Army Organisation Under The Sultans of Delhi (13th & 14th Century) PDF

ARMY ORGANISATION UNDER THE SULTANS OF DELHI {13th AND 14th CENTURY) THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DECREE OF Doctor of Philosophy IN HISTORY BY ALI ATHAR...

ARMY ORGANISATION UNDER THE SULTANS OF DELHI {13th AND 14th CENTURY) THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DECREE OF Doctor of Philosophy IN HISTORY BY ALI ATHAR M. Phil. Under the Supervision of Prof. Khaliq A h m a d Nizamr CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY. ALIGARH (INDIA). 19 8 7 T3617  A B S T R A C T The Delhi Sultans had assimilated, accepted and rejected in its military organisation the Central Asian and Rajput traditions of warfare. These two diverse military organisations had deep impact on the Indian army during the 13th and 14th centuries. It was therefore deemed necessary to incorporate the 'Military Organisation of the Mongols'and the Rajput Traditions of warfare* in the Introduction of this work which enables a better understeisding of the Army Organi- sation of the Delhi Sultans, The MongolJ adopted the Central Asian traditions of warfare which gave emphasis on cavalry and the mobility of troopsib They were a well knit kmilitary force, dlsaijilined and ferocious* All these combined to give them enough success in their military eXi>editions, The Turks established themselves as rulers in India after overcoming their Rajput adversaries whose resistance lasted till mid of 13th century. The incorporation of the Rajputs in the array resulted in the assimilation of Indian modes of warfare of employing elephants and the increase in the number of the infantry corps which was constituted mostly of Indian soldiers. A critical analysis of the Rajput tradition  - ii - of warfare has been dealt with in later part of the Introduction. After tho establishment of the Delhi Sultans a seperate unit of administration called the Diwan-i-i^ took over the charge of organising the whole army. Chapter I deals with the duties and function of the Ariz, the administration of the cavalry, elephantry and infantry corps, the military hiera- rchy, duties of the military officers and mode of payments made to the army. This chapter incorporates the study of the supply of horses and elephants for the army and their effectiveness in battles. Recruitment of the soldiers their composition and Training is the second chapter of my thesis in which I have discussed the mode of recruitment of the soldiers in the army whicb was open to all and any one who possessed the desired qualification. This ushered a change in the composition of the army which now consisted of soldiers belonging to diffe- rent races and nations. The significance of this change in the army brought criticism from BSrani who abhored the rise of low caste people in the state's administration. The change gradua- lly led to the dominance of the Afghans who ultimately cajrved out a seperate kingdom for themselves.  - iii - The Delhi army inspite of being composed of men belonging to different social background never suffered from any problem relating to the conduct of the battle as all the soldiers were given thorough military training on the same pattern. The trainings imparted to the soldiers kept them agile and fit which were greatly responsible for maintaining the political authority in northern India and its extent ion in the Deccan,^ inspite of constant foreign invasions by the Mongols, Brave and able military generals like Zafar Khan and Ghazi Malik were ^aredby the Mongols. Sultans like Balban and Ala-ud-Din Khalji paid due attention in maintaining an efficient army and took great interest in its upkeep. All the sultans took the army out for h\inting which was organised in the manner of a military campaign. Various military exercises and trainings had been discussed in this chapter on the availability of references as found in the sovirces. The 'Methods of warfare* which constitutes the third chapter is a detailed account on the traditions and systems of warfare prevalent during our period of stud|f, A military campaign was a well organised aifair in which minute details of communications, routes to be followed, length of march.  - iv - speed, provisions etc, were chalked out. Various methods of fighting a battle was adopted to surprise the enemy. The army was usually divided into four main divisions with flanking parties and the attack was initiated from the wing which could provide the initial success. Strategies and tactics of war changed considerable from time to time like feigned retreat, ambush, Sirriva,Shabkun etc. The camps was well protected and warriors always rem- ained on duty as guards. Apart from battles fought on the open plains, the army of the Delhi Sultans excelled in seige operations too. In such operations the army put into use mechanical artille- ries, mines, sabats etc, which gave them easy victory over the Rajput strong holds. Chapter IV deals with the study of various arms and armours used by the soldiers. It incorporates the details of their origin, means of manufacture? their use and effectiveness, The army of the Delhi Sultans had used weapons belonging to foreign origin and also those made in India, Among the offe- nsive weapons the Kaman-i-hindavij mau1-i«» dairva and neza-i- hindivi were considered the best. The soldiers equipped them- selves with bow and arrows, swords* lance along with laasoes and dagger which were used as the situation demanded. The soldiers protected themselves with shields and other armours like breast plate, helmet etc. The horses and the elephants were covered  - V - with steel armours called barcaistawana. Weapons like manlanlas, arradas* Cnarkh, Zaniburak etc, which discharged heavy missiles and fiery arrows were used during seige operations, Chapte^r V« Forts and Their Importance is a survey of different forts in possession of the Delhi Sultans. The forts of the Rajput inilers were constructed on high altitude and had a defensive purpose. There forts had abundance of provi- sions, independent sources of water supply etc, and were capable of offering stiff resistance, but they were never employed as a military station. The Sultans of Delhi used these very forts as a means of initiating attack. They seirved as military garrisons which defended the territories located in its jurisdiction and maintained law and order. This chapter includes the description of medieval forts as described in the contemporary records, supplemented by modern archaeological works. Some forts like Delhi; Gwalior, Ranthambor, Chittor, Deogir are studied in detailed. Lastly the conclusion of this work is given along with a select bibliography.  Icahsd Do ^axiLni^  C O N T E N T S Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENT 1 « Hi INTRODUCTION 1 ~ 20 1, THE CENTRAL ASIAN BACKGROUND, MILITARY ORGANIZATION OP THE MONGOLS, 1 2, INDIAN TRADITIONS OP WAR BEFORE THE TURKISH CONQUEST OP NORTH INDIA 21 CHAPTER I ADMINISTRATION OF THE ARMY 46 86 1, OFFICIAL HIERARCHY 46 2, DIWAN-i-ARZ POSITION AND DUTIES OF THiS ARIZ-i-MUMALIK. 54 3, HASHM^i-ATRAF 60 4, PORTS 62 5, DIVISION OF THii ARI-IY, CAVALRY, SUPPLY OF WAR HORSi:;S, 63 6, EFi'j^CTIVEN^SS OF CAV^^LRY 68 ELEPHAI^ITRY, 72 8, SUPPLY OF Wi\R ELEPH^\i^ITS 73 9, THE ROLE OF INF.^^TRY 75 10, NAVY 78 11, ARZ 79 12, OTHER UNITS OF ADMINISTRATION. 81 13, SALARY 82 14, SPOILS 85  - B - THESIS SECTION Page CHAPTER II RECRUITI4ENT OF TH:: SOLDIERS THEIR CQlg>OSITION AIID TR^UHIHG. 87 - 111 1, RECRUITIffiNT. 87 2. COMPOSITION, 89 3. SLAVES, 97 4, MILITARY EXERCISES. 102 CHAPTER III METHODS OF WARFARE 112 - 154 1, STANDARD 112 2, PROVISIONS AND SUPPLY LINE 114 3, Ai-iBULANCE 118 4, BATTLE GROUl© 118 5, CAl'lP 119 6, SPIES AND SCOUTS 122 7, BATTLE ARRAY 126 8, STRATEGIFS AND TACTICS 131 9, SEIGE OPER.Introduction pp^.2|-25. 