Rizal and the Development of National Consciousness PDF

RIZAL AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS Chapter 1: “A PANORAMIC SURVEY” The life of Jose Rizal was marked by the conditions that existed during his lifetime in the Philippines and Europe. Rizal is a product of his era and his message forth a human declaration that “All human beings wit...

RIZAL AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS Chapter 1: “A PANORAMIC SURVEY” The life of Jose Rizal was marked by the conditions that existed during his lifetime in the Philippines and Europe. Rizal is a product of his era and his message forth a human declaration that “All human beings without any distinction of any kind are born free and equal in dignity and rights.” In 19th century, it stands out as an extremely dynamic and creative age especially in Europe and United States. During this time, such concepts of industrialism, democracy and nationalism gained ascendancy and triggered revolutionary changes in science, technology, economics and politics. However, the 19th century Philippines was largely medieval. Its social and economic structure was based on the old feudalistic patterns of abuse and exploitation of the Indio. During this time, censorship and racial discriminatory practices were oppressive. Intellectual decadence prevailed and government processes had no respect for the need of the people Educated members of the middle class who went abroad stepped right into the currents of modern liberalism, dynamism and creativity of the new era of western European continent. These foreign contacts and the medievalistic Philippine conditions deeply influenced the development of a sense of nationhood among the Filipinos. The Philippines in the nineteenth century SOCIAL STRUCTURE - Philippine society was predominantly feudalistic - the results of the Spanish land holding system imposed upon the country with the arrival of conquistadores. An elite class exploited the masses, fostered by the “master-slave” relationship between the Spaniards and the Filipinos. The Spaniards exacted all forms of taxes and tributes, and drafted the natives for manual labor. Consequently, the poor became poorer and the rich wealthier. The pyramidal structure of 19th century Philippine society favored the Spaniards. The apex was occupied by the Spanish officials, the peninsulares, and the friars; its base, by the Filipino majority, the indios; and its middle area, by a small middle class which consisted of natives, mestizos and criollos. Racial discrimination was prevalent as the Spanish born peninsulares were given the highest offices and positions in society. Meanwhile, criollos, the Philippine-born Spaniards, the half-breed or mestizos, enjoyed second priority, and the native or indios were looked down upon. POLITICAL SYSTEM - Spain governed the Philippines through the Ministro de Ultramar (Ministry of Colonies) established in Madrid in 1863. The Ministro de Ultramar helped the Spanish monarchs manage the affairs of the colonies and govern the Philippines through a centralized machinery exercising executive, legislative, judicial and religious powers. The Governor General appointed by the Spanish Monarch headed the central administration of Manila. He was the king’s representative in all state and religious matters and as such he exercised extensive powers. He issued executive orders and proclamations and has supervision and disciplinary powers over all government officials. He was the commander in chief of the armed forces of the Philippines. The Governor General had supreme authority in financial matters until 1784, when he began to share power with the Intendant General. He also exercised legislative powers with his cumplase by which he could disregard or suspend any law or royal decree from Spain. The religious duties gave the Governor General the prerogative to nominate priests to ecclesiastical positions to control the finances of the missions. His supervisory and disciplinary prerogatives often gave him the opportunity to reward his favorites and relatives, and to penalize those who had displeased him. The Governor General was assisted by the Lieutenant Governor (general segundo cabo) and advisory bodies such as the Board of Authorities, Council of Administration and in 1874 Secretariat of the Central Government. A larger body, the Directorate of Civil Administration, was organized later. Next to the central government in the hierarchal structure were the provincial governments or alcadias led by alcaldes mayores (civil governors); and the city governments called Cabildo or Ayuntamiento administered by two alcaldes en ordinario (mayor and vice mayor). The gobernadorcillo, fondly called capitan by his constituents, was the chief executive and chief judge of a town. He was elected at the beginning of every year by a board composed of members of the town principalia, a body of citizens of high standing usually made up of the incumbent or ex-cabezas de barangay. The smallest unit of government was the barangay/barrio and was controlled by a cabeza de barangay, usually a Filipino or Chinese mestizo whose main responsibility was to maintain peace and order and to collect tributes and taxes. The guardia civil and cuadrilleros performed police duties. The alferez (second lieutenant), usually a Spaniard, headed the corps of guardia civil in each town. The system of courts in the Philippines in the mid-19th century was a centralized system. It was a pyramidal organization headed by the Royal Audiencia, the highest judicial body. This body served not only as the highest court of appeals for civil and criminal cases but also as the high council to which important government affairs were referred. The Governor General and Royal Audiencia may act separately or together, occasionally made laws for the country called autos acordados. These laws covered broad fields, ranging from tribute collection to the control of corruption in the provincial government. No