A New History of Kentucky, Chapter 13 - PDF

Chapter Title: Progressivism, Prohibition, and Politics, 1900–1920 Book Title: A New History of Kentucky Book Author(s): JAMES C. KLOTTER and CRAIG THOMPSON FRIEND Published by: University Press of Kentucky Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv5npjz4.17 JSTOR is a not-for-profit service...

Chapter Title: Progressivism, Prohibition, and Politics, 1900–1920 Book Title: A New History of Kentucky Book Author(s): JAMES C. KLOTTER and CRAIG THOMPSON FRIEND Published by: University Press of Kentucky Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv5npjz4.17 JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms University Press of Kentucky is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to A New History of Kentucky This content downloaded from 128.163.2.206 on Sat, 09 Nov 2024 19:26:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  13 Progressivism, Prohibition, and Politics, 1900–1920 Assassination of a Governor forty-four-year-old northern Kentuckian had survived the assassin’s bullet for only a little Goebel had been shot. Mortally wounded over a hundred hours. His last words, at least as from a rifle bullet that had passed through his reported by the Democratic press, ensured that body, he was taken for treatment to a room in he would live on as a martyr: “Tell my friends a nearby hotel. Governor Taylor declared that to be brave, fearless, and loyal to the great com- a “state of insurrection” existed, called out the mon people.” militia, and ordered the legislature to recon- With the death of the controversial Goe- vene in a safer location, in this case the Re- bel, more rational discussions began to take publican stronghold of London, Kentucky. place, and the danger of warfare lessened. Goe- Democratic legislators refused to recognize the bel’s lieutenant governor, J. C. W. Beckham of legality of that action, but they found armed Nelson County, now took the reins of leader- soldiers barring them from meeting in the cap- ship for the Democrats, and both sides waited itol or in several other public places in Frank- for the courts to decide who legally was gover- fort. Gathering secretly in the hotel, with no nor and who was not. Meanwhile, state govern- Republicans present, they accepted the con- ment ground to a halt, since no one knew who test committee’s report regarding the disput- was in charge. Banks refused to honor checks ed election, threw out enough votes to reverse from either side. Finally, in May, with John the results, and on January 31, 1900, declared Marshall Harlan dissenting, the US Supreme Goebel governor. He was sworn in, and in his Court ruled that it could not examine the is- only official act he ordered the militia to dis- sue because no federal questions were involved. perse and the legislature to reassemble. Soon Thus the actions of the Democratic majority the new Democratic government called out a in the legislature would stand. The Republicans friendly militia force to face the Gatling guns were out, and the Democrats in. staring across the capitol lawn. Republicans in Governor William S. Taylor, under in- turn cried out about the “steal” of the election dictment from a partisan jury as an accessory and refused to recognize the constitutionality to the crime, fled the state. Numerous others of any of the Democratic actions. Two govern- were arrested, and eventually three men were ments, each with its own force of more than convicted of the assassination: Republican sec- a thousand armed men, faced each other, and retary of state Caleb Powers of Knox County, the level of tension rose higher and higher. A the man said to be the mastermind of the plan; stray shot could spark bloody violence and Henry Youtsey, a clerk from northern Ken- perhaps even another civil war, only this time tucky, said to be the aide to the assassin; and along party lines. James B. Howard, a man involved in the Clay At 6:44 p.m. on February 3, 1900, Wil- County feud and the supposed assassin. But liam Goebel died of his wounds. The only gov- the whole legal process was flawed. Juries were ernor in American history to die in office as a packed with Democrats, most trial judges had result of assassination, he had been chief execu- been partisan supporters of Goebel (one had tive of the commonwealth for three days. The been a Democratic lieutenant governor), and 260 This content downloaded from 128.163.2.206 on Sat, 09 Nov 2024 19:26:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  Progressivism, Prohibition, and Politics, 1900–1920 On January 30, 1900, William Goebel was assassinated outside the Kentucky state capitol. He was sworn in as governor the next day but died on February 3. (Cincinnati Enquirer, January 31, 1900) several witnesses perjured themselves in giving The effects of the assassination on Ken- testimony. Two of the three convicted men ap- tucky are a bit clearer. First, the event strength- pealed and won the right to a new trial from ened Kentucky’s reputation as a violent place. an equally partisan high court that had a Re- Second, party lines solidified, as each group publican majority. As a result, Howard went looked at the other with greater and greater through three trials, and Powers through four, distrust. Republicans would cry out that Dem- during a seven-year period. The long, drawn- ocrats had stolen the governor’s office from out process only added to the party bitterness them; Democratic orators would figurative- and the bad publicity for the state. As one na- ly wave the bloody shirt of Goebel before vot- tional observer noted: “How deeply the bitter- ers and label their opposition as murderers. A ness of the Goebel killing has entered into the third effect is less clear-cut. Some have argued life of Kentucky no outsider can fully realize. that the death of Goebel snuffed out the re- The animosities engendered by it have brought form spirit in the state. That really was not the about literally scores of fatal quarrels. Business case, for reforms did occur and progressive leg- partnerships have been dissolved; churches islation was enacted. Moreover, it is far from have been disrupted; lifelong friendships have certain whether Goebel’s record would have been withered; families have been split; there is been much different from that of some of his no locality so remote, no circle so clearly knit, predecessors. What the assassination did show, as to escape the evil influence.” however, was that personality and reform were In 1908, eight years after the assassination, joined. Bold moves and successful challenges to after the last Powers trial had ended in a hung the establishment could take place, but the tac- jury, the governor pardoned Howard and Pow- tics had to be carefully chosen. Political boss- ers, and later he pardoned others still under in- es who lacked charisma and popularity had to dictment. In 1916 Youtsey was paroled, and move slowly. The Goebel affair was to the wise he was pardoned in 1919. After Powers went politician not a roadblock to action but rather free, he quickly ran for a seat in the US House a caution. In that sense it did have an effect on of Representatives and won. As he liked to say, reform in Kentucky. he then served as many years in Congress as In the midst of the Goebel trials, with par- he had in jail. The other two men lived qui- tisanship at fever pitch, a former legislator and eter lives, although they were frequently asked, judge delighted a 1902 banquet audience with “Did you kill Goebel?” Because of the contra- a poem that would be endlessly reprinted over dictory evidence and partisanship surround- the years. The concluding lines of the last verse ing the case, the answer to the question of who of James H. Mulligan’s “In Kentucky” summa- killed William Goebel still remains mired in rized the state of politics in the commonwealth mystery and intrigue. not only then but in the future as well: 261 This content downloaded from 128.163.2.206 on Sat, 09 Nov 2024 19:26:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms A NEW HISTORY OF KENTUCKY The song birds are the sweetest In Kentucky; The thoroughbreds are fleetest In Kentucky; Mountains tower proudest, Thunder peals the loudest, The landscape is the grandest—and politics—the damnedest In Kentucky. Bosses and Beckham John Crepps Wickliffe Beckham was called the Boy Governor. Coming to office as a result of Goebel’s death, J. C. W. Beckham at age thir- ty was barely old enough to meet the constitu- tional requirements of the office. In truth, he probably owed his place on the Goebel ticket to the fact that he was what Goebel was not— from an old Bluegrass family. Beckham’s grand- father Charles A. Wickliffe had been governor J. C. W. Beckham assumed the governorship upon of Kentucky, and his uncle Robert C. Wick- the death of Goebel. Known as the Boy Governor, Beckham was only thirty at the time he took office. liffe, the chief executive of Louisiana. An at- (Kentucky Historical Society Collections, Frankfort, torney, Beckham had been speaker of the KY) Kentucky House, and from that position he became the party’s nominee for lieutenant gov- ernor. Looking as young as his years, he also bel’s and stayed in the dying man’s room day projected a sense of handsome, aristocratic dig- and night. While Goebel had wanted both the nity and reserve. Many were uncertain whether spotlight and the power, Haly needed only the he would even survive a special election in the latter. With Boss Bill’s death, Haly quickly fall of 1900 to fill the remainder of Goebel’s transferred his allegiance and talents to Beck- term. As it turned out, Beckham showed very ham. The two men became politically insepa- quickly his political acumen