. Monitoring and evaluating the performance of local government authorities. 5. Resolving conflicts and disputes within communities and chieftaincy institutions. What I met was far from what it ought to be. Quickly, I worked on a policy document and drew the honourable minister's attention to the matter. As I settled into the job I realised that the problems were multifaceted. For example, the administrative structure had been ignored for so long that instead of the Chairmen communicating to the minister through the Area Council Services Secretariat and vice versa, they went directly to the minister. This was the practice that was encouraged by previous administrations. The four agencies under the secretariat now operate independent of the secretariat. The Area Council Service Commission, the Area Council Auditor General, the Area Council Pension board, and the Satellite Town Development 21 MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) Department are all supposed to report to the Area Council Services Secretariat but they do not. I immediately identified the need for creativity and innovation in governance at the local level. The absolute reliance of the area councils on monthly allocation had foreclosed other opportunities to generate revenues. Our relations with the area council chairmen have continued to improve and this is one area that I hope we would be able to collaborate on. It is a great source of consolation that the FCT is currently blessed with a Minister who is a maverick administrator and is fully aware of the lapses that abound. Reforming the traditional institutions. I spent my first week in the office going through the files to understand where things were and how to make a move from there. I did a draft of the things that I wanted to achieve in the first hundred days in office. The first thing that I really turned my attention to was something that had been on my mind for over a decade: the traditional institution. I have always been canvassing that traditional institutions in Nigeria need reordering. First, the place for traditional rulers is in culture custodianship, mediation of conflict, and partnership in development with local governance. By limiting them largely to ceremonial roles, we have left so many possibilities untapped. When I was appointed Mandate Secretary in charge of FCT Area Council Services Secretariat, one of my friends reached out to me and said, "Guy, na the opportunity to bring our talks to reality be this o." I didn't need any reminders because it was top on my list. The first thing that I embarked on was to rebrand the traditional institutions in the FCT. I facilitated, with approval and under the guidance of the Honourable Minister of FCT, the delivery of vehicles befitting all the graded chiefs in the federal capital. Thereafter, I set out to resolve age- long disputes between royal families, as well as push for the coronation of new Chiefs to occupy the thrones that had been empty for rather too long. I immediately set in motion a consultation and lobby in favour of giving traditional institutions a constitutional role that would formalise their contributions and integrate them into the modern governance framework in such a way that their influence would be assured for the development of their communities. This extends to the grassroots level, where traditional leaders can be instrumental in implementing 22  MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) government policies, particularly in rural areas where government presence is minimal. Another reform worthy of pursuing to the end is the matter of appointing and dismissing district heads. As it is currently arranged, area council chairmen can at will either appoint or dismiss a district head. This is an anomaly, which gives room to vengeful politicians to remove a traditional leader to install their lackeys, only to ignite a crisis that continues to consume the community long after the expiration of their tenure as chairman. The traditional institution has a time-tested system for ascension to the throne as well as for dethronement and replacement. I therefore propose a system that put some checks requiring Area Councils to first obtain approvals before the appointment or deposition of District Heads. Aside from ensuring that the right structure was in place, as similarly observed in most states, its implementation would also insulate this institution from political patronage. It is also my opinion that a minimum of three percent of the internally generated revenue in their local government should be given to every graded Chief to give them some level of financial independence. Much to my surprise, some stakeholders have argued completely against these ideas, saying that such integration of traditional institutions into the constitutional framework would give room for conflicts of interest and power struggles between the elected officials and the traditional leaders. It is also feared that this might be perpetuating old practices and hierarchies incompatible with the values of modern democracy. The advantages, I think, will always outweigh the disadvantages if well-planned and with clearly defined roles. We need to value and create mechanisms for recognizing, hence formalizing, the contributions made by traditional leaders as we go about developing a truly representative and efficient system of governance. Examples of these countries include Botswana, Ghana, and Namibia. In Botswana, traditional leaders, otherwise known as Dikgosi, were integrated into the governance structure. The body, by the name Ntlo ya Dikgosi or the House of Chiefs, advises Parliament on issues of legislation which involves customary law and traditional 23 MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) practices. Ghana's National House of Chiefs advises the government on chieftaincy and customary law matters. Traditional authorities also engage in regional and local governance. In Namibia, traditional authorities are recognized by the constitution of the country to play roles in local governance. Traditional leaders contribute to land administration, conflict resolution, and preservation of cultures. They work with the elected members to make sure that the local customs and traditions are taken care of and dovetailed into the system. It works in South Africa. The reason against this type of system in Nigeria is more self-serving. A main stakeholder once warned me not to try changing too much in my first year. It was very instructive. It made me appreciate the fight that politicians have to raise any point, let alone pass a bill. Being viewed as a youthful reformer had its share of problems and obstacles. From the first day I was sworn into office, people have made concerted efforts to shake my position. The first wave of attacks came in petitions. According to those