regular body took charge of enacting laws in the Philippines. Laws originating from various sources were applied to the Philippines. One of these was the Law of Indies (Leyes de Indias). For three brief periods, the Philippines was represented in the Spanish Cortes (Spanish legislature): from 1810 to 1813; 1820 to 1823; and from 1834 to 1837. The Filipinos and their Spanish sympathizers failed to restore our representation to the Spanish lawmaking body after 1837. Sources of Abuses in the Administrative System. The main cause of the weakness of the administrative system was the appointment of officials with inferior qualifications, and without dedication to duty, and moral strength to resist corruption for material advancement. These officials were given many powers and privileges. The functions of the central administrative officials overlapped and inevitably resulted in confusion and friction. Complicating the situation was the union of church and state. The principal officials of the administrative system obtained their position royal appointment, while the rest of the positions were either filled by the government nor General himself or were sold to the highest bidder. The term of office of the royal appointees depended on the King’s whims. And often the king’s appointees were ignorant of Philippine needs. Besides they were subjected to many restrictions and were frequently shifted form one assignment to another to prevent them from establishing a following among the natives and perhaps causing the secession of the colony from the empire. The distance of the colony, the inadequate administrative supervision, the overlapping of powers and privileges of these officials, contributed to the perpetuation of anomalies in the government service. After spending so much time and money to obtain their royal appointment, many officials exploited their office to recover expenses and enrich themselves. When a conflict of interest arose in the performance of duties, the officials inevitably favored their personal interests over the welfare of the state. The insecurity of their term of office made them more unscrupulous and determined to recover their financial losses through devious means. The most corrupt branch of the government was the provincial administrative system where the alcalde was the administrator, judge, military commandant, all rolled into one, with a monthly salary of 25.00 pesos but with liberal allowances and privileges. One of his privileges was collecting a certain percentage from the total amount of taxes levied on the provinces. Unscrupulous officials often exacted more tributes than required by law and pocketed the excess collections. Another privilege which was a pernicious source of abuse which was the license to engage in trade, known as indulto para comerciar The provincial governors monopolized provincial trade and controlled prices and business practices. The parish priests could check anomalies in these practices but in many cases they encouraged the abuses of the governors in exchange of favors. Nobody dared to complain to the court because the alcalde was also the provincial judges. Abuses multiplied because the higher officials were indifferent to the anomalies. There was no effective effort to check these abuses and the people despaired knowing that there would be no hope for change. The continuing complaints lodged by the more responsible officials in Spain finally resulted in the issuance of two reform decrees, one in 1844 and the other In 1866. The first decree fixed the provincial governor’s salary at 1,500.00 pesos and 1.600 pesos to rank; And provided that only lawyers or persons with two years of legal experience in some law office were qualified for provincial governorship. The decree also abolished the privilege to engage in trade. The judicial and executive duties of civil officials were permanently separated by the reform decree of 1866. Civil governors were appointed to assume the administrative duties. Participation in the government of the natives was confined to the lowest offices in the administrative hierarchy as the gobernadorcillo of a town and cabeza de barangay of a barrio. The position of gobernadorcillo was honorary. No salary was expected with the position although the gobernadorcillo was entitled to two pesos a month and a small amount was given to the clerks. This harassed official was largely responsible for such municipal expenses such as maintenance of cuadrilleros; the care of the town prisoners; the purchase of desks, paper and ink by the town officials; and the construction of the town bridges. To pay for the necessary expenditures, tributes, taxes, and fees were collected from the natives, but most of the accounts collected were not used for improvement. Unscrupulous gobernadorcillos made considerable amounts of money from the income of prosperous towns. Honest men shunned the position because he took care of collecting taxes and he had to pay with his own money the uncollected amount that fell short of the quota prescribed. He was punished with fines and imprisonment. The Governor General tried to protect the gobernadorcillo with the issuance of the Ordinance of Good Government which among others, provided for a more respectable treatment. The central government neglected to make provisions to aid the towns-people who were directly taxed with an amount arbitrarily decided by Spaniards. The system of collection was another source of abuse that raised many bitter complaints from the natives. The natural and constitutional rights and liberties of the indios were curtailed. Homes were searched without warrants; people were convicted or exiled for being filibusteros; Books, magazines and other written materials could not be published and introduced into the country without prior approval of Board of Censors; and meetings and assemblies for Political purposes were prohibited. The judicial system was not properly implemented because many judges were incompetent and