and became one of rable and won numerous victories as a result. the state’s major political leaders over the next Although intelligent and an exceptional plan- three decades. ner, Haly was not a good speaker or public fig- But was the governor of Kentucky real- ure, and he achieved his aims away from center ly the ruler of the state? For five or more de- stage. His only important office was an ap- cades after 1900, a series of political bosses pointed one, as adjutant general, but “the Gen- wielded much of the real power, usually be- eral” preferred to command votes, not troops. hind the scenes. Almost every town and county An insomniac who lived in a hotel and nev- had someone who could “get out the vote,” and er married, Haly devoted his many waking electoral success often depended on how many hours to the political game he so enjoyed and of those key people could be brought into a mastered. candidate’s camp. Some individuals had influ- Numerous other political bosses vied for ence beyond their small area, and they became power all across Kentucky. In the western part the major players. Foremost of those was Wil- of the state, Thomas S. Rhea and then Em- liam Purcell Dennis (“Percy”) Haly, who had erson (“Doc”) Beauchamp controlled Logan started out selling newspapers on the streets County and other areas, while the Broadbent of Frankfort. He became a confidant of Goe- family of Trigg County proved important lat- 262 This content downloaded from 128.163.2.206 on Sat, 09 Nov 2024 19:26:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  Progressivism, Prohibition, and Politics, 1900–1920 er. Michael J. (“Mickey”) Brennan, then “Miss litical office, while others pursued their own Lennie” McLaughlin, Johnny Crimmins, and political goals: Rhea ran for governor, Beau- the Fourth Street Machine succeeded Louis- champ was lieutenant governor, Johnson a con- ville’s Whallen brothers. Maurice L. Galvin gressman, Klair a state representative, Young a controlled votes in northern Kentucky, as Wil- state senator. Most attained their fame, howev- liam F. (“Billy”) Klair did in Lexington. Bard- er, not from the positions they held as much as stown, the home of Beckham, was also home the power they controlled. to a bitter enemy of his, “Boss Ben” Johnson, They gained that power by fulfilling a and Johnson’s son-in-law J. Dan Talbott. The need. In an era of little governmental involve- eastern part of the commonwealth saw Albert ment in relief efforts, the bosses provided aid W. (“Allie”) Young, a man once involved in the to destitute families, whether in the form of a Rowan County War and now called the More- pair of shoes, a load of coal in winter, a turkey head Manipulator, become a powerful political at Christmas, a loan, or a job. Brennan, for in- force, while Marie Turner of Breathitt County stance, used the funds given him by political filled that place later. candidates and daily took cash from his Lou- The lives of the various bosses exhibit- isville bank account and ordered it distributed ed few common characteristics. All but Gal- to the needy. In return for such actions, bosses vin were Democrats, for that was the party in asked for people’s allegiance—and their votes. power in most local areas. A large number were They could then offer those votes to politicians, Catholic: Haly, the Whallens, Brennan, Klair, in exchange for rewards—usually in the form Johnson, and Talbott all recognized that they of contracts or the promise of jobs. Distribut- could not win statewide office because of their ing patronage, they gave allies positions in fire religion. To gain power they had to operate in a and police departments, and later in highway less open manner. departments, or in prisons or hospitals. If this Otherwise, differences distinguished the political circle did not benefit democracy, it did various bosses. Some, like Ben Johnson, were benefit those who were part of the game. born to wealth, while others, such as Haly, Of course, if the occasion demanded, Brennan, and Klair, came from poorer Ger- some bosses were not averse to taking action man or Irish immigrant bases. Some used their that made certain their pledges of political vic- positions to garner additional funds either for tory could be honored. A widely circulated themselves or for their political organizations. story, for instance, told how Percy Haly ma- Yet in the end, power, not money, motivated nipulated the vote of a Franklin County pre- most. Klair’s contacts brought a large share of cinct so that his ally Beckham won by a vote the state’s insurance business to his firm, while of 219 to 0. On examination of the suspicious Brennan in Louisville attracted funds from po- returns—so the accounts said—it was discov- litical activity. Brennan told one would-be can- ered that such voters as A. Apple, B. Beans, C. didate that, if he paid two thousand dollars, Corn, P. Pear, P. Plum, R. Raspberry, as well as Brennan would ensure that the city precincts B. Broom, F. Fence, H. Hog, L. Log, R. Road, would all vote for him. He paid, and they did. and R. Rock, had all cast ballots—in alphabeti- In Bourbon County, as one politician recalled, cal order! Less ingenious or daring bosses sim- “There was [a lot] of votes you could handle ply used the names of voters who resided in the with money, probably a thousand or twelve local cemetery on election day. hundred.” Once when a worker indicated to a Yet for all the corruption and power poli- local boss there that he was having difficulty tics, the bosses provided aid and support when getting the votes in a precinct because “the sen- others did not. They often were reform mind- timent is against us,” the boss replied, “Why ed, for their constituencies generally were the you silly son of a bitch. That’s what the money’s poor and forgotten, but they would be attacked for; to fight sentiment.” for the perceived evils they brought to politics. Some of the bosses sought or held no po- Their influence was mixed, and for half a cen- 263 This content downloaded from 128.163.2.206 on Sat, 09 Nov 2024 19:26:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms A NEW HISTORY OF KENTUCKY tury or longer their role was all-important. William Goebel’s wounds torn open at every They were the kingmakers. election and his bones dragged from the grave In the fall of 1900 Governor Beckham to secure votes.” The result of such tactics, how- faced an election that would decide whether ever, was a Democratic victory in 1903, and for his term would continue. Called to fill the re- the first time in sixteen years that party won mainder of Goebel’s term, the contest—for a a majority of the votes cast. Facing a wealthy change—did not include any significant third- Louisville businessman (and son-in-law of for- party threat. The Populists had generally re- mer Democratic Governor Buckner), the in- turned to the Democratic Party, while many cumbent’s 229,014 votes outdistanced Mor- disgruntled Brown Democrats voted Republi- ris B. Belknap’s 202,764. As a result, Beckham can. Thus a close vote was expected, as in the ended up serving all but two months of two two previous governor’s races. Beckham and full terms. He had time to do much. Haly made two shrewd moves that may have Beckham’s administration left a decided- been decisive. Openly, a special session of the ly mixed record of achievements. Basically the legislature was called, and it repealed the un- governor hesitated to take strong stands if op- popular Goebel Election Law. That action re- position arose, and he sought to heal many of moved what had become one of the main Re- the wounds left by the Goebel affair. His legis- publican campaign issues. Behind the scenes, a latures passed a child labor law, acts concern- representative of Beckham’s met secretly with a ing conservation, and a statute regulating in- recent and powerful enemy, Milton Hannibal surance companies. Using funds received from Smith of the L&N, and Smith agreed that if the federal government for a long-delayed Civ- the attacks on railroads ceased, he would sup- il War claim, Beckham ended the state’s debt port the Democrats. As he noted later, “The and began construction of a new capitol. Two procedure suggested was followed.” All of this new colleges—Eastern Kentucky State Nor- effort was needed, as it turned out, for Beck- mal School and Western Kentucky State Nor- ham still barely beat the Republican candidate, mal School—were established, chiefly to train John W. Yerkes, a law professor from Danville, teachers. A racing commission was set up to by a count of 233,052 to 229,363. Losing by regulate horse racing, and the state fair was fewer than 3,700 votes, Republicans charged begun. fraud, particularly in the boss-dominated Lou- Yet these more progressive actions were isville precincts, but they did not have the legis- offset by others of a less noble bent. The gov- lative majority that had enabled the Democrats ernor’s declaration that Kentucky was “exceed- to give a victory to Goebel in 1900. Beckham ingly generous toward her schools” did not was elected. help education. Beckham signed legislation Could he be reelected in 1903? The con- that ordered Berea College, the last integrat- stitution specified that the governor “shall be ed college in the South, to become segregated. ineligible for the succeeding four years after the Limited franchise for women came to an end expiration of the term for which he shall have as well. The administration’s numerous par- been elected.” A high court friendly to Beck- dons and its close ties to the Hargis faction in ham ruled that since Goebel, not Beckham, the feuds in “Bloody Breathitt” brought much had been elected to the original term, Beck- criticism. In addition, the state’s highest court ham could run again, and he did. In the pe- voided the creation of Beckham County be- riod since Beckham’s first race, the governor cause the county did not meet guidelines out- and General Haly had together built an effec- lined in the new constitution. The time-hon- tive political machine—this became the issue ored process of naming counties for governors for Republicans—and had attracted some way- might finally cease, it seemed. ward Democrats back into the fold. One who In some ways, Beckham’s chief accom- had not returned cried out against his former plishment lay in the political arena, for Demo- party’s appeal. “It is pitiful,” he said, “to have crats resurged and won most major elections. 