2, Introduction to Yuan-Chao-Pi-Shi Eng, tr, p,25.  - 3 - (ttynan) This division of forces into a decimal system was borrowed by Chengis Khan from the uiqhars«^ Comnaanders for each xmit were appointed. One firom the nai-tsi was made the commander of its unit>,i-0'ahan, Khan»>i*» Azam, Khan-i-^Mu* azzam, Khan-i-Azam Ulugh Khan was the title of Balban before his accession to the throne of Delhi, Khan Muazzam 2 Tairtar Khan and Khan-i-Jahan Maqb\il were high ranking officers during Stilt an Piroz Shah's reign, Zia-ud-Din Barani writes that Bughra Khan (son of Balban) adviced his son Kaiqubad to maintain an army according to the Persian pattern in which a Sarkhavl commanded ten horse- men, a sipah salar,^ ten sarkhayls or one hxindred horse, an 1, Tabaqat«-i»Nasiri«- Bib, Indica, Calcutta-1864- p. 187, 2, Tarikh~i»Firoz Shahi Barani, pp.527-28* Shams Siral Aflt,- Tarikh-i- Firoz Shahi. Bib, Indica ed, Wilayat Husain, Calcutta 1890. p.94, Henceforth cited as Afif , Tarikh-i-Ferishta- Vol, I pp,145-.46, Taba-Jed Hidayat Husain. Bib. Indica. 1931. p.62. Khazain -ul- Futuh- Text pp.38,88.  - 52 « We find in the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri that Malik Badr-ud-Din Sunlcer was first appointed as Haib Amir^i-Akhur and then prompted to the post of /ittir~i~ri3€hvu:«^ The Agiir-i~Ha.1ib or Lord Chaniberlain# was one of the highest ranking officer of the royal household and he enjoyed great power and inf- luence* The Amir-i—Hajib was also known as S a w i d Hujjab 2 or Sharif~ul*Huj iab« The Amir-i-Ha i ib inspite of being an officer of the Royal Household* he vras given charge of military expeditions as v/ell. During the reign of Sialtan Nasir-ud-Din Mahmud, Ulugh Khan who was the Amir-i-Halib in 1244 A.D,,was sent with an army to ravage the territories around Koh-i-Jud and Mandana«,^ Jandars were the bodyguards of the Sultan, They V7ere fully trained soldiers and great care xiras given to their xiniforms and equipments, Balban employed Sistani soldiers as Jcindars and paid them sixty to seventy thousand.jitals per year.^ The head of the Jandars was called Sar-i-Jandar and 1, Tabacrat-i-Nasiri- Eng, Raverty, Vol, I, p,642« 2, Tabagat-i-'Nasiri'- p,294, further example see Tarikh-i- FirozLgftafti pp.52 7-28, 3, Ibid- p#209. also see p.173; Tarilch-i-Fijroz Shahi p»332» Tarikh-i-FiroawShahA- p > 3 0.  - 53 « at times there wer; two Sar-l-Jandar for the right and left wing of the army. Hence we have Sar-i-^andar-i-Matmna and Sar->i*aandar''l«-Maiara^^ The Sar-i-Jandar also held administra- tive posts as well. Sultan Balban had appointed Malik Sunj Sarjondar as the 'Naib of Samana and the commander of its 2 forcos' The Amir-i-Shikar or the Chief Huntsman belonged to those categories of officials who were connected v/ith the Royal Household, The position of the Amir-i^Shikar is higher than that of the Sar-i'-Jandar, Iltutmish was promoted from the office of Sar-i-Jandar to few other posts and then made the Amir-i-Shikar, He even commanded troops in the battles. During the Lakhnauti expedition of Sultan Pirce Shah Tughlaq, Malik Dehlan who was the Amir-i«»Shikar had under his command 4 3000 soldiers and was posted on the Maimna, The intermingling of civil and military affairs resu- lted in military achievements, and failures in civil adminis- tration, Dtiring the reign of Sxiltan.^a-ud-Din Khalji, Nusrat 1, Ibid- p. 24. also see, Rahman, S.A,- Conduct of Strategy and Tactics of War dxiring the Muslim Rule in India, Islamic Culture, Vol, XX No,2 April 1946, p,156, 2. Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi p,85. Eng, tr, by Elliot & Dowson, Vol. Ill p,115, 3. Tabaaat-i-Nasiri- Taxt p.169, 4, fiiif- p,115.  - 54 « Khan was the Wazlr but he proved himself more worthy of being a military commander. He, with the Imperial a m y under him conquered Nahrwala and Gujarat*^ Malik Kafur was the Naib - MumaliX* but distinguished himself as a military general by 2 over joinning the Deccan, Malik Dinar was the Wali of Gujarat and he subdued 3 the whole of Gujarat during the reign of Sultan Mubarak Khalji, Similarly Khusrau Khan held the post of Wazir during the reign of Mubarak Khalji, but when extrusted with an additional4 post of Sar«'i-La3hkar# he led iir^ortant military expeditions DIWAN«.i^AR2. Position & Duties of the Ariz^i-Mumalik. The Sultans of Delhi had an exclusive military department called the DIwan-»i-'Arz> It was under the supervision of an officer called Ariz-'i-Mxgnalik, The Diwan-i-Arz was the super- erae body which dealt with all the matters related with the army viz recruitment of soldiers, their promotion and demotion. Tarikh«i~Firoashahi.146. 2. ^ia-ud-^in Bari=»ni- Fatawah-i-Jahandar - Eng. tr, by Habib and Krs^ Afsar Salim. New Delhi, n.d, p.23,  - 56 « Orthodox virtues (ausof-l-Stmnah) of the the greater will be the size and the strength of the army he can control Tne Ariz recrxiited soldiers after they had proved their capability. The duty of the Aria was to see that the army was contended by encouraging the soldiers and the commanders v/ith rewards and promotions,^ He revised the salaries of the soldiers and promoted or demoted them accordingly,^ The Ariz however had to place the case of promotion or demotion to the Sxiltan before he implemented his motives,. There are occasions where (ihe proposal of the Ariz was snubbed off. An example may be cited of Malik Ishaq*s recommendation of dismissing old soldiers of the army, which was ignored by Sultan Firoz Shah Tughlaq,® "The Aria" vrrites Barani" should be kinder to the soldiers than a mother and father" ^and he should throw a 1, Zia-ud-Din Barani- Fataw^..i~Jahandari JSng, tr, by Md, Habib and Mrs. Afsar Salim- New Delhi i.d. p.23, 2, Tarikh-i»Firoz Shahi - p,102; Rehla Eng. Tr, A.M. Husain p. 14, 3, Adab-ul-Harb Wash shu1aah-% p,277, 4, Tarlkh«-i-.Firoz Shahi- pp.62,101, 102- etc. 5, ->\fif-. p.302. 6, Fatawah-i-Jahandari- p. 24.  - 57 « veil over the crimes of his men* He should piinish and put to right the soldiers in the same way as a kind father piinishes an undutiful son/ he should not resort to extreme, cruelties and pvinishments, and in every penalty thftt he inflicts he should keep the door of reconciliation open. He should be able to discriminate (between offences) so that loyal and brave officers are not deprived of their dignity jfor every little fault. He should be content to punish xirrong-doers and crimi- nalSrf vrho have been impelled by their passions, by depriving them of their prestige, administering a few lashes and handing them to the military police (sahmal hashman) for being kept in confinement. He should from time to time keep the King informed of the crimes and defects of the army and so far as possible he should prevent the King from inflicting death - penalties and severe and harsh panishments on thearmy personnel He sho\ild not make the king the enemy^, of the array, or the army the enemy of the king. He should consider the misfortunes of the soldiers to be his own misfortxanes; he should be sadd- ened at the sorrows and delighted at the joys of his men; and he should find his peace of mind, con^o;pt and ease in providing properly for them. In all affairs and in all conditions, the Ariz should 4eal with the a m y in such a way that its confid- ence in him does not decrease; his aws and dignity should be  - 58 « inscribed in the hearts of the men, and owing to their excessive^ confidence in him, the troopers shoxald deem them- selves to be his tribes men (Xhail), followers, slaves and - servant,"^ Imadxil-Mxilk ytaa the Aria under Sultan Balban and he looked after thu troops with great sincerity and affection. He is reported to have spent from his own resources on the needs of the soldiers, Barani writes that the Ariz once said th^t if he disregarded his responsibilities and did not con- sider the soldiers above his own brothers and sons, then he will be guilty of his deeds on the Day of Judgement.T The designation of Ariz during the Delhi Sultans und- erv/ent some changes. Sultan Balban had designated his Ariz as 3 Rawat-i-Arzlf The other synonyms used for Ariz vrere Ariz-i- c ilumalik, ^^ D i w a n - i - A r i M " _. - * During the reigb of Sultan Piroz Shah Tughlaq, the Ariz was conferred with the 6 title of Imad-vil-Mulk^" The Ariz took part in the war couincil and had the privilege of offering useful suggestions. He however had no right in the appointment of the Sar-i-Lashkar for campaign. 