corrupt. Many cases were settled not according to the merit of the case but on the basis of such considerations as race, money and certain personal advantages. Legal proceedings were costly affairs and only those who had personal and financial backing could afford trials and legislations; An interesting case that illustrates an instance of injustice was the imprisonment of Rizal’s mother. The story started with a family trouble. While Jose Alberto, Dona Teodora’s brother, was in Europe, his wife abandoned her children and eloped with her lover. Don Jose Alfonso found his erring wife and readied a petition for legal action. But Dona Teodora pleaded for an amicable solution. He decided to forgive his wife and took her back to Binan.The family problems were settled but the faithless wife had not reformed. A few days later, she connived with a lieutenant of the guardia civil, and accused her husband trying to poison her with Dona Teodora as his accomplice. Dona Teodora was promptly arrested. As the prosecutor and the judge, the Kalamba mayor intimidated Dona Teodora into admitting the charge. She was promised immediate freedom and speedy reunion with her family if she complied with his instructions. “Deceived and terrorized, she submitted to the will of her enemies.” Dona Teodora appealed her case to the Royal Audiencia. The court found insufficient evidence and ordered her immediate release. However, her freedom was short-lived. She was arrested anew for contempt of court. Her appeal to the Royal Audiencia this time was turned down and considered an insult by the local judges. Dona Teodora languished again in prison for two and a half years. She was finally released by acting Governor General Manuel Blanco Valderama. Such exercises of justice dependent on the whims of one official was a clear example of Spanish justice. Another anomalous situation was the indivisibility of church and state in the Philippines. The spread of Christianity was one of the most important of Spain’s motives in colonizing people. Consequently, the friars were used by the government as instruments of colonial control. The archbishop of Manila, together with other church officials, shared in the extensive powers of the civil authorities. While the term of office of the officials were limited, those of the friars were not; hence, they became powerful and abusive in the areas they were stationed. The religious corporations acquired vast tracts of lands and enriched their coffers at the expense of the people’s ignorance. The friars often played politics to suit their purposes. Political Authority was usually placed in the hands of a parish priest. This made him the religious and state representative of town. His advice was sought in all important matters. “He was a constant political factor for a generation.” Conflicts between church and state were an inevitable outcome of the intrigues and jealousies of some of the friars and officials. These intrigues and more became a clear impediments to the administration of justice. Conflicts with the friars also involved the Filipinos. Many such troubles included Filipino land titles which the religious orders gradually acquired for themselves. Most of the lands were arable and were leased to tenants on terms profitable to religious orders. Wide antagonism developed between friars and tenants because of unfair practices adopted by friar landlords. The Educational System - Intellectual disintegration was keenly felt by the growing middle class towards the middle of the 19th century. The intellectual decadence was caused by an inadequate educational system imposed on the people. For almost three hundred years since the Spaniards established the first settlement in the Philippines, there was no systematic government supervision of schools. The schools were free to administer their own curricula and prescribe the qualifications of their teachers. The most serious criticisms against the system were: the overemphasis on religious matters, the obsolete teaching methods, the limited curriculum, the very poor classroom facilities, the absence of teaching materials, such as books. Primary education was neglected; the absence of academic freedom; the prejudice against Filipinos in the schools of higher learning, and the friar control over the system were also reported. The friars inevitably occupied a dominant position in the Philippine education system for religion was the main subject in schools. Fear of God was emphasized and obedience to friars were instilled to the minds of people. Over centuries, these practices resulted in lack of personal confidence and a development of inferiority complex. The absence of academic freedom in Spain’s educational system was extended to the schools established in the Philippines. Learning in every level was largely by rote. Students memorized and repeated contents of books which they did not understand. In most cases knowledge was measured in terms of the ability of a student to memorize, largely hampering intellectual progress. Teacher discrimination against Filipinos was present in some higher schools of learning. These schools were not open to natives until the later decades of Spanish era. The Spaniards hesitated to consider indios as educable as themselves, and often times the Filipino students were subjected to humiliation and discrimination. At the end of the Spanish period, the College of San Juan de Letran was the only official secondary school in the Philippines that has private colleges and Latin schools. Up to the end of Spanish regime, the University of Santo Tomas was the only institution of university level in Manila. Another group of schools in the Philippines at that time was the theological seminaries found in Manila, Cebu, Jaro, Nueva Caceres, and Nueva Segovia, maintained by Jesuits, Paulists and Agustinians. The training of Filipino diocesan priests was generally geared toward their roles as assistant only to Spanish priests. This was part of Spanish