264 This content downloaded from 128.163.2.206 on Sat, 09 Nov 2024 19:26:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  Progressivism, Prohibition, and Politics, 1900–1920 In the 1900 presidential race in Kentucky, ment, embracing a complex of reforms de- a huge turnout—86 percent of the voters— signed to promote corporation regulation, gave William Jennings Bryan a majority over political democracy, public health and wel- incumbent president William McKinley; four fare, efficiency, and morality.” So it was in Ken- years later Democrats once more carried the tucky. Not all interested groups or individuals state, for Alton B. Parker over Theodore Roos- supported all aspects of the political and social evelt. Again the efforts of Kentucky Democrats reform movement that gave the period 1900– proved of no avail, for the Republicans won 1920 the label of the Progressive Era. Coali- nationally in both contests. In 1900 Democrat tions shifted, at times crossing party lines, at J. C. S. Blackburn took one US Senate seat, other times strengthening them. In the end, in- and two years later former governor James B. dividual Kentuckians had to decide the extent McCreary defeated incumbent William J. De- of their own personal commitments to change. boe for the other. Near the end of Beckham’s Putting the ideas and theories of progres- term, nine of the eleven members of the US sivism into practice required that citizens ac- House from Kentucky were Democrats. It ap- cept a “new interventionism,” a different con- peared that the party had made a comeback. cept of government’s role. In reality, this new But factionalism, that old devil of the Demo- view meant that trusts would be controlled by crats, had been growing as well. In his quest regulation of corporations, utilities, railroads, to build a base of power, Beckham alienat- and the like. It meant that corrupt politics and ed major leaders, including Senator Jo Black- bossism would be offset by laws forcing the di- burn, who said that if the “machine” tried to rect election of US senators (instead of their control the party, “there is going to be a black being elected by the state legislature), the se- flag fight.” Beckham enemy Henry Watterson lection of party candidates through direct pri- broke with the “boy Governor” over another is- mary votes (instead of via political connections sue, one that widened party divisions. in “smoke-filled rooms”), and even, perhaps, the votes of women. Reformers would call out Prohibition and Progressivism for acts against corrupt practices, more restric- tions on lobbyists, and an extended civil ser- Progressivism meant different things to differ- vice. They advocated social justice through ent people in the first two decades of the twenti- child labor laws, factory safety inspections, and eth century. Middle- and upper-class Kentuck- systems of workers’ compensation. Food and ians of urban and commercial backgrounds, in drug controls for consumer protection, tax re- a sense, took up some of the reforms so long form through a regulated income tax, attempts advocated by farm groups, and in their hands to fight poverty and give the dispossessed a bet- they now became respectable ideas, considered ter life, greater protection of natural areas and worth pursuing. Viewed as more moderate and natural resources—all these issues were part of less disruptive than the agrarians, such reform- some people’s progressivism as well. ers found more support and had more success, It was in the area of social control, how- as they tried to modernize their world while re- ever, that Kentuckians had their greatest differ- maining true to many of the traditions of their ences regarding progressivism. Some, in large past. They worried about the current situation, urban areas of the United States, argued that one filled with social unrest and much injus- true reform required a restriction on immigra- tice, but remained optimistic about their gen- tion. In the South, the same contention pro- eration’s ability to change all that. With faith in duced so-called voting reforms that resulted in a future of progress, they were convinced that white supremacy and a segregated voting sys- they could eliminate many of the evils around tem. Those conservative elements of progres- them. sivism had less appeal in Kentucky, for with A historian has written that southern pro- comparatively few immigrants and blacks in gressivism “was a diffuse, amorphous move- the state, white, native-born residents did not 265 This content downloaded from 128.163.2.206 on Sat, 09 Nov 2024 19:26:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms A NEW HISTORY OF KENTUCKY see such groups as threats to the same extent as individual’s right to choose whether or not to their counterparts did elsewhere. Instead, pro- imbibe alcohol, stressed the recreational ben- gressivism in Kentucky turned its full fury in efits of beer gardens to laborers on their days the area of social control to one other part of off, pointed out how much money and how progressivism—the prohibition of alcoholic many jobs the liquor industry brought to Ken- drink. tucky, argued that drinking could not be legis- Prohibition found many allies in the lated out of existence (as shown by moonshin- home of bourbon. At the same time that whis- ing and bootlegging in “dry” areas), and noted key production in the state was growing from that with the water and milk quality so poor, 5,870,000 gallons in 1871 to 30,386,000 in alcoholic beverages often provided safer alter- 1882, a strong movement was forming to con- natives. In a culture where saloons provided trol “Demon Rum” in the commonwealth. In not only free meals with drinks but also an al- 1874 the legislature passed a general local op- most sacrosanct male meeting place, the Pro- tion bill that allowed towns, cities, and other hibitionists’ attacks brought forth spirited de- legal entities to enact Prohibition if a majority fenses in return. of citizens so voted. Two years later Kentuck- The anti-Prohibition forces, however, ian Green Clay Smith ran for US president on found themselves losing fight after fight. In the platform of the National Prohibition Re- the 1906 legislature a bill passed that permit- form Party, although he gained only 828 votes ted an entire county to vote to decide wheth- in his home state. John Hickman led a pow- er to allow liquor sales (and be “wet”) or to erful temperance group, the Independent Or- restrict them (and be a “dry” county). Tardi- der of Good Templars. Carry Nation, born in ly, Governor Beckham came out in support of Garrard County, soon attracted greater nation- Prohibition, and the party split widened. As a al attention with her hatchet-wielding forays result of the county unit law, by 1907, 95 of against saloons. In Kentucky, however, such re- the state’s 119 counties were dry. The fight now ligious-based groups as the Women’s Christian turned to statewide Prohibition, and that issue Temperance Union (WCTU) and, after 1904, would be very divisive. It also proved to be a the Anti-Saloon League probably changed very emotional issue, as a political candidate’s more attitudes. Two people led the fight, both poster made clear: “Are you willing to redden operating from Lexington, both strong orators your hands with human blood by voting to and national figures. George Washington Bain protect the Whiskey and Beer Trust?... If it took the early leadership role, as presiding of- strikes down your own boy, and sends him to ficer of the twenty-four-thousand-member Or- a drunkard’s grave and a drunkard’s hell, how der of Good Templars and as editor of the Tem- will you answer to the bar of God?” Prohibi- perance Advocate newspaper. Through the active tion and, indeed, progressivism in all its facets involvement of WCTU president Frances Estill provided major defining issues in Kentucky life Beauchamp, more than three hundred chap- for many years. ters of her organization were established across Kentucky. Temperance advocates asked citizens The Black Patch War and to look around themselves, for virtually every the Night Riders town experienced fights and deaths resulting from drunkenness. In 1895, Louisville alone The Progressive crusade attempted to restrict had 840 saloons. The Prohibition forces ar- trusts, to bring back Jeffersonian values, and gued that drinking produced spouse abuse, de- to heal rifts between classes rather than to di- stroyed families, corrupted elections, and pro- vide them further. With farmers across Ken- vided power to a “Beer Trust” or a “Whiskey tucky facing a tobacco trust that controlled Party.” To their minds, drinking ripped apart them, their actions could be viewed as part of the social fabric of society. progressivism, but, in reality, the roots of their Those opposed to Prohibition praised the rebellion lay in the nineteenth-century revolts 266 This content downloaded from 128.163.2.206 on Sat, 09 Nov 2024 19:26:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  