Gr 11 Study Notes - Nationalism South Africa PDF

Nationalism: South Africa Study notes Compiled by C. du Plessis (Based on A Decisive Clash by Jackie Grobler and sahistory.org) Introduction African nationalism can be seen as a response to colonial rule and domination. African nationalism emphasises the right...

Nationalism: South Africa Study notes Compiled by C. du Plessis (Based on A Decisive Clash by Jackie Grobler and sahistory.org) Introduction African nationalism can be seen as a response to colonial rule and domination. African nationalism emphasises the rights of African people and the desire for self- determination. African nationalism has been expressed from the most local of settings to the concept of Pan-Africanism, which calls for a united Africa. The Birth of African political consciousness African nationalism in South Africa coincides with the political awakening of the black majority in the country. During the Mineral Revolution, the African population of Southern Africa became entrenched in the new mineral economy based around the gold fields of the Witwatersrand. The Migrant Labour system drew thousands upon thousands of African labourers from all corners of the country into the colonial money economy, while depriving them of any political rights. By the end of the 19th century, the indigenous peoples of South Africa had lost most their political and economic independence and the post-war systems left Black, Coloured and Indian people completely marginalised. The authorities imposed harsh taxes and reduced wages, while the British caretaker administrator encouraged the immigration of thousands of Chinese to undercut any resistance by African mineworkers. At the end of the nineteenth century a small group of mission-educated black elites took the lead in pushing the political agenda of the black population. Amongst these were John Tengo Jabavu, only the second Black matriculant in South Africa, graduating from the mission school of Healdtown. John Jabavu One of the first ways Africans could voice their political opinion and share their political views was through newspapers. As no politics was discussed in the missionary newspapers, Jabavu decided to start his own newspaper. This newspaper would later be known as Imvo Zabantsundu. Prior to the establishment of Imvo Zabantsundu, the only other African language newspapers printed were missionary journals that encouraged the advancement of literacy and Christianity, ignoring cultural issues. 2 By 3 November 1884, the first issue of Imvo Zabantsundu was published. Although this newspaper was known as the first black-owned newspaper during this era, it also became popular because it helped Africans to express themselves without any fear of prejudice and discrimination. It was through this newspaper that Africans were able to share their political views ranging from pass laws, laws governing urban locations and the sale of liquor. Imvo Zabantsundu also became a source of literature for Africans as it addressed the literary aspirations of its readers and also reflected their lives and the country in which they lived. The African Political Organisation One of the first nationally based political organization was the African Political (later People’s) Organization, founded in Cape Town in 1902. Under the presidency of Abdullah Abdurahman, this body lobbied for Coloured rights. The APO had as its original aims “civilising” objectives as were prevalent at the time, advocating Victorian integrity and abstinence. However, it additionally emphasised achieving unity amongst Coloureds, promoting education, opposing "class legislation" (i.e. discriminatory colour legislation) and defending the social, political and economic rights of Coloureds. The APO, although it recruited its members from the relatively small group of educated and economically comfortably off Coloureds, was to become the most influential political organisation for Coloureds for almost forty years. Although it collapsed as an organisation in the early 1940s, having to give way to more radical organisations, the APO shaped black political thought and culture for decades after its demise. Union of South Africa Constitutional discussions towards Union took place between 1908 and 1909. Numerous meetings organized by Africans, Coloureds and Indians protested the Whites-only exclusivity of these constitutional discussions. In 1909, a group of Black delegates from the four provinces attended the South African Native Convention (SANC) in Waaihoek, Bloemfontein, to propose ways of objecting to the draft South 3 Africa Act, and the Union constitution. John Dube and Dr. Walter Rubusana convened the SANC. They decided to send a delegation to London to convince the British government not to accept the Union in its present form. This delegation was led by former Cape Prime Minister William Schreiner, but the delegation failed in its aim. In 1910, the South Africa Act was passed in Britain granting dominion to the White minority over Native (African), Asiatic (mostly Indian) and “Coloured and other mixed races”. This Act brought the colonies and republics - Cape Colony, Natal, Transvaal and Orange Free State - together as the Union of South Africa. Under the provisions of the Act, the Union remained British territory, but with home-rule for Afrikaners. Each of the four unified states was allowed to keep their existing franchise qualifications and the Cape Colony was the only one which permitted voting by (property owning) non-whites. The South African Natives National Congress On 8 January 1912, several hundred members of South Africa’s educated elite met at Bloemfontein to establish a national organization to protest against racial discrimination and to appeal for equal treatment before the law. The group comprised of South Africa’s most prominent Black citizens: professional men, businessmen, journalist, chieftans, ministers, teachers, clerks, building contractors and labour agents. This meeting was the most significant in the history of Black protest politics as it was the first joint meeting of Black representatives from all four self-governing British colonies and indicated that Blacks were capable of united action. The founding of the SANNC marked the realization in middle-class Black circles of the contention that Black interest could best be promoted by action by Blacks themselves and not through sympathetic intermediaries. Its first President was John Dube - a Minister and school headmaster who studied in the USA and was strongly influenced by the American educator and activist Booker T Washington. Pixley ka Isaka Seme, a lawyer and prime mover in organizing the meeting to establish the Congress was appointed Treasurer. The position of Secretary General was occupied by Solomon T. Plaaitjie, a court translator, author and newspaper editor who had worked in Kimberly and Johannesburg. These men 4 retained close ties with African aristocracy and the rural chieftaincy, who were conservatives concerned with protecting a moral and social order they correctly perceived to be under attack while at the same time