who were opposing me, I was too young to handle such a big responsibility. They further questioned my ability to lead, factoring in my age. All that diverse experience within both the private sector and the CSO space thus provided reasonable assertions to respond to their argumentations. My track record spoke for itself that eventually underlined the fact that competence and leadership are not bounded by age. Another petition argued that I did not originate from the FCT, and on that premise, my legitimacy should be questioned. This was an easy claim to refute besides being baseless. Originating from the royal family of Garki, my family was well steeped in the history and culture of the FCT. The petition did not take long to get thrown out, but this showed how far some people were willing to go to discredit me. The most insidious, however, was the attack from my very generation of younger politicians who were envying my political elevation. Their strategy was to embarrass my principal - the honourable minister of the Federal Capital Territory - by running scandalous stories about me. The first salvo came in the form of a sustained media blitz aimed at portraying me as some kind of occult just because of my hair. The other times, they spread videos of me at a 24  MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) cousin's engagement celebration, distorting the event to make it appear as if I was more into partying than my administrative duties. Preposterous! This, to me, was a devilish distortion and manipulation of public perception. When the Minister of FCT, Hon. Wike asked me to explain these allegations and the context of these videos, which I did, he offered useful advice on how to handle such attacks. As a young reformist, entering politics is like driving an unarmoured SUV through a minefield. You are sure to get bumps, personal attacks, and intensity of an undeserved dissection. Like the biblical camel passing through the eye of a needle, the young reformist's path in politics is narrower than the one that leads to heaven. Among several impediments to youths reformist capabilities is this generation gap - their age factor usually presents us in positions of opponents to the customary state of affairs. Political establishments around the world are structured in a self-preserving way to thwart and roll back the disrupting events and people. For example, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, elected to the U.S. House of Representatives at age 29, became an immediately polarizing figure, with opponents attacking her personally on the grounds that she had neither the proper experience nor qualifications for her position. That appeared only to have solidified her position as a leading voice for progressive policy and the leader of a new generation of younger politicians. Likewise, when, at age 39, Emmanuel Macron pulled off an upset victory to capture the presidency of France through his outsider bid, established politicians-who had hitherto viewed his youth and unconventional rise to power as a disruption of business-as- usual politics-pushed back hard with a frenzy of scrutiny and opposition. His reforms and modernization of the French economy did not matter. Closer home, in Nigeria, a story of Right Honourable Dimeji Bankole, who rose through the ranks to become the Speaker of the House of Representatives of Nigeria at age 37, epitomizes trials and triumphs that usually face young reformists. His education from relatively prestigious institutions, such as the University of Reading and Harvard University, and his unique appeal as a modern, educated leader could not save him. He was even opposed in being elected 25 MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) Speaker by the former president, Olusegun Obasanjo, who hails from the same town as he does. Soon after being sworn in, political adversaries alleged that he had not completed his NYSC, which is obligatory for any Nigerian university graduate, and urged him to resign. Such accusations are not new to young politicians, as opponents usually capitalize on any weakness to bring them down. Rt. Hon. Bankole faced serious fraud allegations when he was arrested on charges of misappropriating tens of millions of dollars of government funds. He was accused of securing a ten billion naira ($65 million) loan, which was shared out among senior figures in parliament as a pay rise. These were not only professional accusations; they were personal, against his peculiar character. Discharged and acquitted of these charges, the scandal nonetheless succeeded in denting an indelible mark on his reputation. Little wonder that the Rt. Hon is not remembered for the acceptance of 328 motions, approval of 282 resolutions, and passing of 136 bills as Speaker of the Federal House of Representatives. This is the man whose tenure gave us the Freedom of Information (FOI) Act and the Fiscal Responsibility Act that increased transparency and accountability in the operations of government. Bankole's tenure was also marked by a weighty investigation into the affairs of the executive arm of government in moves to stem corruption and increase good governance. But Rt. Hon. Bankole was not the only victim of such politics. Rt. Hon. Patricia Etteh suffered a similar fate under the administration of late President Shehu Musa Yar'adua. It could be argued that her only offense was that of being a woman with some balls! I believe that women and youths should be given tangible responsibilities in nation building. We have the strength, clarity of purpose and the fearlessness to experiment. If our nation combines these attributes of youth with the experience and wisdom of the older leaders, we could leapfrog development in Nigeria. I have heard stories of young women and men that have both broken my heart and inspired me. Shirley Wright's story is one of them. I met Shirley through a series of interesting events. Listening to her tell the story, she heard about me for the first time from a group of young boys who were vilifying me. The 26  MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) things they said about me, though rather unflattering, forced her to look me up on the internet. She too judged me wrongly at first, because of my hair, but after listening to me speak on a TV talk show, she resolved to meet with me and pitch an idea to me. Her novel idea did not fall within the purview of my office and I told her so but because of her brilliance and foresight, I co-opted her into my team. Shirley had just left office as the women leader of the Ijaw Youths Council, Abuja chapter. When she narrated to me some of the frustrations that she faced while in office, simply because she is young and female, I could relate. The Nigerian youths must understand that power is never given on a platter. We have to come