Progressivism, Prohibition, and Politics, 1900–1920 of Populists, the Farmers’ Alliance, the Grange, violence, particularly in the dark patch tobacco and other such groups. In those long-distressed areas of western Kentucky. areas of western Kentucky, the situation had Known as the Night Riders, or the Silent grown worse and worse. Finally the farmers Brigade, lawless vigilante bands donned masks, could take no more, and a massive popular up- took oaths of secrecy, obeyed the orders of lead- rising took place, which would spread to other er Dr. David Amoss of Caldwell County, paid parts of rural Kentucky. It was war. dues, and rode across the region to “persuade” Tobacco had become the salvation crop farmers who remained outside the pool. They for more and more Kentucky farmers, who issued warnings, perhaps tied to a bundle of were attracted by its high prices and strong sticks thrown on a porch. Then they would de- production from small plots. Whether the stroy tobacco plant beds or burn the crops in new light-colored burley or the dark tobacco the fields. If this action did not produce results, of western Kentucky, the crop replaced others these vigilantes beat people—sometimes with on farms, and less diversified production re- thorn bushes—and even killed others. As one sulted. In good times this system worked well person noted, “To join the Night Riders was to yield greater rewards; but if prices fell, then both fire and life insurance.” all the farmer’s fortunes were tied to “the filthy The violence spread, and soon Night Rid- weed.” By the turn of the century the agricul- er armies of hundreds of men took over en- tural situation was, in fact, becoming almost tire towns and burned trust tobacco stored in hopeless. The American Tobacco Company, to- warehouses. In Todd County and in Princeton, gether with two overseas groups, dominated Hopkinsville, Russellville, Eddyville, and else- the market, and the three agreed not to com- where, flames, bullets, and burned-out build- pete against each other when purchasing tobac- ings represented the Night Rider legacy from co. A virtual monopoly resulted and left farm- 1905 to 1909. Unsupportive county officials ers no choice in selling their crop. They had to either cowed to threats or were beaten. Huge take what was offered, which was not much. divisions marked western Kentucky, as rural el- Prices continued to fall, to levels below the cost ements fought with urban ones, as Night Rid- of production. Agrarians had long been con- ers warred on Hillbillies. Homes became armed cerned about their declining economic for- fortresses across the Black Patch. With some tunes in Kentucky, and now they grew des- thirty thousand members in the PPA, more in perate. Something drastic had to happen, they the burley pool, and an estimated ten thousand believed, or they would not survive. in the paramilitary Night Riders, the tobac- Their answer proved to be a massive grass- co farmers formed a formidable group. Many roots effort that united tobacco growers in an political leaders either openly or tacitly sup- economic struggle against the tobacco trust. In ported the PPA and usually the Night Riders September 1904 a large number of farmers met as well. Those who were fighting saw the con- at Guthrie and soon formed the Planters’ Pro- flict as a people’s war against a monopoly that tective Association (PPA), a two-state coopera- strangled them, and all means were justified. tive. Agrarians would pool their tobacco and Others saw property being destroyed and indi- hold it off the market until they were given the viduals being hurt, and they cried out against price they desired from the tobacco companies. the use of illegitimate violence to achieve legiti- In central Kentucky, the Burley Tobacco Soci- mate goals. When other area elements used the ety organized to decrease production and in- opportunity to harass, beat, or kill black fami- crease demand. But success depended on coop- lies in the region, the whole movement began eration, and if significant numbers of agrarians to take an ugly racist turn and whirled more defected, then the pool would not be effective. out of control. Some farmers, particularly those strapped for By the 1907 gubernatorial election, the funds, continued to sell to the trust, and these Night Riders had become a major campaign so-called Hillbillies soon became the focus of issue. Governor Beckham, proclaiming that 267 This content downloaded from 128.163.2.206 on Sat, 09 Nov 2024 19:26:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms A NEW HISTORY OF KENTUCKY “our people are contented and prospering,” had done virtually nothing about the situation. His party’s nominee, state auditor Samuel W. Hager, had to bear that fact and the other bur- dens of his predecessor. Once an ally of Haly and Beckham, Hager disagreed with them dur- ing the race, and they offered him only limit- ed support thereafter. Republicans knew they had a good opportunity to reclaim the office of governor. Their nominee, Augustus E. Willson, appeared to have the needed attributes. A six- ty-year-old, Harvard-educated attorney from Louisville, Willson had been in a firm with the state’s two major national Republican lead- ers, Benjamin Bristow and John Marshall Har- lan. On the negative side, he had once served as a lawyer for the American Tobacco Compa- ny, and he had never before won a major elec- tive office. He criticized Beckham’s “bossism,” pledged to end the violence of the Night Rid- ers, and presented himself as the best choice of Prohibition forces. He won with 51 percent of the vote; 214,481 votes were cast for Willson, and 196,428 for Hager. As governor, Willson soon activated sev- eral state military units and sent them to more A masked Night Rider, 1909. (Christopher R. Wal- than twenty tobacco counties in central and drep, Night Riders ) western Kentucky. He also dispatched detec- tives to uncover more details and even suggest- ed publicly that he would pardon anyone who doomed the PPA and the Burley Tobacco Soci- killed a Night Rider. The irony of a tacit en- ety. Both dissolved. What remained was a Pyr- dorsement of vigilantism—against the Silent rhic victory, one of temporary gains for agrar- Brigade—coming from a law-and-order gover- ians but long-term losses for Kentucky. The nor was not lost on his critics. violence had again seriously damaged the state’s Yet in the end, other actions had more to image, and the tobacco issue still had not been do with ending the Black Patch War. Final- settled. ly some court convictions resulted, while in Both sides criticized Governor Willson 1909, Kentucky’s A. O. Stanley guided a bill during the “wars,” for doing too much or too through the US Congress that removed an op- little. In some ways that was the story of his pressive national tax on tobacco. Two years lat- administration, which had a decent record er the US Supreme Court ruled that the Amer- of achievement. That achievement, however, ican Tobacco Company had violated antitrust came from a general assembly under Dem- acts. The “cut out” of a whole year’s crop—said ocratic control. The major accomplishment by one historian to be the only successful agri- proved to be passage of an educational reform cultural strike in the nation’s history—together act, which established high schools in every with the pooling of crops had helped the sit- county and gave the newly renamed State Uni- uation as well. Higher prices for farmers re- versity needed funds. Limited progressive acts sulted. But internal problems and the inabil- emerged, with a stronger child labor law, a new ity of agrarians to stay united during prosperity juvenile court system, a better pure Food and 268 This content downloaded from 128.163.2.206 on Sat, 09 Nov 2024 19:26:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  Progressivism, Prohibition, and Politics, 1900–1920 Drug Act, and an eight-hour day for laborers and in the nation. In the commonwealth, the on public works. The state legislature also rati- scandals, like the Tate affair, the party faction- fied the Sixteenth Amendment to the US Con- alism and third-party movements, the endless stitution, which authorized the federal income violence, the farm revolts, the corruption, and tax. But attempts to enact broader laws con- the inequities had all brought some citizens to cerning Prohibition failed, and that issue con- call for a reform of the political system. Both tinued to make or break political fortunes. parties contained elements of that reforming The 1908 Kentucky General Assembly by force, but since the invasion of Alliance and joint ballot would again select a US senator, Populist elements into the Democratic Party, and hopeful Republicans put forth their col- the Democrats had become increasingly sup- orful former governor William O. Bradley to portive of change. Some party members, how- meet the newly retired Democratic former gov- ever, had either temporarily or permanently ernor, J. C. W. Beckham. When the votes were left the party, finding the reformist elements counted, seven mostly “wet” Democratic legis- too radical. Now, though, different forces led lators had failed to support their party’s “dry” the Progressive movement that was seizing the nominee and had voted for others. No one had Democratic Party. These forces were more ac- a majority. Over the next seven weeks, vote af- ceptable to the middle- and upper-class leader- ter vote was taken, with similar results. Politi- ship elected by lower-class votes. Reform had cal figures called on Beckham to step down so become respectable, and both old and new that another, less controversial party member leaders embraced it eagerly and readily. could unite the Democrats and give them