7 Such an appointment was the sole privilege of the Sultan, 1, Fatawah-i--Jahandari-p.24. 2. Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi pp.115-116,.3, Ibid- p. 24, Ibid- pp,174, 194, 248, 423, 5. Ibid- pp. 60, 360, 477, Afif- pp.298, 443, Afif p, 438, 7. Khazainul-Putuh- Text, p,73.  59— Ariz divided the spoils or MaX-i-qanimah in the presence of the Sar~i-lashkar>^ In this matter* and of course other fxanctions#the ^^iz was assisted by a deputy called the Maib-i-Arizt The latter was responsible for the collection of spoils^ and the distribution of the salary to the soldiers. During the esqjedition of Warangal, Malik Kafur was accompained by the Naib-i-Ariz Khwaja Haji to share the responsibility of 4 the a m y and collect the spoils. In each province there v;as one Ariz and a Haib-l-Ariz was who/sxjbordinate to the Ariz-i-'Mumalik and his Haib« of the centre. An Ariz vjas appointed seperatedly for different cam- paigns # eg. Hizhabr-ud-Din Zafar Khan was the * Ariz-i'-wala for the Gujarat Gtompaign,^ Malik Nasir-xil-Mulk Siraj-ud-Din® was n the * i\riz~i-M\imalik* for the Warangal campaign. Khagainul««Fut\ih~ Text. pp. I09yl63« 2* Tarikh-i»Firoz Shahi p. 428 3. Ibid- pp.326-28. 4. Khazian-iil-Futuh- Text pp. 109-111. 5. Ibid- Eng. tr. M.Habib. Madras 1931. p.35 f.n.2 6. The names Malik Nasir-xil-Mulk SiroJ-ud-Din and Khwaja Haji are of the same person. 7. Khazain-ul-Futxdi. Text. pp»82,85.  - 60 « was HASHM-»I-ATR/^ t The Central army stationed at Delhi^ called the Hashm-'l-Qalb and the prx>vincial armies called Hashm-i-Atraf^ The Hashnt»i—Atraf was under the command of the governor or Muqta of the province and was assisted by the provincial Ariz in matters of review, recruitment of troops and their payment 2 etc. The Ariz was represented in the centre by his Naib, The MiaSta recruited the troops as he^enjoyed consider- able freedom of action in the matter of fighting against the 3 Hindus and also against foreign invaders"* He took care of the local disoirders and only in case of serious upheaval, the army from the centre was sent to assist the nvuqta» The Sultans always adviced and directed the muqta in matters related to the array» Sultan Balban felt the need of advising Bughra Khan, who held the province of Samana and Stinam, to increase the number of the provincial troops and raise their pay#^ The Hashm-i-Atraf of the neighbouring provinces always combined together against a formidable enemy, however it was Im Tabaqat-i-Nasiri- pp.323, 444; Tarikh-'i-Firozshahi p» 59. 2. Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi, 116. 3. Habibullah, A.B.M.- The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, Allahabad 2nd rev. edition. 1961, p.255. D.iY, U,N,- The Government of the Sioltante, New Delhi 1972- 142-43. 4. Tarilch-i-Firoz Shahi p.80.  SWOHD OF ALAUDDIN KHALJI O n e Persian inscription reads: In the name of God ! The Compassionate ! The Merciful I Another inscription is: Victory is at hand ! Near the inscription are seen four dots which are said to denote that four heads fell to the sword. {Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay)  - 61 « the Sxiltan who ordei:e3hurtaah~p,370; Rehla-» Eng. Tr« A.M. Husain- p»61# 3, Amir Khusro, Tuahlaq Hamah'* edited by Saiyad Hashmi Paridabadi, -»urangabad. 1933, p.81, 4, Tal-ulOlaathiri Elliot "ac^Oowson Vol. II p.220. 5, Tarikh-i-'Firozshahi p,303, 6, Tarikh-i-Ferishta Vol, I,p.52,  - 72 « but; through out the records of the 13th and 14th centuries we don't come across any reference of Sih aspa» The Sultans however kept large number of horses in reserve, so that those lost in the battles may be replaced at the expense of the sta- te.l Precautious were taken with regards to the selection of horses for the army. The horses brought for review were 2 branded so that they may not be replaced by inferior ones, and secondly, the same steed may not be placed again for re- view, Hence the number of horses in the axtny were recorded. At the time of dagh (branding) the breed of the horses, its physical properties etc, was noted alongwith the l^tilia of tihe horseman,^ The horseman s name# address, face structure, identification and mark etc, were all written down. This system of dagh^ hulia was neglected dtiring the reign of Sultan Firoz Shah Tughlaq who ultimately abolished the dagh system,^ ELEPHANTRYt Elephants were effectively exiployed in battles by the Delhi Sultans, There was a great need for elephants due to its effective role in battles. Sultan Balban considered an elephant to be equivalent to 500 war horses,^ The war elep- hants could run at a speed of 15 miles an hour in course of the battle,^ 1, Tarikh-i»'g33 3 4. Khasain -ul- Futuh- 'iText p. 101. 5. Afif- pp.163-167, 6. Ibid- p.486.  - 74 « Thus the pilkhanas at Delhi were f\ill of elephants, Barani refers to one thousand five hiindred elephants in the pilkhana of Ala-ud-Din Khalji,^ Al-Uraari writes that Sultan 2 Muhammad bin Tughlaq possessed 3,000 elephants. Similarly Firos Shah Tughlaq had many elephants and he frequently took large nximber of them along with him in his military campaigns. Against Bengal, he took 470 elephants along with his army and dtiring his Thatta campaign he had 480 elephants,^ The number of elephants dwindled aften Firo|, Shah's reign. The arm^r of Delhi which faced Timur had only 120 elep- hants,^ The elephants were used in breaking the enemy*s line of defence and if handled properly it fought in order,^ tramp- ling the enemies v/ith their feet*^ It was also used in tearing 1, The Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi later mentions that he possessed many elephants, instead of giving the n\3mber of elephants p,252, 2, Maassalik-ul-Absar- Eng, tr. I.H. Siddiqui & Q.M.Ahmed p,37, 3, Afif- pp.l44rl97, 4, Zafar Namah-Sharf«.ud~Din Yezdi Eng. tr, in Elliot & Dowson Vol, IIIp,498,, Text Vol, II p,100- however does not contain the number of elephants, , g;iuj|u3iat-*i-"'i'aimuri~ Persian.tr, by Abu Talib Ali Husaini-p,13S " ° "iNsfe^ Ar.ft, p.lTt, S; Khagain-ul-Futuh- T-^xt p. 107, 6, Ibid- Text pp,138-139.  - 75 « down the ramparts of forts.^ Sultan Piroz Shah Tughlaq used elephants in crossing rivers. The elephants were stationed in a row in the river to break the flow of the current while the array crossed over to the other side.2 The elephants at the tirae of battle were covered with iron trapping inlaid with gold.^ The authors of the Maasalik- ul-Absar and Subhal Asha both state that wooden cupolas were placed on the back of the elephants and in which six to ten warriors were easily accomodated. They were holes in the wooden structure through which the warriors shot arrows at the enemies.^ Sultan Ala-ud-Din Khalji effectively used elephaats against the Mongols in the battle of Kili (1299 A.D.)® THE ROLE OF INFANTRY» The infantry were the most trustworthy and brave soldiers. They formed the vangaurd of the army and thus they took the birunt of the enemy's onslaught on themsel"W3s. 1. Khazain«-ul-Futuh Text, p. 161 2. Afif- p.m. 3. Maasalik-ul-Absar- Eng. Tr. I.H.Siddiqui ^.H. Ahmed p.37. Rehla- Eng. tr. A.M. Husain p.106. 4. Ibid Subhal Asha- Eng. tr, Ott Spies p.76» Rehla ~Eng.tr. A.M. Husain p.106. 