Chapter 38 PDF - The Challenges of Democratization

Here's the conversion of the provided text into a structured markdown format: ## Chapter 38: The Challenges of Democratization ### The Elections of 2000 As a result of the PRI debacle, Mexico's first presidential election in the new millennium defied Mexican political memory. President Zedillo ke...

Here's the conversion of the provided text into a structured markdown format: ## Chapter 38: The Challenges of Democratization ### The Elections of 2000 As a result of the PRI debacle, Mexico's first presidential election in the new millennium defied Mexican political memory. President Zedillo kept his pledge to place Mexico on a true democratic course, and he ultimately paved the way for the defeat of his own party. Attention focused not on lackluster Francisco Labastida, the candidate of the PRI, or on Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, the mayor of the Federal District and head of the PRD ticket, but on the flamboyant Vicente Fox, running as the candidate of the conservative PAN. Fox, a prosperous rancher, former chief executive of Coca-Cola de México, and popular governor of the state of Guanajuato, ran an outstanding campaign. Often appearing at political events wearing cowboy boots and an open shirt, the physically imposing six-foot-four Fox clearly sought to break out of the stuffy mold carefully fashioned by generations of official party candidates. His special chemistry with fellow Mexicans would ultimately pay huge political dividends. Fox also benefited from another source of support. Over the precious several years, the Catholic church had become increasingly active alongside civic groups arguing the need for democratic reforms, thus strengthening its position as a legitimate moral voice in the heated atmosphere of political corruption. Middle-class Mexicans who once have shied away from the proclerical PAM were no longer so put off by ties to the church. Throughout much of the campaign political pollsters had Fox and Labastida in a dead heat with Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas running a distant third. In a nationally televised April presidential debate Fox hit hard on seventy years of PRI incompetence, false premises and corruption. Polls showed he won the debate in a landslide. From that time forward a Fox presidential victory was no longer unthinkable. In the months ahead, Labastida's talk of a "new PRI" seemed more and more a contradiction of terms as he was incapable of divorcing himself from the unpopular policies, major scandals, and minor shenanigans of his predecessors. Mexicans went to the polls in record numbers on July 2, 2000, and handed the heretofore invincible PRI a stunning defeat. Those anticipating charges of fraud, electoral intimidation, denial of access to ballots, or unfair counting of the vote in an attempt to overturn the results would have to await the US presidential election between George W Bush and Al Gore three months later. The Mexican presidential election of 2000 was relatively clean and unlike in the United States, the country would not have to endure months of electoral uncertainty. In his finest hour, President Ernesto Zedillo addressed the nation, acknowledging Fox's victory, and pledging a smooth transition. For the first time in seventy one years, Mexico's president would not represent the PRI, and the revolutionary myth making manipulated by the official party would come to an end. Most historians agree that social reform provisions of the Constitution of 1917 were implemented intermittently and in varying intensity until 1940. These advances beg the question of whether social progress would have occurred without the revolution. As progress waned, government rhetoric invoked patriotic revolutionary nationalism in memory, myth and invention as a hegemonic tool long after the 1930s to garner support. Most Mexicans viewed it as a sham long before Salinas jettisoned the façade in 1988. As the twenty first-century dawned, the reality that social priorities had languished in favor of economic development could not be denied. Furthermore, authoritarian political corruption and mismanagement had contributed to widening the gap between rich and poor and denying social justice for all Mexicans. While jubilant mobs crowded the streets, the stilted distribution of wealth manifested itself in the millions of illiterate; low wages and high unemployment, inadequate housing, and insufficient medical care, especially the rural areas. The industrial and vehicular smog of the Federal District choked the Mexican capital and threatened health problems of major consequences. One Mexico City suburb, Ciudad Nezahualcóyotl, with a population of more than 3 million, rivaled the largest slums in the world. Children scavenged in huge garbage dumps where the stench of despair hung in the air. In the rare areas a million campesinos still worked plots (too small to sustain themselves) and their families. Well over half of all Mexicans had no access to running water in their places of residence. The image contains a pie chart titled **The 2000 Mexican Presidential Election**. The chart breaks down as follows: - Fox (PAN): 42.8% - Labastida (PRI): 35.7% - Cardenas (PRD): 16.5% - Others: 5.0% Real income declined in the 1980s and 1990s as inflation consistently outran rises in the minimum wage. Poverty and malnutrition persisted despite increases in caloric intake, a decline in infant mortality, and a rise in life expectancy. It was a small consolation that for some, opportunities for education and upward mobility had expanded, and more people add access to higher education. Inauguration day, December 1, 2000, found Mexicans basking in democratic legitimacy for the first time in seven decades; and many were optimistic that the transition to democracy would be accompanied by economic prosperity and social justice, just as Fox had pledged. On that memorable day the president-elect conducted a bit of unofficial business prior to receiving the oath of office and donning the red, white, and green presidential sash. He visited the Basilica of Guadalupe and joined thousands of other worshippers in paying homage to Mexico's famous patroness. This symbolic act may have annoyed some secularists, but it was more emblematic of a state and a church having