being anxious to promote the general advancement of the Black race in South Africa. The 1913 Native Land Act The 1913 Native Land Act stipulated that certain groups had to live in certain areas set aside for them. Certain ethnic groups were forced to live in certain designated areas. It set aside 7.3% of the total South African land area as reserves where to accommodate the “Native” population. They were not allowed to buy land outside these areas. This means black people lived in one area and white people in another. They were allowed to work in other areas but not allowed to own land. The Land Act did not go unchallenged. The SANNC rallied against it and sent a petition to members of parliament as well as the British government, but were ultimately unsuccessful. World War II The Second World War was a catalyst for African political freedom and independence. The war helped build strong African nationalism, which resulted in a common goal for all Africans to fight for their freedom. World War II led to decolonization of Africa by affecting both Europe and Africa militarily, psychologically, politically, and economically. In both World War I and World War II, millions of Africans were drafted to fight. They were fighting a war against German imperialism. They were fighting for the “freedom” of the allied powers. They were fighting a war to “free” these European countries when they themselves could barely consider themselves free. The irony was not lost on Africans everywhere. The Atlantic Charter, 1941 Another cause of political awareness after The Second World War was the promise by US President Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill’s Atlantic Charter. This charter stated that after the Allied powers won the war they would 5 “respect the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live.” After this charter was promised, many critical questions were being asked around the world. Questions like: If it was wrong for Germans to rule the French, then why was it okay for European countries to rule African and Asian countries? This heightened political consciousness raised awareness towards other nationalist movements around the world. Asian nationalism was expanding and gaining success, and their stories were inspiring to African nationalists. In South Africa the Charter kindled the hopes and fired the imagination of people who felt discriminated against. The black population of South Africa was further encouraged by an announcement of Prime Minister Jan Smuts that the post-war world would be based on the principles enunciated in the Atlantic Charter. Dr Alfred Xuma, then president of the ANC, reacted by convening the African leaders to discuss the Charter’s stipulations in relation to Africa, to formulate an African Charter and to draw up a Bill of Rights to guarantee a worth place for Africans in the post-war world. The committee welcomed the recognition of the inalienable rights of all peoples to choose the government under which they lived. This led to demands for full citizenship of Black South Africans and participation in South African political affairs. It also called for a fair share in the country’s wealth and an equal distribution of land. ANCYL – Congress Youth League, 1944 Perhaps one of the most important developments in Political awareness and African nationalism within South Africa was the birth of the African National Congress Youth League (CYL). The formation of the youth wing was approved in 1942 in order to “strengthen and reinforce the ANC in its national struggle”. In March 1944, a fairly long document, titled “Congress Youth League Manifesto” was issued, declaring, in their opinion, the heartlessness of white domination was arousing in the African “feelings of hatred of everything that bars his way to full and free citizenship. And these feelings could no longer be suppressed.” The Africans had, furthermore, lost all faith in the “good grace” of whites, and the time had arrived for them to determine their own future. 6 Thus the CYL, under the presidency of Anton Lembede, would become a much more aggressive and militant wing of the ANC, espousing an ideology of African nationalism, rather than the class focus that the ANC held at the time. The CYL expected a much more radical stance from ANC leadership, demanding that the resistance movement act instead of reacting. They wanted ANC leadership to actively pursue an African nationalist agenda, rather than waiting to react to white politics. Members of the CYL believed in an exclusive African nationalism. Nelson Mandela wrote in his autobiography that “Lembede said that Africa was a black man’s continent, and it was up to the Africans to reassert themselves and reclaim what was rightfully theirs.” The Freedom Charter The CYL wanted to reorient the ANC towards a militant nationalism and mass-based strategy resulting in the Programme of Action, the Defiance Campaign and eventually the adoption of the Freedom Charter. Though the Defiance campaign is seen as failing to achieve its goals, it did serve as a very important step towards creating solidarity amongst black South Africans – it made black South Africans come together. It served to get the word out that the struggle was in full swing. Many Black South Africans felt that the Defiance Campaign was when the collective active resistance against Apartheid began and if anything the Apartheid government were forced to take notice and even take action. Lilian Ngoyi, the first woman to be elected to the national executive of the Congress, declared in an interview that: “In fact politically I was born during the Defiance Campaign”. In 1953, it was suggested by President of the Cape ANC that a congress of the people be help to deal with South Africa’s problems. His request was accepted and the Congress of the People (COP) was scheduled for 1955, at Kliptown, Johannesburg. The main event of the Congress was of course the reading and discussion of the Freedom Charter. The Freedom Charter, compiled by Lionel Bernstein, promoted the principle of multiracialism, creating a new definition of the “nation” based not on race, but on shared ideological beliefs. The COP and the Freedom Charter represents a significant milestone in the phase of defiant assertiveness – a new phase of 7 organised black protest policy, because for the first time in the history of South African resistance “the people were actively involved in formulating their own vision of an alternative society…[The] campaign to create the Freedom Charter raised the positive vision of an alternative, apartheid-free South Africa”. The Formation of the Pan Africanist Congress When the Freedom Charter was adopted by the ANC, some “African nationalists” within the ANC ranks believed that the inclusion of other races (minorities) within the definition of a South African citizen was a betrayal of the struggle for black independence. They followed the creed “Africa for Africans” and did not believe in a multiracial society. And as a result they eventually broke away from the ANC and under the leadership of Robert Sobukwe, formed the PAC in 1959. 8