vic- Representing the old guard was one of the tory. He refused. Finally, on the twenty-ninth most accomplished political survivors of Ken- ballot, four “wet” Democrats switched to Brad- tucky history, former governor James B. Mc- ley, and he was elected. Termed traitors, none Creary. Since serving as chief executive of the of the four won reelection; Bradley later hired state from 1875 to 1879, the former Con- one as his private secretary. federate colonel had been in many political During that same year, 1908, Republi- camps. When governor he had balanced be- cans won the presidency once more, as Wil- tween Bourbon and New Departure factions; liam Howard Taft overcame Henry Watterson’s as congressman during the monetary debates, colorful characterization of him as “a mess of he had first supported the sound money fac- pottage and a man of straw.” With 83 percent tion, then, as the votes changed, the free silver of Kentucky’s eligible voters casting ballots, the group. Initially opposed to Goebel, he had fi- commonwealth had given its electoral votes to nally endorsed his campaign. He then became old hero William Jennings Bryan, 244,092 to a Beckham supporter and won a US Senate 233,711. The efforts of the Bryan voters were seat in 1902 but lost it later in a primary to of no avail. It was a Republican, outgoing pres- one-time ally Beckham. Now, seeking to leap ident Theodore Roosevelt, who laid the corner- out of political oblivion and gain the governor- stone of the new Abraham Lincoln Memorial ship in 1911, he once more tied his aging star near Hodgenville in 1909; it was a Republican to young Beckham and General Haly. Given who held the governor’s office when the new all that waffling, it was no surprise that Mc- state capitol was christened in 1910. It seemed Creary was nicknamed Bothsides. According that a Republican tide had swept Kentucky. As to a popular story of the time, McCreary had it turned out, however, there was much ebb once been observing black sheep in a field, and and flow still in party currents. someone remarked on their color. “Well, they do appear to be black on this side at least,” he The Politics of Progressivism responded. Such extreme cautiousness carried over to his political attitudes. He was asked For a long time many Kentuckians had been once how he stood on the divisive question of concerned about the situation both in the state Prohibition. McCreary replied, “If the people 269 This content downloaded from 128.163.2.206 on Sat, 09 Nov 2024 19:26:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms A NEW HISTORY OF KENTUCKY of Kentucky are for prohibition, I’m for it. If like him.... I have not been a canting two the people of Kentucky are against prohibition, faced hypocrite.” Sparing few words, Stanley I’m against prohibition. Does that answer your called his bête noire “a fungus growth on the question, my friend?” The seventy-three-year- grave of Goebel” and painted word pictures of old candidate would seldom lead voters, but he him “with one dimpled hand placed trustingly very carefully gauged their wishes, then almost in the cadaverous clutch of Percy Haly.” In ad- never opposed the views of the majority. With dition to their differences on Prohibition, Stan- voters supporting reform, McCreary—ironi- ley and Beckham also took different stances to- cally—followed them into progressivism. As a ward corporations and trusts. Beckham had result, the vain man with the dyed hair, the pol- allied with the L&N, serving as its attorney, itician so slippery on issues that he was called while Stanley had inflicted political damage on “Oily Jeems,” became associated with major tobacco, steel, and railroad companies. Corpo- reform. rations representing all three interests opposed Two western Kentuckians represented Stanley, with Milton Smith of the L&N call- the younger wave of progressive Democrats— ing him “a demagogue” and Beckham “a very A. O. Stanley and Ollie Murray James. Both good man.” In truth, Beckham stood closer men were superb orators; both could descend to the progressive camp than Stanley indicat- into demagoguery on occasion; both exhibit- ed, but the personal gulf between the two was ed little sympathy for African Americans; both too great to bridge. Even their campaign styles supported the Night Rider movement; both exemplified their differences, for Beckham re- advocated numerous reform measures. Al- lied on Haly’s behind-the-scenes organizational though not always united, the two men soon talents, while Stanley trusted in his oratorical formed a new faction in the Democratic Party, gifts. In the end, the only answer was a faction- one opposed to Beckham. alism that further split the party. A. O. Stanley, the son of a minister who Ollie Murray James, another relative new- fought for the Confederacy and a mother who comer, joined the Stanley faction. In his Crit- was the niece of Whig governor William Ows- tenden County home, James lived across the ley, grew up in central Kentucky, but after be- street from one-time Republican US senator coming an attorney he moved to Henderson. William J. Deboe. Elected to the US House There in 1902 he won election, at age thirty- the same year as Stanley, James moved to the five, to the US House and soon gained huge US Senate in 1913 and supported measures voter acclaim for his role in repealing a tobacco to create an income tax and to elect senators tax. A fierce opponent of trusts, he became na- by popular vote. A thorough progressive, he— tionally known for his actions in a congressio- like Stanley—gained national acclaim for his nal investigation of the US Steel Corporation. eloquent and forceful speaking style. Standing But it was the man rather than his programs six feet, six inches tall and weighing well over that people most remembered. Eloquent, flam- three hundred pounds, he was, as one admirer boyant, and intelligent, Stanley would stand recalled, “an enormous man with an enormous before an audience, loosen his tie, and start his voice.” James supported horse racing and dis- talk. Then as his passion increased, he would approved of Prohibition—which placed him in throw off his vest and coat and leave his au- opposition to Beckham on both counts—and dience shouting for more oratory. The subject he thus joined Stanley. But, in some ways, he of many of his harangues was his bitter enemy went beyond his ally, for James compromised J. C. W. Beckham. Both men drank, but the more and left fewer feelings of ill will behind former governor led the “dry” forces, a move as a result. He gained numerous national allies that infuriated Stanley, who opposed Prohibi- and in 1912 gave an important keynote speech tion. Beckham, Stanley shouted, “would sell at the presidential convention. Four years later, out the world to go to the Senate. This house is speaking as permanent chairman of the Demo- full of squirming cowardly prohibitionists just cratic National Convention, he brought forth a 270 This content downloaded from 128.163.2.206 on Sat, 09 Nov 2024 19:26:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  Progressivism, Prohibition, and Politics, 1900–1920 large roar and a large demonstration when his “broad form deeds,” he collected hundreds of booming voice praised the president as a peace- thousands of acres of options, formed compa- maker who was keeping the United States out nies, and sold options to other major producers of World War I, thus demonstrating “that prin- of coal. That sparked the development of the ciple is mightier than force, that diplomacy Eastern Coalfield. All this made Mayo incred- hath its victories no less renowned than war.” ibly wealthy, and he used that power in poli- Delegates discussed the possibility of James as tics. With timberman Rufus Vansant of Ash- a presidential candidate in 1920, and he ap- land and horseman Johnson N. Camden Jr. peared to be a good possibility. Then in 1918, of Woodford County, Mayo formed what was at the age of forty-seven, he suddenly died of called the Millionaires’ Club. Its members sup- Bright’s disease. It would be more than a quar- ported Beckham and Haly and, through them, ter century before another Kentucky politician McCreary. In return, the new governor saw to would again be seriously mentioned as a presi- it that some of Mayo’s suspect titles to miner- dential candidate. al lands were validated. But Mayo’s role as po- While James was making his impact in the litical financier was cut short in 1914, when at nation’s capital, James B. McCreary was doing the age of forty-nine he died of Bright’s disease. the same in Frankfort. His election as governor At his death, he was reputed to be the wealthi- in 1911 had not been easy. At the Democrat- est man in Kentucky. Within the decade, then, ic convention Beckham and other supporters each faction had seen one of its major figures of McCreary had passed a platform support- die from the same disease—Beckham had lost ing Prohibition, which alienated Watterson, Mayo, Stanley had lost James. James, Stanley, and other “wets.” Moreover, Despite McCreary’s actions regarding earlier in the race candidate Ben Johnson had the Mayo land titles, his administration had dropped out, citing opposition to his Catholi- a very good record and justified the accolades cism. The Republicans’ own problems, howev- he was given as a progressive governor. Legisla- er, offset these moral and religious questions. tion passed to give some women the vote re- Their candidate, Judge Edward C. O’Rear of garding school matters. A department of public Montgomery County, had supported the law roads was created and funded, and a mandato- segregating Kentucky schools and thus risked ry statewide primary system for selecting can- losing the usually Republican