colonial policy which did not attempt to train the Filipinos for ultimate independence. By 1855, the Spanish colonial authorities realized the need of establishing a system of public education for the indios. That year, Governor Crespo organized a commission to study and recommend remedial measures to improve elementary education in the Philippines. On 1861, the commission was completed and forwarded to Spain. The educational Decree of 20, December 1863 was issued. In compliance with this decree, each major town in the Philippines was to establish at least one primary school for boys and another for girls. Teachers of primary schools were trained at a normal school for men opened in 1865. Placed under the supervision of Jesuits, this school started as the Escuela Normal Elemental and by 1893 it was training male teachers for work in the secondary schools. Spanish was to be the medium in all schools. The educational decree of 1863 marked a milestone in the history of Philippines education under Spain. For the first time, provisions were made for the establishment of teacher training schools and for government supervision of the public school system. An enlightened people cannot be kept long in subjugation. The Filipinos must therefore be kept in the dark so that they would remain isolated from the intellectual ferment of times; otherwise, they might be inspired by the new ideas of freedom and independence. Moret Decree of 1870, which is intended to secularize higher education in the colony. The friars strongly opposed the idea of government control over higher education in the Philippines. The bitter opposition coupled with the political developments in Spain made the implementation of the Moret decrees impossible. Under such conditions, some Filipinos like Rizal strongly felt the need to continue their education abroad. One such instance was the student petition led in 1870 by Felipe Buencamino at University of Santo Tomas. Undoubtedly inspired by the Moret decree; under students circulated anonymous letters that criticized the Dominican methods of instruction, clamored for better professors, demanded government control of the University, and suggested keeping the University abreast with academic developments in Spain. Spain in the Nineteenth Century The Price of Political Instability - Spain was reluctant to accept scientific and technological advancements while her neighbors, England and France became industrialized and powerful nations. She hesitated to a point of inertness, refusing any change. As the 18th century drew to a close the principles of freedom advocated by the leaders of the French Revolution and the American declaration of Independence had become the political guidelines for the watching world. Spain could no longer ignore the principles of the inalienable rights of man, universal suffrage and popular sovereignty. The celebrated motto of French Revolution, “Liberty, Equality and Fraternity” and the pronouncements of philosophers like Rousseau, Voltaire and Montesquieu eventually influenced Spanish intelligentsia. A long period of struggle for constitutionalism followed from 1814 to 1875. The efforts of the Spaniards to establish new institutions after the war of independence were thwarted by several factors. One factor was the succession of monarchs like Ferninand VII and Isabela II who were unfit to rule. There was also split into two irreconcilable camps, the conservatives and liberals. As a result, the events following the war of independence led to a more disorganized Spain. The leaders offer the crown to Amadeo of Savoy. In spite of Amadeo’s noble intentions, he was unable to reconcile the two opposing camps and was forced to abdicate after two years. This ended the threats of monarchy and ushered in the birth of the Spanish Republic. The republic was born at a considerably difficult period in history. Its six years of existence saw bitter party strife, frequent changes of presidents and ministers, and eventually a new Carlist war. A new cortes, convoked with a new constitution in 1876, remained in force until 1931 with the establishment of new republic. A parliamentary monarchy was set up. Legislative power and the power to change the constitution were given jointly to the king and the cortes. During this period of political setbacks, the great economy of the country suffered greatly. Constant change in power resulted in confusion and insecurity. After the war of independence (1804-1814), however, a slow economic recovery began. The initiative of the middle class, the flow of foreign capital, and the efforts of the government quickened this phase of Spanish development. However, the Spanish masses lived in poverty and social misery so that in later part of 19th century, leaders demanded protection of economic and social rights. The doctrine of socialism and anarchism gradually spread in Spain. Utopian socialism penetrated Cadiz and Andalucia; communistic ideas found supporters in Barcelona and Catalonia, and anarchism prevailed in Madrid, Andalucia and Barcelona. “Spanish misery offered fertile grounds for revolutionary doctrines” and by 1868, concepts of labor, antimilitarism, hatred of the wealthy and atheism were widespread. In the last quarter of the century, the church organized clubs to counteract revolutionary socialism. The government haltingly tried to improve working conditions. Provisions were made for low-cost and healthy housing for the workers and for the protection of women and children, from exploitation, establishment of hospitals, and formation of a Commission of Social Reform to supervise the implementation of reforms. The uncertainty of the Spanish political situation affected her remaining territorial possessions. The last decades of the 19th century witnessed the popular unrest in Spanish colonies, particularly the Philippines and Cuba. Social and economic discontent deepened as Spain floundered from absolutism to republicanism incapable of retaining a stable atmosphere.