5. Futxah-us-Salatin- p.260,  - 76 « They were positioned in front of the elephants and "they attack the sawars of the enemy in order to make way for the elephants,"^ al-Qalqa-^handi writes that the elephants were behind the infantry and sawars on their right and left so that in face of enemy's attack the foot soldiers were unable 2 to run away. The Adab-xil-Harb wa'sh shu.laah gives a detailed account of the arrangement of the infantry in the battle thus- "Foot soldiers wearing armour and armed with brood shields, bow and arrow formed the first row and served as a wall of protection. Foot soldiers wearing breastplates and armed with shields, swords and spears occupied the second row. Foot sol- diers with swords, quivers, large knives and iron-bovind sticks stood in the thiird row. The fourth row was also camposed of footsoldiers armed with lances and swords. Each of these rows were broken into sever^ parts, so as to leave an open space between them for the horsemen and other warriors behind the lines to see what was happening in front, and to charge at the enemy when necessary or to retreat to their original places in the camp,"^ Sometimes they stood behind the cavalry or the elephants, depending on the strategy involved.4 1, Maasalik->ul-Absar- Eng. tr, I.H.Siddiqui St Q.M, Ahmad,p.53. 2, Subh-ul-Asha-Enq. tr, Otio Spies. p,76, 3, Adabxil Harb Wash Shujaah. p,330, 4, Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi- p.301.  - 77 « The foot soldiers were called palks and the Hindus constituted the majority in the infantry. The Indian infantry was renowned of its capability to avert greatest dangers and it was an asset to have large division of infantry. Sultan Maraud of Ghazni enrolled Hindu paiks in his aitny.^ The foot soldiers were not employed for campaigns which required swift movement of the army. They however went on distant campaigns. Ala-ud-Din Khalji as a prince had marched to Deogiti with 2 2,000 paiks in his army Barani gives credit to the paiks who hailed from Bengal as they 4 excelled in archery and Dhanush was their favourite weapon. Chroniclers like Minhaj-us-Siraj and Amir Khusro inform us that many palks were supplied with horses for fightings; they were however not paid the salary that of a horseman but remained as an infantryman.^ Instances have proved that the paiks played a very important role in bringing down one ruler and placing another 1. Tdrikh-i~Yamini- Text p.285. ' Tarlkh-i-Ferlshta- Vol,'I. p.18, 2. farikh-i-Firozshahi- p.222 3. Ibid- p.593. 4. Ibid- pp.52, 593. 5. Tabaqdt-i-Nasiri- p.257. Khazain-ul-Futuh Text. p.15... 78 - on throne. They have also been Xoyal to their master. The palkg saved Sultan Ala-ud-Din Khalji from the murderous attack of Akat Khan#^ Similarly Mubarak Khalji succeeded in capturing the thjTone of Delhi with the help of his loyal paiks who played 2 an active part in the conspiracy against Malik Kafur* IHAVYt Naval warfare during the 13th and 14th centuries was not common and hence no seperate division for navy vras empha~ sised* Boats no doubt were used in campaigns in those terri- tories where the geographical conditions compelled the In^erial army to employ flotillas of boats. With the extention of the 3 empire to such areas a designation of Amir-i-Bahr was given to an officer responsible for supplying the army with boats. He was however not a naval commander. The state did not initi- ate any move to have a separate Imperial navy. The soldiers arranged for the boats by taking over the charge of the ferries Instances of employing boats in campaigns are not difficult to find. Sultan Balban prevented the escape of Tughril Beg A by employing boats as the latter planned to flee by sea. Sultan Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi- p.273. 2. Ibid- pp.376-377 3. Afif- pp.198-199. 4. Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi- pp.87-88. Bart-ni infact. means river.  - 79 « Piroa Shah Tughlaq dxiring his Lakhnauti campaign had 100 boats in his train,^ SJLmilarly he felt it necessary to collect 5000 2 boats to be used for the Thattah compaign» AR2 OR REVIEW OF THE SOXJ)IERSi The review Of the soldiers were held periodically to ascertain the capability and efficiency 3 of the army. The descriptive rolls of the permanent and tem- 4 porary soldiers were kept in record, A place for review was selected whece the whole army could be accomodated, Pakhr-i- Mudiibbir writes that while reviewing the Ariz should occupy a seat at an elevation, so that he can see both the cavalry and foot soldiers. He should be attended by a nagib who will announce each man as he presents himself for inspection. When an army is reviewed on the eve of a battle* it should be so arranged that when a contingent is reviewed and is marched off; some of the cavalry should return to join a fresh contingent to be inspected by provious arrangement, so that the total strength of the array appears to be much larger than its actual number. This is done to confuse the spies of the enemy if there be any# in the army. This practise should be repeated so Mil.- 2* Ibid- pp.198-199, 3* Afif- pp,299-300, 4, Adab-ul-Harb wgah Shu.1aah-p,276» Maasalik-vtl-Absar- Eng. tr, Elliot and Dowson- Vol, III p,576,  - 80 « that the total strength goes up apparently. This may dishea- rten the enemy and they might be pursuaded to come to terms and a fight is k ,thus avoided*^ Barani suggests in his Fatawah-i-J'ahandari that "it is necessary after examination, to prepare a record of the horses and arras of the men twice a year,»,» The review (arz) should be at such times and places that it can be finished at one stretch*"^ During the review the soldiers and their mounts and equipments were examined minutely. Neither the recorded mount 3 or the weapon were allowed to be substituted by inferior ones. It, no dotibt took a long time in completing the whole task. Amir Khusro states that dtiring the Warangal campaign of 1309A,D, the review of the army took fourteen days,^ The strictness of the Aria slackened during the period of Sultan Firoa Shah Tughlaq as the officers were bribed to -ul- 1, Adab^Harb Wash Shulaah- pp,276-78, 2, Fatawah-i-Jahandari Eng. Tr, M, Habib & Afsar Salim Khan- p. 3, Adab-ul-Harb Wash Shuiaaft p,276, 4, Khaaain-ul-Futuh- Text p,76.  - 81 « pass off the soldiers and his mount fit,^ though earlier we find that the soldiers were punished i^ they tried any fraud. If Barani is to be believed. Sultan Aia-ud-Din Khalji withheld 2 three years salary of those who failed to turn up for review! Ghiyas-xid-Din Xuahlaa was also strict in this matter^ and there are hardly any instance when soldiers tried to avoid the review or join the battle. OTHER UNITS OF ADMIKISTRATIOHI Apart from the organisation and administration of the army mentioned above there were seperate Karkhanas which constituted in the organisation of the array viz, Pilkhana» Paiqah> Silah, Shutur Khana^ Alam Khana 4 etc. All these were vinder the overall supervision of the Wazir,^ but seperate officers were given charge of these depa- rtments, The Amir~i-Akhur was in charge of the Eatroyal horse stable* the Shahna-.i-pil I was incharge of elephants stable, Shahna-i-Nafar^ was the keeper of the camels stable and Sar -i- silahdar was an officer in—charge of armouzry, was also called Mir SalahZ 1, Afif- pp,299-301, 2, Tari3ch-i-Firoz Shahi- p.295, 3, Ibid- p,431, 4, Afif pp,337-39. 5* M, Akran\ MaJchodoome- Organisation of Central Government \inder the Turkish Sultans of Delhi, J,I,H,Vol, XIV part I April 1935 p,104, 6, Afif- p.304, 7^Maasalik-ul-Absar^- Eng, tr, I.H.Siddiqui & ui.M,Ahmed,p,44. Afif- p,338».Tarlkh-l-Tlrozshahi p,24, Qiran-us-Sadain, pi96.  - 82 « SALARY! The salary to the soldiers and military officers varied considerably dxiring the 13th and 14th centuries. The mode of payments wefe at times in form of land grants and some- times given in cash. Such variations were due to the political and economic excegiencies of the period. Sultan Iltutmish granted latas|, to the soldiers and officers in lieu of salary. Barani vrrites that when an account of grant was inspected by Sultan Balban, he found that 2000 Turkish soldiers were given Iqtas ^ in the Doab, Balban ordered the resumption of such grants but later withdrew the order on the request of Malik Pa3chir-ud-Din, Kotw;al of Delhi.