black vote. He didates was established. The legislature created had also favored several reform measures that numerous new regulatory groups, the Ken- made moderates uneasy, while ignoring his pre- tucky Illiteracy Commission, and a stronger decessor’s record. Governor Willson’s friends child labor law, while funding construction gave him little support. McCreary won with of the new Governor’s Mansion, strengthen- 226,771 votes to O’Rear’s 195,436. Northern ing the local option law, and lengthening the Kentucky Socialist Party candidate Walter Lan- school term. It also rewarded McCreary by cre- fersiek gained most of the remainder of the bal- ating a county in his honor, which turned out lots, with 8,718 votes. to be the last of the state’s 120 counties. McCreary’s win resulted, in part, from the For Democrats, however, perhaps the fact that he had a much better-funded cam- greatest achievement came outside Kentucky. paign than did his opponent. The reason for The 1912 presidential race saw the usual- that was John C. Calhoun Mayo. Born in Pike ly victorious national Republican Party divid- County, he settled later in Paintsville and aban- ed between incumbent president Taft, who had doned school teaching for the business world. made William M. Bullitt of Louisville his so- He traveled across eastern Kentucky, stopping licitor general, and former president Roosevelt, at homes and farms, chatting with the owners, whose followers eventually formed the Progres- then offering them scarce hard currency in the sive, or Bull Moose, Party. Kentucky Repub- form of gold coins in exchange for the option licans similarly divided, and Democrats had to mine the minerals on their land. Using such an excellent opportunity for victory. Two na- 271 This content downloaded from 128.163.2.206 on Sat, 09 Nov 2024 19:26:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms A NEW HISTORY OF KENTUCKY tive Kentuckians, Oscar W. Underwood of Al- hamlets across the state, verbally ripping each abama and Champ Clark of Missouri, pursued other apart in daytime speeches, then often the prize, with Clark being the choice of the del- sharing the same hotel room and, some said, the egates from the Bluegrass State. But in the end, same bottle at night. In a rollicking campaign a man whom an angry Henry Watterson called marked by little substantial difference between “cold, nervy, and unscrupulous,” Virginia-born the two platforms, the election came down to Woodrow Wilson of New Jersey, became the oratory and style. Morrow blamed Democrats candidate, and on his shoulders the Democrats for corrupt government and called for a Repub- rode to victory. Republicans in Kentucky split lican administration, since, he said, “You can- their votes, with Taft getting 115,512 votes and not clean house with a dirty broom.” Stanley, Roosevelt 101,766. A particularly strong show- in turn, criticized past Republican governors ing in Louisville bolstered Roosevelt. Socialist as corrupt: “Why a snake in a spasm isn’t that Eugene Debs received 11,607 votes, mostly in crooked.” With former Republican gubernato- northern Kentucky. But a united Democratic rial candidate O’Rear speaking with Democrat Party won 219,584 votes, garnering the elec- Beckham across Kentucky in favor of “dry” can- toral votes of Kentucky, and Democrat Wilson didates, the liquor issue remained a potential won the nationwide election. threat to Stanley. Progressives from the Repub- The race of 1912 proved important to lican camp opposed Morrow and made their the future of Kentucky political parties. With support a matter of concern for him. But per- Woodrow Wilson firmly committed to pro- sonalities proved more of a decisive factor. The gressive legislation as president, and with most most widely repeated story told of Stanley’s too Kentucky Democrats firmly supporting the free imbibing of his favorite beverage. Under chief executive, the party began to take much the effects of a hot sun, he vomited in full view stronger stands on reform issues than before. of the audience, while Morrow was speaking. At the same time, the more reform-minded ele- When it came his turn to talk, a pale and weak- ments of the commonwealth’s Republican Par- ened Stanley walked to the podium, then in a ty—those who had broken ranks and support- strong voice said, “That just goes to show you ed Roosevelt’s Bull Moose Party—soon found what I have been saying all over Kentucky. Ed themselves in a second-class status. Increasing- Morrow plain makes me sick to my stomach.” ly, conservatives would dominate Republican Election day brought no resolution to the councils. For a time in the 1920s, there would contest. The election was too close to call, and be little difference between the two parties, un- each side hesitated to report returns until it saw til the next Democratic president once again how many votes were needed to win. A week made the Democrats the party of change. after the election, knowing that Democrats A change of gubernatorial administration controlled the legislature and that contesting would take place in 1915, and the race that the results would end in failure, Morrow finally year turned out to be perhaps the most enter- conceded. The official count later showed Stan- taining in the state’s history. Beckham had fi- ley had won by 471 votes, 219,991 to 219,520, nally become US senator in early 1915. With in the closest governor’s race in state history. him removed as a political possibility, A. O. Governor Stanley did not acknowledge Stanley won the nomination for the Demo- that the election had been less than an over- crats, to face his close friend, Republican Ed- whelming mandate for his views, and he pro- win P. Morrow of Somerset. The son of a de- ceeded to fashion an excellent record of ac- feated Republican candidate for governor and complishments. With his term of office, the the nephew of former governor Bradley, attor- Progressive Era reached its apex in Kentucky. ney Morrow was one of the few men in Ken- The general assembly passed a Corrupt Prac- tucky who could match Stanley’s speaking on tices Act, a bill forbidding railroads to offer free the stump. The two men seemed to savor the passes to public figures, and a state antitrust situation and traveled together to towns and law. In a special session, the legislators creat- 272 This content downloaded from 128.163.2.206 on Sat, 09 Nov 2024 19:26:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  Progressivism, Prohibition, and Politics, 1900–1920 ed a state tax commission, set up the first bud- worked twelve hours. Under these conditions, get, and modernized the revenue system, shift- each child earned twenty-three cents a day. ing the burden from property taxes to other In 1906 the law was amended to limit forms of taxation. Given more funds, the legis- child labor to a maximum of ten hours per day lature then appropriated needed fiscal support and sixty hours per week, with the age raised for education and government. Ironically, the to sixteen. Eight years later, under Gover- “wet” Stanley recognized the trends and agreed nor McCreary, further changes lowered limits to let the people vote on a state constitutional to a forty-eight-hour week and an eight-hour amendment that would put in place statewide day. No child under the age of fourteen could Prohibition. In 1919 the voters adopted Pro- work during school hours. With that law, Ken- hibition by a ten-thousand-vote majority, and tucky’s child labor statutes were considered to the home of bourbon became officially dry be- be among the best in the nation. But inconsis- fore the nation did. When national Prohibition tent enforcement allowed many places to con- went into effect in 1920, under the Eighteenth tinue hiring young boys and girls in violation Amendment to the US Constitution, one divi- of the law. Kentucky cared better for its chil- sive state issue seemed settled at last. But other dren as a result of Progressive Era reform, but it controversial issues had to be addressed as well. still neglected them all too often. A much more controversial question fo- Child Labor, Women’s Rights, cused on the role of women in Kentucky, and and Race Relations that fight had been building for decades. All agreed that there was a double standard for Young children often worked long hours, from men and women, and the two groups did not daylight to dusk, six days a week, on farms and share equal rights. In the nineteenth century in factories all across Kentucky. Families count- most Kentuckians also agreed that that situa- ed on the labor or meager salaries of children tion was how it should be. They defended the to help alleviate economic want. Youth ended status quo with two somewhat contradictory early in such situations, and small bodies wore arguments. The starker one simply said that out quickly. women were not men’s equals and should be Reformers who sought to limit child labor subordinate to them as their “helpmates.” A argued that the state had a right to protect its state senator in 1880 quoted the Bible’s saying future generations when they were powerless that wives should submit themselves to their to protect themselves. Opponents stressed that husbands as the head of the family. Then he children’s work was an individual choice and concluded: “Give me a wife that can love, hon- said that the commonwealth had no right to or, and look up to me as her lord and shield, or interfere in what was essentially a family mat- give me separation and death.” ter. As early as 1894 a law had forbidden chil- The second defense turned that argument dren to beg or to peddle goods on the streets or around and said that women were subordinate to engage in jobs of unusual danger. But that to men