together, serve, and act as a bloc and only when we have proven ourselves can we negotiate and take what is ours. We must also be ready to deliver whenever we are trusted with responsibilities. Finally, there is no gainsaying the need to rally round the few young people who are appointed in office, to protect them from political hyenas looking to dig us out of the system. Once the system started fighting against me, I found strength from the stories and resilience of young politicians who have weathered the storm before me. Their experiences serve as an inspiration for me and future generations of young politicians who aspire to bring about positive change in their societies. The resistance to youthful leadership in politics is largely because young leaders often bring fresh perspectives, innovative ideas, and a dynamic approach to governance. On the other side of the divide are established politicians who wish to maintain the status quo so they work in cahoots with our peers who feel overshadowed. This is particularly the case in the FCT. As I continue my tenure as the commissioner in charge of the FCT Area Councils, I remain committed to empowering the youth, community development, and advocating for social justice. These experiences have only strengthened my resolve to create a more inclusive and equitable political landscape for future generations. I shall continue to fight for my legacy as an ambassador of history. 27 MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) Chapter Five: Epilogue Dear Youth, In the dynamic world of politics, the infusion of youthful energy and fresh perspectives is both a challenge and an opportunity. My story as one of the youngest Commissioners in Nigeria embodies the potential and promise that young politicians bring to the table. However, surviving the corridors of power requires more than just enthusiasm; one needs tactical skills, flexibility and subtle assertion of authority and respectability. I have happened upon a time-tested framework for understanding the intricate dance of power. This is what I wish to share with you, as we close this brief journey. I know that we are busting with so much energy but it is important to understand the system that we are trying to improve. Mentorship is probably more important in politics than in any other aspect of life. During the initial stages of our careers it is fundamental that we form close bonds with mentors or more experienced colleagues. Showing them respect and obedience will help earn their trust while also gaining their support thereby bringing us into their good graces. Emphasize what they have done right and ask them what you should do in order not to disturb their previous accomplishments but rather build on them. There are many paths to the river. If the older politicians do not offer us mentorship, we ought to go to them and offer them service. The next thing that we must is how to act in concert and respect confidentiality. In countless occasions, young politicians have sold out their mentors or snitched on a youths movement for one reason or another. This is not the way to grow politically. Political strategy requires careful planning. Being secretive about your long-term goals and strategies give you an upper hand over your opponents. When your mentor shares an information or idea with you in confidence, go to the grave with it. When you chart a course of action with your peers, for the 28  MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) plan to succeed, it is important to safeguard it. This way, no one will be able to sabotage your plans, and you will be able to maneuver through the politics smoothly. This is the way to acquire political power and ascend up the ladder. In public speaking and negotiation, brevity is a power. This is truer in politics. A plan that is brief yet straight to the point makes it more memorable and lessens any chances of misunderstanding. Similarly in the execution of an assignment or your political plan, you should learn to listen more than you talk as this will enable you to understanding others' positions better. This tactical silence can be a deadly weapon in your political ammunition. At the same time, you must protect your reputation at all cost. Your power is based on your reputation. Address any negative rumors or attacks on your character swiftly and effectively to protect your reputation. A strong reputation is a valuable asset in your political career as it can open doors and shield you from attacks. I have found three things to be critical in my political journey: visibility, alliance and adaptability. It is important to be seen and heard. We are blessed with social media to showcase our achievements and contributions to community building. I have seen politicians limit their potentials or completely fizzle away for failing to utilize this gem that our generation has been gifted with. Once, you are seen, the next thing is to build formidable alliances. We can win loyal supporters and disarm opponents by being fair or generous in our dealings with them. People warm up to even the tiniest act of kindness extended to them. It is only after this that you move onto the most difficult attribute – adaptability. The reality of politics is rougher than the roughest political theory you'd ever read. Continuous learning and flexibility is crucial in politics. You need knowledge, information and a frequently updated public image frequently that reflects your growth as well as accomplishments to survive. Once you can conquer these three phenomena, your ascension and sustained relevance in politics can be guaranteed. As young politicians, we have the potential to bring about significant change and innovation. But we must first learn to acquire power and gain a solid understanding of our governance system. This is why I insisted on publishing my thought in my first year in office. It is my 29 MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) hope that this little manifesto inspires your journey in life, not just politics. Whichever path you choose, please be an active citizen and show interest in the governance of our dear country. Finally, after all is said and done, be assured that you have a partner in me at all times. We have been given the Mandate to Win! 30  MANDATE TO WIN (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS) Chapter Six: Photospeak My heart is filled with so much gratitude to God almighty for keeping me in good health and directing my path all these years. I am eternally grateful to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for trusting me with such an enormous responsibility. In the spirit of accountability and for the sake of history, I am sharing a collection of photographs that highlight my one year in office. 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 (A MANIFESTO FOR THE YOUTHS)