^ Such a step of abolishing land grant was a later thought out plan, as earlier Sultan Balban had himself assigned village® to the soldiers and officers of ,2 the central arm^ (qalb-i-aala)' Sxiltan Ala-ud-Din Khalji paid 234 tankas per annum to the soldiers who had one horse and paid on extra allowance tonkas for an extra horse.^ But such a paltry amount had greater purchasing power since he regulated the prices of all the commodities and adopted new economic measures to ensxire 4 that the sum paid to the soldiers were sufficient. Qutub-ud- Din Mubarak and Ghiyas-ud-Din Tughlaq assigned iqtas to the 1. Tarikh«i-Piroz Shahi~ p.64. 2. Ibid p.29. 3. Ibid- pp»303-04 4. Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi- pp.303-04  - 83 « officers,^ The regin of Sultan Muharnmad bin Tughlaq witnessed large assignments being given to the military officers, slaves etc. The detailed information with regards to salaries of the soldiers can be had from the Maas 1 ik-'\il-Absar which states! "The soldiers are employed by the S\iltan himself and they are paid their pay and allowances by the state exchequer The iqta assigned to the Khan^ Malilo Amir or Ispahla are for their own personal expences,--—In case the iqta (assigned to the n noble) does not yield more revenue than assessed by the states ±it is in no wayJsss. It (revenue) is generally more than the estimated amount. Every Khan gets about two lac tankas, one lac, being E equal to lOQ^OOO, and every tanka being eight Dirhams. This amount is for the personal use of Khan. He is not required to spend it on his isaan contingent. Every Malik gets a salary from 60,000 tankas to 50,000 tankas and the Amir from 40,000 to 30,000 tankas, while the Isfahla receives about 20,000 tankas ©alary. The soldier's pay ranges from ten thousand to one thousand tankas. The Turkish slaves of the Sultan get from five thousand to one thousand tankas. In addition to it, they are supplied food, dress and fodder for their horses 2 free of charge. The soldiers and Turkish slaves are not assigned igtas but they are paid by the royal exchequer. The Khan, Malik, Amir and Isfahla get Igtas, the estimated revenue of which is much less than actua- lly mentioned in the state papers. However, if the reve- nue of an iqta is not much more than the estimated one. 1. Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi- p.382. 1. ohihab-ud-Din Muhammad Ghori Had given great responsibilities to his slaves, ilany of his slaves later become independent rulers, Firozshah Tughlaq paic. the slaves 20 to 125 tankas a month in addition to food and closing. Afif-p.270.  - 84 « it is in no way less. Some of the assignees get more than double of the estimated amount* Every slave of the Sultan receives one maund of wheat * " and rice as his ration every month Besides he is supplied, three seers of meat along with in Mankabarani to escape the onslaught of Chengis Khan, enrolled themselves into the military service 3 of Sultan Iltutmish, The infiltration of the Afghans increased considerably and they all opted for military service. They proved their worth in the array so much so that Balban who had always 1, Tabaqat-i-IIasiri- p*183, 2,. Madras ed pp. 132-137, 3, 01af, Caroe - The Pathans, London- 1958- p^l35.  - 91 « been race conscious, had 3000 Afghan soldiers in the army during his campaign against the Mewatis.^ Further we also find that Balban had garrisoned all the impojrtant foirts like Gopalair* Kampil« Patiali, Bholpur and Jalali exclusively with 2 Afghan soldiers and officerst.lBalban who wanted to establish a realm on the pattern of the Sassanids# provided high ince- ntives to foreign elements, Barani writes that Sultan Balban had employed Sistani soldiers as his body guards. When ever he went out the Siotani soldiers accompanied him with unsheated swords. To these soldiers he paid sixty to seventy thousand jitals a year.3 The Mongols under the leadership of Ulghu came to India and settled near Delhi during the reign of Sultan Jalal -ud-Din Piroz Shah Khalji They were taken into service and > 4 were given high ranks. The Mongols who were now known as neo Muslims, along with the local converts had great access to the services of the State, The Mongols who were the warrior class were in considerable nximber in the array of th€ Delhi Sialtans, We find that during the Gujarat campaign of 1299 the Mongol officers Mxihammad Shah, Kabhru, yalhaq and Burraq along with two to three thousand horseman mutinied against Ulugh Khan on 1, Tabagat-i-Nasiri- p,315. 2, Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi-pp,57-58. Ibid- p.30, 4, Ibid- p,219.  92 - account of inhuman tortures Inflicted upon the soldiers to exact the plvmder. They killed Malik Aizz-ud-Din# a brother of Nusrat Khan and attacked Ulugh Khan's camp (though the latt- er escaped) This was a very serious mutiny and Ala-ud-Din- Khalji retaliated by inflicting corporal pxinishment on the families of the rebels*^ Similarly Akat Khan who attempted to kill Ala-ud-Din-Khalji, had Mongol followers to carry out 2 his plan. When Ghiyath-ud-Din Tughlaq attacked Delhi his army was con^osed of soldiers having different racial, tribal and national background. They were, Ghuzz, Turkish, Mongol, Greek, 3 Russian, Persian, Tajik and Hindu soldiers in his army* Such foreign elements must have also constituted the army of Sultan Ala-vid-Din-Khalji, as we don't find any reference to the rec- rxiitment of such diverse elements by Ghiyath-ud-Oin-Tughlixq to attack Delhi* The Hindus too were in his army and they consti- tuted a larger part of the Delhi array under Nasir-ud-Din-KhusrauT Tughlaq Namah describes the composition of the Delhi army under Khusrau th\is," It was half Muslim and half Hindu, mixed together like black and white clovids. The Musalmans in the service of the Hindus were as friendly to them as their own X« Tarikh-i-Firoa Shahi- p,253, Futuh-us-Salatin, pp.244-45, 2, Ibid- pp,273-74* 3, Tughlaq Namah- p,84, 4, Ibid- pp,128,131,  - 93 « shadows, they were as closely bound to the Hindus as the charity of the Musalmans is bound up with their sins» The army was so fiill of Hindus and Musalmans that both Hindus and Musalmans were surprised,"^ The Maasal ilc-xiXWOasar states that soldier *s in the array of Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq were composed of Purks, Khitais, Persians and Indians," Muhairmad bin Tughlaq believed in having a broadbase administrative system by recruiting for service persons^ irrespect of their religion, caste, nationality etc, Zia-ud-Din-Barani writest "The Sultan talked as if he hated low b o m people more than he hated idols. Neverthel- ess, I have seen him promoting the low b o m son of a musician, to such an extent that he rose higher in status than many maliks, for Gujarat, , Multan and Badaun were put in his charge. Simi- larly he raised Aziz Khummar (the vinter)» and his brother, Firuz Hajjam (the barber), Manka Tabbakh (the cook), Masud Khummar (the vinter) Laddha Baghban (the gardener) and many other jeins of low birth (Jawahir-i-tatrah) to a high status and gave them offices and terri- tories. Ho gave Shaikh Babu, the son of a Nayak weaver, a position near to himself and elevated the rank and position of such a low b o m man among mankind. He assigned the ministry 1, Tughlaq Namah-pp«112,119- The Qiran-us-Sadain also mention Of Hindu cavalry in the army of Muiz-ud-Din Kaiqubad, p,-36, f,n, contd.  - 94 « of revenue (dlwan-i-wizarat) to Pera Mali Jthe gardener) # the lowest of the low-bom and mean-born men of Hind, and Sind, and placed him over the heads of maliks* amirs mimniaah c|ur,j# siparchakh etc. (xiv) The archers, nawak andaa^ "aphta andaz should bo posted at the gate.^ It is not that Fakhr-i-Mudabbir had stated the above facts as models but such precautious v/ere practised through out our period of study. When Firoz Shah Tughlaq laid seige to the fort of Eikdala, one of the prominent bas- tions collapsed and this damage was repaired by the Bengalis 2 during the night. The beseigers entered the fort only after winning overtaitors- or compelling the beseiged to come out in the open for a fight after cutting off their supply lines and deprieving them of rations and provisions. 1, Adab-'til-Harb Wash Shujaah- pp. 425-26, 2. Afif- pp.149-52.  CHAPTER « IV WEAPONS AND ARMOURS USED The Txirkish Sviltans of Delhi equipped their army with the best weapons which was then in vogue« It is an undisputed fact that in Central Asia the warriors armed themselves with various types of v/eapons for offensive and defensive p\irposes. They had separate v/eapons which were used from a distance viz, bow and arrows, and likewise various handy weapons for close combat viz, swords, lance^mace etc.. After establishing themselves in India, they adopted many weapons of the Rajputs which suited them in the Indian en- vironment. A detailed study of the arms used by the army of the Delhi Sultans reveals a synthesis of Rajput and Turkish weapons, & change in the strategy and t-ctics of war also brought about a change in the use of arms. For example, the use of elephants in battles ushered the adoption of defensive armour for the elephants and also device^ for injxiring their feet» Among the v/eapons, Indian bows viz, Kphi and Hindivi v/v-re favoured along with the best of Indian swords called the Mauj«'i'»darya. The neza-i-Hindivi was considered to be the best among all the lances used. The majority of the weapons used. 1. Caltrops made of wood or iron was used for the purpose. The ^^ab-xil^Harb wash Shuiaah names it hasak. p.367.  - 156 « however, were of non Indian origin since the composition of the Txirkish army which consisted of soldiers hailing from different nations# employed weapons which they considered v^ere handy* A detailed study v/hich follows is an attempt to ana- lyse the effectiveness of the weapons and the armours used for defence against these weapons* The effectiveness of the weapons depended on the material of which it was made. The mountainous areas of Gh\ir which had abtindance of iron cat- ered to the manufacture of weapons and other war equipments# in great nxanber, so much so that these weapons and airmotirs were exported to adjoining countries,^ The Hudu-ul-Mam too contains an information of this sort — " from this province comes slaves, armour (zirah) coats of mail (jaushan) and 2 good arms". The Tabaqat-i-Nasiri informs us about the avai- lability of arms made of steel#^ The information contained in it states that laz-ud-Din Husain of Ghur's (1100-1140 A.D) trJiJaute to the Seljuq Sxiltan San jar included armovurs, coats of mail, steel helmets and other war equijfsnents, It thus X. Bosworth, C,E«- The Early Islamic History of Ghtar*, Central Asiatic Journal, Vol. VI 1961- p.ll8« 2, Hudud-ul-Alajn- Anonymous, Eng. Tr, V, Minor sky- Regions of the World, London-1937. p.110, 3, Tabagat-i-Nasiri- p*47.  - 157 « appears that the Ttirks possessed weapons and armours made of iron and steel. In India whatever quantity of iron was available, it was ecployed in the manufacture of excellent swords, A1 Idrisi writes in his Kitab Nuzhat Al Mushtag fi. i^htirag al Afaq that the "Indians are very good at m ^ i n g various compounds of mixtures of substances with the help of which they melt the malleable ironic it then turns into Indian iron, and is called after India, There (in India) there are work shops were swords are manufactured and their craftsmen make excellent ones surpassing those made by other pepplev, In same ways the Sindhi, Sarandibi and the Baynimani iron vie with each other for superiority as regards the climate of the place, sJcill in industry, the method of melting and stamping and beauty in polishing and scoxaring. But no iron is comparable to the Indian one in sharpness. This is a well known fact, and no one can deny its superiority",^ The avail- ability of reed and poplar, in the hilly tracts of India led to its use in the manufacture of arrow shafts and lance. The study v^ill be divided into - light weapons bow and arrows* swords, Jonce, etc, (ii) Heavy weapons- viz, Khark, manjaniqs. 1. Al-Idrisi- Kitab Nuzhab.a Mushtag fi Khtlrag al Afag Eng, Tr, S.Maqbul AhraaS., Leiden 1960, p,23.  « 158 - arradas (iii) Defensive Armours of soldiers and war animals. Bows and arrows were prised offensive weapons as they were used from a distance against the enemies,,^ The army Text p,70, Eng, tr, p,54, 2, Ibid- Text- p,51, 3, Ibid- JSng, tr, p,40. Text. p,52, 4, Xhid- Text p,52. 5, Ibid- p,61, Tr.p.48- Qiran-us-Sadain-p.140 6, Steingass- p.841,  - 174 ~(ii) from one place to another for more effective use* This is how i^mir Khvisro con^ares the two (maghrabi and arrada) "The maqhribis outside exchanged shots with the iradaa inside the fort. It seemed as if youngman and vieled brides v/ere throv/ing loving stones at each other, « If one ball was discharged from outside, it fell as tv/o balls v;ithin, but if two balls vrore discharged from within, no misfortmie befell the prodaimers of the one God,"^ Qrrada too had its varieties namely arrada~i~ 2 3 qardan, arrada-.i«.Khafta and arrada«.i~rawan, The Khushkaniir too was a mechanical si6ge device which threw projectiles. This device should not be confused v;ith the Khushkaniir of the later period where it denotes a cannon* ARMOURS t The soldiers in the army protected themselves with armoxirs made of iron and steel and also at times with leather jackets. The infantry in particul^ir, apart from the armours they put on, defended themselves with shields. The horses and elephants too were protected by defensive armoxirs. Thus Khazain-\il~Futuh~ Eng, tr. p.68; Text pt94, 2. ,r\dab~\il-Harb wash Shuiaah- p.427 3, Ibid~ p.424 also see Burhan-i-Qatae" p4,304. Steingass- p»1033.  -.175 - the whole a n y effecstively eqiolpped themselves with offen- sive and defensive arms and armours. The army of the Sxiltans of Delhi wore various types of armours, each serving its own purpose The head of the warriors was protected by a steel helmet called Khtid,^ Next, the mlqhfar or network of steel worn under the cap, was worn to protect the neclc and the 2 back, THe rest of the body was safeguarded by other armours. Initially broad steel framework was used as protection, but of later developments inraanu^actxire/steelled to the production of more flexible armours which facilitated the movements of limbs and the other parts of the body. The jaushan^ was an armour which covered the breast and the stomach, Belov/ this steel breast plate the warriors wore a leather jacket called the khaftan,^ The zirah^ was a coat of mail which also exte- nded to the arms. The zirah was made with intersections of chains - which had a variety called the zirrah-i-DaudiAfif mentions that Sultan Firoz Shah Tughlaq used an armour which 7 consisted of 44 pieces. It appears that the quality of the 1, Adab-ul-Harb wash Shulaah- p,263, Steingass- p,482 Tabaqat-i-Nasiri- p,47, 2, Steingass- p,1281, 3, A d ^ u l Harb wash Shuiaah-p.263, H\jdud"ul»Alam- p.lloT Steingass- p.378, 4, Adabul Harb wash ahuiaah-p.425, Steingass-p.468, 5, Ibid- p,263, Steingass-p,616, Tughlaq Namah- p,81, Khazain-xxl-Futdih-p. 61 Prof. M, Habib had translated^ias strokes like those of David, Eng, tr, p,48. 