learned to live with each other despite their disagreements on social issues. Vicente Fox's PAN had moved from the conservative Catholic party of its origins. Fox's early actions showed how the PAN had shifted toward the center of the political spectrum. Rumors that the new president might further limit already strict abortion rights or privatize PEMEX proved to be unfounded. He refused to endorse the archbishop of Mexico's anti-abortion homily, which argued that even in the case of rape women must accept the mysterious designs of God. Although personally opposed to abortion, the President countered that he would not introduce any new legislation to change Mexico's abortion laws. Similarly, when President George W. Bush suggested that US capitalists might want to invest in Mexican petroleum, Fox rejected the idea politely. The nationalization of the oil industry by Lázaro Cárdenas in 1938 was memorialized every year and still considered an epic event in Mexico's twentieth-century experience. PEMEX, which accounted for about a third of all government revenues, was not for sale to foreign investors. In another mood to show that his administration would try to play the political middle, Fox appointed cabinet members from the left and the right. His appointment of Carlos Abascal-a staunch conservative pro industrialist and Catholic here to a cristero family as secretary of labor was a concession to the right at the same time. He named Jorge Castañeda, a leftist intellectual and long-time critic of US relations with Mexico as secretary of foreign relations. His appointment to Mexico's top diplomatic post made it possible for Fox, at least in the short run, to counter arguments that he might be too pro-American in his foreign policy; even as he sought to end has the new market driven economy and to attract further US investment. ### The Fox Sexenio: A Lost Opportunity? The optimism that accompanied Mexico's transition to democracy and electoral terms slowly eroded over the course of the fox presidency because of his failure to deliver on campaign promises, especially those related to economic reform. Some of these shortcomings can be attributed to his own management style, as well as ineptness at statecraft and building coalitions in a situation where his own party did not have a legislative majority. But it was not all his fault the opposition of Fox was split between two ideologically divergent parties. Policy gridlock became evident early as the PRID and PRD sabotaged a number of his initiatives to reform the tax structure in the energy center. Political effectiveness became even more pronounced when the PRI was the major winner in the Congressional elections of 2003. Furthermore, the PRI still controlled a majority of state and local governments as well as Union and Campesino corporations, not to mention its ties with de facto powers in the media and business. Not only did the tensions between the executive and the legislative branches fester and occasionally flare over the next few years, but the PAM in the administration itself were rock with internal friction. Because of his attempts to build coalitions, Fox frequently found himself at odds with his own party. And early investigations into irregularities in his campaign contributions from a group called Los Amigos de Fox, accused of illegally funneling money from US donors, made Mexicans question the president's commitment to corruption. Abruptly in January 2003, Jorge Castañeda resigned from the cabinet after having been frustrated in his attempts to improve relations with the United States and to reach in accord that you can to ensure fairer treatment for Mexican migrant laborers. Ironically, given his earlier support for the Cuban Revolution, he had also unsettle Mexico's close relationship with US nemesis Fidel Castro. Castañeda was accused of pressuring Castro to make an early exit from a March 2002 United Nations Summit on financing for development held in Monterrey, Mexico, in order to please the US delegation and President Bush. He also publicly criticized Cuba for human rights violation and arranged for President Fox to meet with Cuban dissidents on a visit to the island nation. Fox replaced Castañeda with his secretary of economy, Luis Ernesto Derbez; and other cabinet shuffles and missals of high level officials followed in 2003. In May 2000 for Fox scolded energy Secretary Felipe Calderon for appearing to launch a rival presidential bit prompting Calderon to leave the government. In 2004 The controversies stirring the most gossip about the Fox administration had to do with "Martita." Fox married his former spokesperson Marta Sahagún exactly a year after taking office. Like Hillary Clinton in the United States, the outspoken "Martita" stepped beyond the bounds of activities considered appropriate for a presidential wife. In a move perhaps more reminiscent of Argentina's Eva Perón than Hillary Clinton, she created her own philanthropic foundation, Vamos Mexico, and collected millions from the country is wealthy of projects destined to help the less privileged. Rumors about her political aspirations to succeed her husband as president circulated wildly in the press and made her the object of much derision in political cartoons and rock songs. In 2004 speculation came to an end after vamos Mexico was accused of siphon in off funds from the National Lottery. Fox is own the chief of staff resigned alleging that the first lady's political ambitions were out of control and the Fox was acting like the autocrats who preceded him. Even though the President finally intervene and announce they will both go home at the end of his term Marta Sahagún continue to be a lightning rod. After being criticized was having spent too much public money on her wardrobe the well healed first lady donate her favorite outfits to charity. Fox promised to boost Mexico's annual economic growth to 7%. Gridlock and mini scandals helped subvert this effort as did slower down in the world economy at the beginning of his presidency. Annual economic growth was closer to 1% than 7 and certainly lets the 5% registered annually between 1996 and 2000. The president proposal to implement a value-added tax on food and medicine schoolbooks and educational fees cost him the support of middle and lower sectors and certainly provided fodder for