in the public sphere but were superior measure left most young laborers untouched. to them in the home arena. Writers waxed po- In 1902 the first real child labor law for the etic about nature’s intended place for women. state made it unlawful for industries to employ In the words of a governor, women are “but a child under the age of fourteen, except with ministering angels in the quiet loveliness of our a parent or guardian’s signed consent. Farm homes.” Under “a cult of woman-worship,” work was exempt. A labor inspector, soon after women occupied a higher moral plane than that, found a Maysville factory in which forty men, and to involve them in public life would children, aged eight to thirteen, worked from “overburden” them and destroy their innate su- 5:45 a.m. until 6:15 p.m., with a thirty-minute periority. As late as 1914 Senator James—who break for lunch. All the children had permits; would eventually vote for woman suffrage— they all were legal under the new law; they all said: “I believe woman should remain in her 273 This content downloaded from 128.163.2.206 on Sat, 09 Nov 2024 19:26:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms A NEW HISTORY OF KENTUCKY sphere. Her power is greater where it is, than married, she basically yielded her rights to her it would be in the mire and maelstrom of pol- husband. While a wife could retain property, itics.” Those who agreed with such perspec- she could not sell it without her spouse’s con- tives would view any action to change the ex- sent. If she received rents or earned wages, they isting order as revolutionary, as an attack on the went to him. If she wanted to make a will, she home and family and the whole social fabric. had to get her husband’s consent. If she wanted Soon after the Civil War, fledgling and iso- to enter into a contract or own property in her lated groups began to question the status quo name while her husband lived, she could not. regarding women, probably beginning with an Finally, in 1894, laws recognized a wife’s sepa- 1867 organization in Hardin County. National rate legal existence, and gave married women leaders such as Carrie Chapman Catt and Su- property rights and the right to prepare a will. san B. Anthony toured the state after that, and Six years later married women were allowed to in 1881 the Kentucky Woman Suffrage Asso- keep their wages; a decade after that the state ciation was founded, the first such group in the legislature raised the age of consent at which South. Seven years later it transformed itself women could marry to sixteen years, up from into the broader-based Kentucky Equal Rights twelve years. Association (KERA). More and more, the highly symbolic issue Other women-oriented organizations of suffrage held the key to opening the doors formed in the same period, and most eventu- to full equality. As early as 1882, Congressman ally gave the women’s rights movement support John D. White of Clay County had introduced in one way or another. The Daughters of the a bill giving women the vote, but it did not American Revolution, cofounded by Kentuck- come for a vote. Meanwhile, over time, greater ian Mary Desha in 1890, turned away from numbers of middle-class and upper-class wom- equal rights more as time passed, but groups en began advocating their right to the vote, as such as the Women’s Christian Temperance a simple matter of justice. Because of their in- Union and the Kentucky Federation of Wom- volvement in temperance reform, some women en’s Clubs—the latter was founded in 1894— wanted the ballot in order to “clean up” poli- did not. Increasingly, members of such groups tics. Others simply saw it as a way to leave be- saw the vote as a way to achieve Prohibition, hind a second-class citizenship status. Because educational reform, and other goals. of the level of leadership, the crusade became a Changes taking place in society also call for respectable, not radical, reform. caused some people to question the “home Women such as Josephine K. Henry, of sphere” argument. In 1884, Mildred Lucas of Woodford County, Eugenia B. Farmer, of Cov- Owensboro won a special election to fill her ington, and Eliza Calvert Obenchain, of Bowl- murdered husband’s unexpired term as jailer, ing Green, were important, but the acknowl- but the state’s highest court ruled that since she edged leader of the nineteenth-century fight could not vote, she could not serve. Still, by was Laura Clay, of Madison County and Lex- 1903, a labor inspector wrote that “women in ington. Ironically, her father, Cassius Marcel- the business world are no longer regarded as in- lus Clay, had been a leading antislavery reform- truders,” and seven years later some 11 percent er, but he bitterly opposed women’s rights. The of Kentucky factory workers were female—al- inequalities involved in the divorce of Cassius though they received discriminatory wages. A Clay and his wife, Mary Jane Warfield Clay, study conducted in 1905 showed that the aver- prompted action on the part of their daugh- age daily wage was 87.5¢ for women and $1.63 ters Laura, Mary, Annie, and Sallie. All four for men. Still, change was in the air. women became strong advocates for the cause The first target was the state’s discrimina- of women’s rights. For twenty-four years Laura tory laws. Before 1894 Kentucky law and le- Clay served as president of the KERA. By the gal rulings allowed divorce for adultery only if 1890s, she also was recognized as the leading the wife was the offender. And once a woman southerner in the National American Woman 274 This content downloaded from 128.163.2.206 on Sat, 09 Nov 2024 19:26:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  Progressivism, Prohibition, and Politics, 1900–1920 Laura Clay (center, with umbrella) leads a delegation of the Kentucky Equal Rights Association to the Democratic National Convention in 1916. (Laura Clay Photographic Collection, University of Kentucky Special Collections and Research Center, Lexington, KY) Suffrage Association (NAWSA). Progress came vate life as well. But as her biographer Melba slowly in Kentucky, however, and just as hopes Porter Hay, notes, “Instead of retreating from for success grew high in the early twentieth cen- the world, Madge began to focus on reform- tury, Clay left the KERA. Disagreeing with the ing it.” Incredibly active in virtually all the Pro- organization’s strategy to seek a federal constitu- gressive Era movements, Breckinridge made a tional amendment and supporting states’ rights difference in children’s rights, labor issues, the arguments instead, Clay joined a splinter south- tuberculosis crusade, educational improve- ern group, which used more racially charged ar- ment, racial matters, and more: “The children guments. Sadly, others would have to take up she never had, the sick, the poor, the women the suffrage banner she had borne for so long. of the nation—all demanded her devotion.” In A younger woman, Madeline McDow- 1912, she became president of the KERA, and ell (“Madge”) Breckinridge, hardly hesitated vice president of the national group a year lat- and energetically pushed forward to victory. er. (She turned down the opportunity to be the A great-granddaughter of Henry Clay, she had national president.) The most influential wom- lived part of her life at Clay’s Ashland estate an in the state, she used new tactics, such as in Lexington and then furthered her already suffrage marches, as well as her speaking ability strong aristocratic credentials by marriage to and humor, to gain more support. In a strong Desha Breckinridge, editor of the Lexington voice coming from a slim and often weak body, Herald. He became a convert to the cause of she told audiences to look at male-led Ken- women’s rights and made his paper a leading tucky, with its poor schools, violence, and cor- voice for the movement. Madge Breckinridge’s rupt politics, and asked if the question should sister-in-law, Dr. Sophonisba P. Breckinridge, be not whether women were fit for suffrage but had probably been the first woman lawyer in whether men were. She criticized one governor Kentucky and served as a national leader in the for his response to her questions, noting, “Ken- field of social work as a professor at the Univer- tucky women are not idiots—even though they sity of Chicago. With that support, a reserved are closely related to Kentucky men.” but confident Madge Breckinridge began her Slowly, gradually, her appeals made head- personal crusade. She did so despite great suf- way. In 1902 the legislators had taken a step fering, however, for at the age of twenty-four backward and had repealed, supposedly be- she had lost part of a limb to tuberculosis of cause of racial arguments, a law that allowed the bone and wore a wooden leg the rest of her women in second-class cities to vote on school life. When thirty-two, she suffered a stroke and matters. In 1912 the Kentucky General Assem- later experienced other unhappiness in her pri- bly returned that right to literate women, in 275 This content downloaded from 128.163.2.206 on Sat, 09 Nov 2024 19:26:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms A NEW HISTORY OF KENTUCKY World War I While women were fighting for political equal- ity, people of both sexes had been fighting their own battles, both domestic and foreign, in a real war. In 1914 World War I broke out in Eu- rope, and Americans easily adopted a policy of neutrality. Kentuckians experienced some pros- perity as overseas demand brought an agricul- tural boom—farm prices went up 110 percent between 1915 and 1917 in one town, for in- stance—but overall, they seemed more inter- ested in local political conflicts than in strug- gles between France and Germany. Bellicose editors