7, Afif- pp.150-51,  - 176 ~(ii) zlrah depended upon the number of pieces or chains it had. Many of the soldiers wore two armours the inner one was called the dast^^ Apart from the above mentioned armours, a soldiers also wore am iron armour on top of the zirah vrhich was known as Chaharaina , It consisted of four plates one covering the breast, the other protecting the back and two smaller pieces which sheltered the sides. All the four plates v/ere joined together with leather straps. The Adab-ul" 2 Harb mentions an a m o u r called becfultak which most probably was an iron roba or kurta. No wonder Hasan Nizami calls the army of ShiJiabiiddin Muhammad Ghori as an a m y "clad in a m o - urs and coats of mail*»^ The shields were used by the infantry and they varied in size and structure. The sipar^ (shield or buckler) were made of iron or steel and also from the hides of rhinocerous (Sipar-Karq)# We find Fakhr-i-Mudabbir mentioning the types of shields used by the soldiers viz- Sipar Chobin (wooden) Sipar Shushak), Sipar neza, Sipar Chakh, Sipar Karq# Sipar - Khadanq (made of white poplar tree).^ I feel that the lighter shields mentioned above namely sipar chobin and sipar Khada- nq were used by the cavalrymen to ward off attacks. Since 1, Tarikh-i-Miibarak Shahi- p.215, Rehla- Eng. tr, p,115< 2, /^ab-»\il-Harb Wash Shu.1aah-p,425 3, Ta j-xil-.Maathir- E & D Vol, II p.220, 4, i^ab-xil^Harb Wash Shulaah-p,262, St^ngass- p,651, 5, Ibid- pp,242.247, 260, 342,  - 177 ~(ii) the cavairymon were very mobile and were a difficult target, tho lighter shields were quite effective. The infantry who were the first to bear the brunt of the enemy's attack had to arm themselves \;ith strong shields The animals used in v;arfare viz, horses and elephants too were protected by armovurs. Tho burqustax^ran was a special armour meant for the horses*^ One could visualise the appea- rance of these animals in the battle field cl tliousand (minq) and ton thousand (tuman) and placed GQimaanders over each unit* The commander of the unit was responsible for the well being of his soldiers, he was held guilty if any problem arose from his unit. The division of the forces into the decimal syatom enabled the relay of coromxinication to the lowest unit in no time,* The power of recruitment was partically enjoyed by the various military officers who could recruit soldiers with the permission of the Khan. Later, recruitment were the tasfe assigned to a seperate military department. Reviev/s v;ere regularly held and war equipnents were scrufcinized very minutely. The mode of v/arfare prevalent in Central Asia v/as common to both the Mongols and the Ttirks. Cavalry was the back bone of thG array and moxintcd archers comprised the bulk of the armj. Swiftness of the cavalry both in attack and retreat gave the Central Asian warriors an upper hand in the battle against those adversaries who were not acquainted with the practise of war prevalent in Central Asia, The main thrust of the army was to possess beforehand detailed infor- mations about their enemy. Strategies of war were thus deci- ded on basis of the report received from the spies and the  -.211 - scouts The success of the Mongols during the 13th century rested upon the spy system which co\ild supply all the infor- mation about the enemy's cotmtry, routes, places fit for camping, vrater-supply etc, Chengis Khan knew more about the eiaemy than the latter knew about him. Various methods of war were employed during the battle, like feigned retreat, 6ut flanking the enemies and attacking from rear, disorganising the enemies battle formation etc. In case of victory, the soldiers vrere instructed not to scramble for booty immedia- tely, Spoils were divided equally among the soldiers. In view of the traditions of war practised ; ^ in Central Asia, the soldiers never overburdened themselves with heavy supplies. They kept light weapons, like bow and arirows, spears, lance etc. Their amours too were made from the hides of bxiffaloes or other animals, so that it ' may not hinder the flexibility required during a battle. The military organisation of the Delhi Sultans was very systematic and took into consideration each and xevery aspect of the arroy. The military officers were designated Mal,i)^, Amir, Sipahsalar and Sarkhayl. The designa- tion of Khan denoted the highest rank, but even then the  - 212 ~(ii) favoxirite from among the Khan was singled out. The Khan-i» Khanan was considered co be the highest rank among the Khans e.g. Khan-i-Khanan Ikhtiyar-ud-Din was the full had nume of Sultan Jalal-ud-Din Khalji's son. The Malik^uffi- xes and prefixes like Malik Kabir and Malik ul Umara» Prior to the adoption of the title of Khan, the highest military officers were called Malik, e,g, Malik Qutub-ud-Din Aibek, Malik Nasir-ud«Din Qabacha etc. The military hier^- archy after the establishment of the Sultanate was adjusted with the adoption of designation from the Central Asian system or the Persian system. On the whole the organisation after the assimilation and adoption of the two renowned military systems into the Delhi army appeared thus — - a Khan commanding ten thousand horsemen, a Malik one thousand, an Amir hiandred and a Sipah Salar less than hundred. Sources like the Adab~ul»Harb and Tarikh->i~Firoz Shahi also mention military officers like the Arlf commanding 10,30 or 40 soldiers, a Khalifah or Amir^i-Panjab being incharge of 50 soldiers, a nagib commanding 100 troops and a Sarhanq supeirvising 500 soldiers* The Amir-i-Akhvir, Amir-i-Haiib. Sar-i-Jandar and.^mir-i-Shikar though appointed as civil servants, were also military officers. The Amir-i-.Akhxir took part in battles. There was a separate post of Qtirbeq-i- Maimna and Qurbeq-i-Maisra in the army. The /^ir-i-Ha1ib  - 213 ~(ii) also performed military duties and led expeditions. The Sar~i"Jandar was the head of the bodyguard and he along with the Jandars fonjaed the crack force of the army which was posted at the ;Centre with the king. There were Sar^i" Jandar Mainina and Sar-'i-^andar Maisra who were commanders of the Jandars of the two wings of the army. The Sar-i- Jandar also held administrative charge of territories. The Amir-i*'Shikar was a higher designation than that of Sar-d- Jandar. They also took charge of troops in battles, ^yiyone vrho was capable of sharing responsibilities were given charge of important expeditions, Malik Ka^ur for example inspite of being a Malik over ran the whole of Deccan which surpassed many deeds of the Khans, This organisation was under the ministry of Diwan-'i- Arz the head of which was called the Ariz»»i»Mumalik. He took keen interest in his duty which laid emphasis on the effici- ency of the army. The well being of the army depended upon him as he was the chief recruiter of troops, he inspected the horses, weapons and the soldiers theiciselves, and main- tained ci register in which a l t h e details were recorded, ^he huliya of the soldiers, his equipment etc. wer« all noted down; a soldier could neither impersonate other nor could he sxabstitute his horse or weapon with another of inferior  - 214 ~(ii) quality. The Ariz encouraged the soldiers with rewards and those found guilty of indiscipline v;ere p\anished. He was assisted by a Maib-i-Ariz« At the provinces too there i^rere similar offices. At the provincial level the mucrta maintained a separate army called th^ ,Hashm-'i'"Atraf. This array checked internal disturbances, and cooperated with one another during danger. Sultan Balban once sent Bughra Khan from Samana, Prince Mahmud from Multan and Malik Barbak Baktars from Delhi to check the Mongols. The Hashm^'i-Atraf accompa- nied the central array v;hen ever required, Tliere were three main division of the army viz. Cavalry* Infantry and Elaphantry. The Cavalry formed the backbone of the army, hence horses of good quality were imported and also reared. The ilulk-i-baladast where best horses were available, were not in control of the Delhi Sultans hence high, prices were paid for the imported ones, ^he paiqahs were full with horses waich were taken as tributes from the dDeccani states. In Delhi the brokers were punished if they passed a Hindi horse as an Arabi or Tartari. Hence horses of good breed were always available due to the demand they carried in India, Hence Yemani» Bahri, Shami, Arabi, Tartaric all such breeds were found in the army. Sultan Balban had 67 thousand horsemen. Sultan Ala-ud-Din Khalji's cavalry m^nbered 475,000 and Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq is reported  - 215 ~(ii) to have maintained 900,000 horsemen. The horses of the Delhi airmy, wore saddles, stirrup and horseshoe. The saddle.provided the rider firm grip over the horse in course of gallop, canter or trot. The metal stirrip facilitated the rider to shoot arrows from the horseback without loosing his balance. The horse shoe enabled the cavc^lry to traverse in the various regions having diverse physical features. The arroy from Delhi could go to the South till ilaabar proves the effectiveness of the horse shoe. The horsemen was usually armed with bow and arrow, sword, maco , lasso etc. The mobility of the horse plus accxirate shooting from the horsobaclc made the army of the Delhi Sultans irresistable. A cavalryman apjpeared very impressive. The Indian fashion and mode of warfare of using elephants crept into the Delhi army as well. The Sultans incorporated elephants in their army and they occupied a very important position on the battle field. Elephants were supplied from Bengal and from the Deccan. They were used in breaking the enemy's line of defence and tearing down remparts of forts. They were also used in crossing rivers. They were stationed in a row to break the current of the river, which enable- the army to cross over.  - 216 ~(ii) In the battles, the warriors accomodated themselves on wooden cupolas which were placed on the back of elephants. Six to seven warriors were easily placed in the wooden stru- cture from where they shot arrows and naphta^ In the Indian environment, the elephants proved very effective. The army of Tiraur was demoralised on account of elephants in possession of Sultan Mahmud, The infantry formed the vanguai^d of the army and they played a very important role in battles. They were first to face the enemy's attack on account, of their position in the battle. They attacked the sawars of the enemy to make sway for elephants. They were given the name paiks and usually the Hindu soldiers constituted the majority. Borani credits the paiks who hailed from Bengal as they exce- lled in archery and Dh^nush was their favourite weapon. The paiks h>^ve shown great courageand loyalty to their master. They once saved Ala-ud-Din Khalji from the mxirderous attack of Akat Khan. The paiks also played avital role in placing Mxibarak Khalji on the throne of Delhi. All the soldiers were periodically reviewed to as- certain the efficiency of the army. Reviews were also t^^ken before a brittle. If desired the army was also inspected during a campaign so that the total number of troops and their con- dition could be examined. It was a practise to sent of a division of troops after inspection to march back for review just to give an impression of a large army to the spy of the enemy if present, ^ review was a long process and at times  -.217 - took fourteen days at a stretch to examine the whole eirmy. Those who did not turn up for review were severely pxinished. During the days of Stiltan Firoz Shah Tughlaq this whole system deteriorated, Ther^ v/ere seperate administrative units having different functions viz, Pilkhana, Paigha^ Silah, Shutur Khana^ Alam Khana etc, all these karkhanas were under seperate officers* The Amir-i'-Akhur was incharge of the paiqah» the Shahna«>i«"Pil for pilkhana, Shahna-i-Nafar inchajjge of Camel *s stable, and Sar-'i-^ilahdar-incharge of armovury. These v7hoie military organisation depended a lot on the salary given to the officers, soldiers, caretakers etc. There has neverj been any complaint v/ith regards to the salary fixed by the Sultan, Iltutmish granted igtas to the soldiers and officers in lieu of salary. This system continued for q\iiet sometime, ala-ud-Din Khalji after enforcing the price control and market regulations, fixed 234 tankas for a sol- dier with one horse and 78 tankas more for an extra horse. The officers were granted.land assignments. The reign of Muhammad bin Tughlaq withessod iata assignments to the Khan^ Malik*.^ir and Isfahlar, The Khan received an igta whose estimated value was about two lack tankas, a Malik likewise had an igta equivalent to 50*000 tankas 60,000 tankas, an Amir got 30,000 tankas to AQ.QQQ tankaa and the Isfahla  - 218 ~(ii) received 20,000 tankas. The soldier's pay ranged from 1,000 tankas to 10,000 tankas. During the svibsequent period these assignment became hereditary. The qhazis who joined the army before a campaign had their share in the spoils. They were not paid by the state. Likewise Ghairwa1ihi were enro- lled before a campaign but they viere paid by the State, The soldiers who were recruited in the army were well versed in the vise of weapons. The Ariz took a test for all those who wanted to join military service. Only those who excelled^a the prescribed test were put on roll. Anyone who wanted to enlist himself as an archer, had to prove his credibility in front of the Ariz and other military officers, A cavalryman similarly showed his skill in horsemanship. After the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate, people of various ethinic groups who possessed the desi- red qualities of a soldier were incorporated in the Sultanat- e's army. The procedure involved in the recruitment elimina- ted armateurs and xinwanted candidates. The army was thus composed of most able warriors who after rigorous training txirned into the best professional soldiers. The army was composed of soldiers belonging to different nationality, race and community. During the 13th  - 219 ~(ii) century the army was basically constituted of Turks though having a seperate identity of being a Khatai, Qarakhita, Qipchaq, Garji or Ilbari. The non-Turkish foreigners called Tagiks entered in the service of the Delhi army with the rise of Chengis Khan. These Taziks proved themselves able administrators. The Turkish nobles had them massacred out of jealousy. The Indian elements like the Jats, Khokars and Rajputs too were a small section of the array, who later increased in number during the Khalji period. The Indian elements were usually absorbed in the role of infantry in which they excelled. With the rise of Tughlaqs they were so great in number that the forces of Ghazi Malik and Nasir- udi-Dirv Khusrau were half Hindus and half Muslims, The court of Delhi attracted so many foreigners that even Ghazi Malik, could boast of having Ghuzz, Turkish, Mongols, Greek, Russian, Persian and Tajik soldiers in his army. The Afghans entered India alongwith the Turkish conquerors and at the time of Sultan Balban they were so much favoured that important forts like Gopalgir, Kampil, Patiali, Bhojpur and Jalali were entrusted in t leir charge. There was a constant influx of the Afghans and they became a very powerful section. The reign of Muhammad bin Tughlaq  - 220 ~(ii) ultimately witnessed their uprising and the fonnation of an independent Bahamani Kingdom The constant Mongol invasions was responsible for the rise of Mongol elements in the Delhi army. During the reign of Jalal-ud-Din Khalji, Ulghu came to India and sett- eled near Delhi along with his followers. Many were taken into service, M\ihaitimad bin Tughlaq recruited many Mongols for the Khorasan expedition. One may however doubt the efficienH«S, Journal of Pakistan Historical Society. Karachi. 14, J.S.H,S. Joxirnal of Sind Historical Society, Karachi. 15, Q.R.H.S. The Quarterly Review of Historical Studies. Calcutta. 16, TURCICA Turcica , Paris,