the opposition parties that charged him with ignoring the list privilege and in fact the inequalities in income distribution grew as the lower and middle sector stepped while the top monopolize modern economic growth. Fox skirted the political problem of privatizing pemex even though it was the most highly taxed in indeed real company in the world unable to meet all of Mexico's natural gas and petrochemical needs; but he does push through reforms that allowed for some private investment in the electricity although expert growth expanded modestly in 2003 China is placed Mexico as the third-largest exporter of goods to the United States. The President pledged to boost employment also encountered difficulties as jobs in the maquiladoras and the Mexican manufacturing industry declined are remained stable. In the area of social services Mexico was constrained by lending agencies; but even with slightly higher social spending per capita under the oportunidades program the Fox Administration make New advances in human capital investment that might ultimately boost productivity in the area of Education Health and job training. For many Mexicans Fox campaign promises to battle the stubborn causes of persistent poverty rang Hollow as the income gap widen attempts to orient the school curriculum toward signs and Technology ran into trouble when it looked is if the career curricular Innovations what is place in emphasis on Mexico's pre-columbian past the bright of the nation. The contemporary pre cadaments of indigenous people are certainly nothing to boast about Mexico's native population, especially those in the south, counted among the most impoverished groups in the nation high infant mortality rates low life expectancy malnutrition in elevate array of illiteracy pervaded Indian communities but complicating their escape from privation or that they also have been victims of somatic racial discrimination for 5 centuries. Government programs designed as is had but have ever mind fuel of cultural traditions and value systems now more than ever out of step with neo liberal plans for economic growth in an effort to address the Indian problem throughout the country Fox name Xochitl galvez in ortomi indian and highly successful technical consultant to head the office of Indian affairs the resources at her command are small however in of subsequent dismantling of the National indigenous that the the administration integration rather bolstering communities The that direction this situation. The has continue to attract National and international support for via the enter that trans by communities by These the right to land the community. The has thank by 15 The image shows a magazine cover from *proceso*, a Mexican news magazine. The headline reads "IMAGEN VS IMAGEN" (Image vs. Image). The cover shows two men on horseback, side-by-side. One is wearing a mask (likely representing Subcomandante Marcos), and the other is President Fox. efforts indicated indicate constructive solution indicate congressional by undertake agree leader agreed, and the now no be. one more was of to of was Mexican more have been will much The the but has many had in of and that to been. another in when Oaxaca went on they by a The of of demands the city provoking a situation the has or civil or teacher had The has key of law in or but done. The image shows two men riding horses. One is wearing a mask and most likely represents Sub-Comandante Marcos. The other is President Fox. On September 11, 2001, Vicente Fox and millions of his fellow Mexicans stood mesmerized before television sets watching the horrific terrorist attack on the Twin Towers of the World Trade Center in New York City and the Pentagon in Washington DC. WIth Mexico's northern neighbor no longer impervious to tourist assault, the Mexican president was offered his first opportunity to give tangible meaning to the friendship he had openly professed since the day of his inauguration. Visibly moved, his response was quick and unambiguous. His government expressed condolences, pledge solidarity and categorically rejected all forms of terrorism. In the days ahead he began actively cooperating with the united states strengthen border surveillance and bolster Security at the American Embassy in Mexico. To be sure a few spoke persons for the Mexicans left found in the unspeakable tragedy an opportunity to berate US foreign policy ven well huge plume of smoke so still Billo from collapse buildings 1000 were unaccounted for and presumed dead. But the vast majority of Mexican citizen, citizens rejected outright that the United States somehow got what it deserve dozens of Mexicans were among the fire nationals from 78 countries buried under the rubble at welcome to be called ground zero Mexicans were less concerned with the nationality of the victims and simple respect for the sanctity. in were was to had The to to was. had he an his for the speech state he the to have and was The to In the and over When hosted called has The can be is Fox them the from in the to The and with Western remittances with economic the and with the at to the in in to them among the most vociferous were racist in vigilante group like the Minutemen Project form on the Arizona border to attend, illegal migration get them deported, many other observers countered that Mexican Labor was vital to many. US business in 2005 the service sector ,especially hotels and restaurants employed one-third of illegal immigration followed by the construction industry food processing and farming furthermore the average, Family income of undocumented family was about 40% below that of legal immigrants enforcement of immigration long Lax prompting remove calls on sanctions against employers and a physical friends stretching along the 2000 mile border,. At the same time the living condition migration was often substandard is not abominable in the face hazardous work situation and racist retaliation. The availability of jobs in both the informal and formal economy which perpetually set to cut coast, Undoubtfully, feeds, Illegal Immigration export argue that the situation depicted and the phone had with a Mexican, which comically highlights how the economy and law enforcement become to a standstill California bereft of its Mexican population. 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