Watterson of the Courier-Journal and Breckinridge of the Lexington Herald cried out for early entry into the war, but immigrant-ori- ented newspapers in Louisville criticized those appeals. Generally, citizens around the state evinced no real war spirit. Yet when Congress finally declared war in April 1917, most Ken- tuckians joined the national effort with little hesitancy and much fervor—in fact, almost too much fervor. One of the most important women in Kentucky his- On the homefront, anything German be- tory was women’s rights leader Madeline McDowell came a target, and any action that questioned (“Madge”) Breckinridge of Lexington. (Mary Elliot official policy was viewed as traitorous. Hearing Flanery Photographic Collection, University of Ken- tucky Special Collections and Research Center, Lex- Watterson’s editorial advice, “To Hell with the ington, KY) Hohenzollerns and the Hapsburgs,” the legisla- ture forbade the teaching of German in schools, an act Governor Stanley courageously vetoed, more areas across the state than before. Vari- saying the country was at war with a government, ous attempts to secure a state amendment to not a language. A minister termed him a “traitor allow women to vote failed, but with President and coward.” In Campbell County, a group used Wilson’s support for a national constitutional the words “disloyalty, sabotage, and treason” to amendment, enough legislators fell in line. On describe his action. Such feelings caused banks January 6, 1920, Kentucky ratified the Nine- in Newport, Covington, and Louisville that had teenth Amendment and became one of only the name German in their titles to change to ei- four southern states to do so. The common- ther American or Liberty Bank, while streets and wealth, and Clay and Breckinridge, had long places of worship also were rechristened. Some been leaders in the women’s rights fight in the of the churches that still had Sunday services region and set the example to the end. in German now ceased that practice, and sau- In November 1920 Kentucky women vot- erkraut became “liberty cabbage.” Even private ed and for the first time had equality in suf- criticism of the government—as in the Schoberg frage matters. Within weeks after that election, case in Covington—earned jail terms for some Madge Breckinridge died at the age of forty- Kentuckians, a pro-German Kenton County eight. Her tragedy was that she voted but once; farmer was whipped, and those who did not buy her triumph was that she and others had vot- bonds to help finance the fight were criticized as ed, at last. “enemies of their country.” 276 This content downloaded from 128.163.2.206 on Sat, 09 Nov 2024 19:26:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  Progressivism, Prohibition, and Politics, 1900–1920 Meanwhile, Councils of Defense in each turned with debilitating wounds or with lungs community supervised the war effort at the lo- damaged by poison gas. One Owen Coun- cal level. People sacrificed, with “Gasless” Sun- ty soldier wrote home, telling of the despair, days, “Fireless” Mondays, “Meatless” Tuesdays, and also the hope, in life in the trenches: “I or “Wheatless” Wednesdays, and they enacted thought I did not care if I lived or died, but stronger laws regarding morality. Not only did when I would hear one of those big shells com- Prohibition emerge from the war, but many ing, and look death in the face, I... would red-light districts across the commonwealth decide I wanted to live awhile longer.” Finally, were shut down to protect supposedly inno- on the eleventh hour of the eleventh day of the cent soldiers from such professional entice- eleventh month in 1918, it all ended. A Ken- ment. And there were many such professionals. tucky soldier who survived concluded, “I cried A 1915 study of Lexington had revealed that because I was so glad it was all over.... We some 188 “inmates” offered their services there; heard the last big roar die away and the world in Louisville the Vice Commission reported an seemed quiet.” estimated 463 engaged in prostitution. Some The suffering and deaths had not ended, houses closed but reopened later; some did not. however. In that same fall and winter, Spanish The most famous brothel in Kentucky, that of influenza struck Kentucky and the nation. At Belle Brezing of Lexington, did not survive the Camp Taylor the disease struck fourteen thou- war. Belle, perhaps the model for a character in sand soldiers, and an estimated fifteen hundred the book and movie, Gone with the Wind, had did not recover. Across the state, the “Spanish been so famous that when she died Time pub- Lady” took its victims, and before the pandem- lished her obituary and termed her’s “the most ic ended in early 1919, some fifteen thousand orderly of disorderly houses.” people had died. Schools, churches, and places Change occurred across the common- of amusements closed; political rallies ceased; wealth. In fact, Kentucky in places took on the industries stopped; even funeral services halted. appearance of an armed camp. Troops patrolled As one Leslie Countian remembered, “The flu bridges and public buildings. Fort Thomas in came in here and it killed people in piles.” With northern Kentucky and Camp Stanley in Lex- the epidemic raging across the state at war’s ington functioned as staging areas for soldiers end, few celebrations took place. The “war to sent elsewhere, while Camp Knox opened in end all wars” came to a quiet conclusion, and 1918 as a training facility for artillery. But the soldiers began to trickle back to their homes. major post became Camp Zachary Taylor in What had been the result of the war for Louisville. Overall, about 200,000 soldiers re- Kentuckians? First of all, it initially stimulated, ceived training there, including author F. Scott then eventually dampened the reform spirit. Fitzgerald. Some went on to fight—and die— Women had worked in public campaigns dur- overseas. ing the conflict, and a few more took jobs as Unlike the situation in earlier conflicts, a result of the absence of men. That situation, state identity was not retained in units, so sol- plus the argument that democracy should ex- diers found themselves scattered in all sorts tend to both sexes, helped the suffrage move- of organizations. Fifth Regiment colonel (lat- ment succeed. For those who viewed Prohibi- er general) Logan Feland of Hopkinsville and tion as a reform, the war sped that movement Owensboro, for example, would be the longest forward as well. Yet Kentuckians, and Ameri- serving marine in France in the war, while Wil- cans, had entered the conflict with the spirit, ly Sandlin and Samuel Woodfill won Medals of as one state paper explained, that “we wage not Honor for heroism. Eventually, over 100,000 our own, but humanity’s war.” The Progressive Kentuckians served in the conflict, and 3,315 Era had widened the idea of community to ex- gave their last full measure of devotion in a tend beyond the locality to the nation, or even conflict journalist Irvin S. Cobb termed “hid- the world. As one historian noted, “The war eous and utterably awful.” Thousands more re- was to be the final crusade, the full flowering 277 This content downloaded from 128.163.2.206 on Sat, 09 Nov 2024 19:26:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms A NEW HISTORY OF KENTUCKY of progressivism.” Yet it was not to be. Those of West Point and the highest-ranking African who returned from the battlefields spoke little American officer in the army, had been placed of glory; the hardships, the deaths, and then on inactive status in wartime, at least partly to the epidemic at home did not seem rewards prevent his appointment as a commander of for noble actions. Doubts arose about Amer- white troops. In Fulton County, one African ica’s mission, and the peace treaty seemed to American veteran who had served his coun- leave many goals unrealized. As Congressman try was taken to jail, and then a mob hanged Alben Barkley—who had visited the trench him, with his uniform still on. Another deco- warfare of the war zone—remarked, “You rated black soldier was warned not to return wonder if anyone ever wins a war.” While the to his Hickman hometown in the uniform he draft, Liberty Loan drives, and various other had honored because the police chief did not things had caused Kentuckians to see them- like blacks in uniform. This soldier’s experi- selves as part of a bigger world, they mostly ence was not uncommon. Improved race rela- now turned more inward, back to their locales. tions would not be an outcome of this war. But In the end, the war wounded the humanist almost all soldiers, black or white, did return spirit of the people. Their recovery would be home changed men. They had been to parts of slow and uncertain. the United States they had never before seen Other results were more definite. Some and had experienced foreign lands for the first prosperity had occurred, but it would turn out time. New contacts, new people, new ideas all to be fleeting. More lasting was the damage resulted. Some came back eager to change the done to schools, which suffered from a scarcity land they had left behind. But most appeared of teachers, and to health care. African Ameri- more resigned to try to forget the horrors of cans became a part of the war effort and par- trench warfare and to retreat into a world of ticipated in broad ways, but they found few quiet and peace. They had seen too much. Like new freedoms as a result. Mays Lick–born Col- them, most Kentuckians retreated from reform onel Charles Young, the third black graduate and retrenched in a reactionary world. 278 This content downloaded from 128.163.2.206 on Sat, 09 Nov 2024 19:26:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms