POG 318 Midterm Notes - Ontario Politics PDF
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University of Toronto Scarborough
Jeanne Solideo
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This document is a set of notes for a political science course focused on Ontario politics. It covers topics including Ontario's history within Canada, political culture, and the political economy.
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Jeanne Solideo POG 318: Ontario Politics POG 318 Midterm Notes Midterm Topics Overview Week 2: Ontario’s Place within Canada WHAT IS ONTARIO? Ontario as part of the British Empire: 1759: End of Seven Years War - Canada unofficially became a British colony...
Jeanne Solideo POG 318: Ontario Politics POG 318 Midterm Notes Midterm Topics Overview Week 2: Ontario’s Place within Canada WHAT IS ONTARIO? Ontario as part of the British Empire: 1759: End of Seven Years War - Canada unofficially became a British colony 1763: Treaty of Paris - Canada legally became a British colony 1791: Upper Canada (Ontario) formally constituted 1867: Confederation of Canada 1931: Statue of Westminster - Not a colony but part of British Commonwealth Ontario Today: 38% of the Canadian population Not a uniform entity – “big and diverse” (Malloy) Stark difference between Northern and Southern Ontario ○ Indigenous/Francophonie population concentrated north ○ Racialized population concentrated south 56% of people living in Toronto are racialized / non-white POLITICAL CULTURE Political Culture = Deeply rooted, popularly held beliefs, values and attitudes about politics (political system, policymaking process and policy outputs and outcomes) Ontario’s political culture prefers order, stability, and continuity. It includes cultural values described as ascriptive, elitist, hierarchical, stable, cautious and restrained Elements of Political Culture: Pervasive, cross-generational and relatively stable (Wiseman) Cognitive, affective evaluative and operative elements ○ C - what you know ○ A - how you feel about things ○ E - how you evaluate the progress/work of politicians ○ O - norms of how society expects government to operate In comparison to American political culture: ○ Religion is a weaker value for Canadians ○ Collectivism is stronger in Canada, individualism is weaker ○ Stronger tolerance and diversity in Canada – multiculturalism ○ Stronger respect to authority and egalitarianism (equality) Hartz’s Fragment Theory: “ideological fragmentation” = Political culture of “new societies” reflected old world societies Ideological traditions such as conservatism, liberalism and socialism arose out opposing views: ○ Traditional conservatism dominated the 19th and early 20th century due to influences from the British ○ This was later challenged by liberalism that believed in individualism, reason, logic and equality of opportunity ○ Socialism rose as a response to conservatism and liberalism; stressing equality of economic condition, class consciousness and need for cooperation Canadian context - French Canada was defined as feudal; a fragment of France before revolution Scholars find it difficult to apply Hartz’s theory to English Canada Lipset’s Formative Events Theory Political culture is formed through formative events in a nation’s history Lipset compared Canada and the US and explained their opposing reactions to a major formative event such as the American Revolution in 1780s: ○ American reaction - revolutionary liberalism ○ Canadian reaction: Canada’s United Empire Loyalists (counter-revolutionaries) Wiseman also identified the American Revolution as a formative event for Ontario ○ An explanation to our positive and negative connection to the US ○ The URL were one of the first US refugees in Canada – about 10,000 in Ontario UEL were predominantly traditional conservative Based on these comparisons, he concluded that Canadians are more elitist, hierarchical law-abiding and stressed ascription (belonging) over achievement ○ Canadians are (supposedly) more likely to: Have lower crime rate Stronger labour unions Vote Be less involved in protest demonstrations Be less cynical of government Impact of Waves of Immigration 18th century: UEL Immigration; brought conservatism (torysism) 19th century: British immigrants (English, Scottish and Irish); British institutions responsible government THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF ONTARIO Political economy = the way a society organizes its economy has political consequences Dependency Theory dependent relation between the core (metropolitan) and the periphery (rural/hinterland) Canada – dominance of southern Ontario over other regions ○ Largest share of national populations, communication and culture Ontario – dominance of Toronto over rest of the province Innis’ Staples Theory The development and exportation of natural resources explain the development regional communities and the overall national economy Staples = resources exported to US and Europe (e.g: fish, fur, minerals) Staples thesis = Canada’s exportation of these resources to Britain hindered Canada’s ability to diversify its economy; creating an overreliance on primary resources and a dependence on the British ○ Stresses the interregional exploitation within Canada Due to overreliance, manufactured goods are usually imported rather than locally made Political Response: 1867 Confederation Main goals: ○ Create a larger economic market Through market integration, sharing of costs and increased bargaining power ○ Lay the groundwork for Canada’s expansion ○ Division of responsibilities between federal and provincial governments Ontario and their businesses massively benefited from Confederation, creating power asymmetries within Canada ○ Since 19th century - automotive manufacturers – Auto Pact of 1965 ○ Dominates banking and insurance sectors; Big 5 offices in Toronto ○ Mass media The smaller provinces and territories served as “cheap and low-maintenance” partners for the larger provinces, leading to: ○ asymmetric representation / malapportionment ○ fiscal redistribution = smaller provinces getting disproportionate share of gov spending Thus, confederation was a critical juncture in Canadian history – path dependence lead to these persistent features of Canadian federalism Week 3: Elections and the Electoral System FEDERAL ELECTIONS - INTERPROVINCIAL REDISTRIBUTION Constitutional Rules Quebec guaranteed at least 65 MPs under Section 40 of the Constitution Federal electoral districts must be reviewed every 10 years to reflect changes in pop. Both in terms of the number of MPs and the boundaries of individual ridings. Representation Formula: 1915: Section 51A - “Senatorial Clause” = guarantees that no province can have fewer seats in the House of Commons than it does in the Senate Section 51 1.2 - “Grandfather Clause” = no province can have fewer seats then it did in 1985 - providing a minimum amount of MPs for each province ○ Guaranteed that each of the territories would have at least 1 seat in HOC 2011 census: “Representation Rule” = guarantees that each province’s share in seats does not decline in proportion to its share of the population; if they are underrepresented they are given extra HOC seats in proportion to its share of the pop. Despite these rules, Ontario, alongside other larger provinces such as BC and Alberta are still underrepresented in the HOC; deviation from the democratic ideal of rep by pop ○ Average Ontario MP represents 100,000+ people ○ Average PEI MP represents under 40,000 people Electoral Boundaries Readjustment Act (EBRA) The government was initially responsible for adjusting the boundary of individual ridings every ten years 1903: Delegated the job to a committee in the HOC through the Representation Act 1964: EBRA - current practice ○ Ensures an impartial process done by non-partisan bodies (electoral boundaries commissions) ○ MPs can object to the commission reports, which can influence final decisions ○ Contrast the US where Gerrymandering is prevalent ○ Territories are excepted since each comprises a single riding PROVINCIAL ELECTIONS First Past the Post: “Winner takes all system” or Single member simple plurality 124 ridings in Ontario - each only elect one MP Subject to many critiques - Ontario PC formed a majority government despite only receiving 40.84% of the vote – Ontario “cheated” by FPTP People are discouraged from voting or are encouraged to vote for “lesser evil” Electoral Reform Fair Vote Canada - proposes an independent, non-partisan citizens assembly on Electoral reform ○ Citizens assembly = body of citizens formed to deliberate on an important policy issue and make recommendations – a democratic way to find solutions Ontario Green party and NDP have supported electoral reform - proportional representation ○ tend to be supported by opposition parties but is abandoned once they are elected Ontario Provincial Parliament 124 MPPs ○ 1996 Mike Harris made provincial riding boundaries the same as federal ridings, reducing the number of MPPS → exception in Northern Ontario; province did not want to decrease the number of ridings in NO (11 ridings) Electoral Boundaries Commission in Ontario ○ Every 10 years ○ A judge and two persons appointed by the Speaker of Assembly Representation Act, 2015 - increased provincial districts from 107 to 122 Week 4: Political Parties POLITICAL PARTY SYSTEM FPTP tends to create a two party system; Canada since 1917 and Ontario are exceptions ○ Why? – FTP over-represents swings in voting patterns and regional views Underrepresents minority views Ontario has 3 major parties that have formed government in past three decades (C, L, N) “3 Party System” in Ontario 1867 to 1917 - Conservatives vs Liberal; two-party system both federally and provincial ○ PCs are the “natural governing party” win more than half the time 1917 - Borden’s Unionist government 1919 - United Farmers of Ontario (UFO) formed government until 1923 1930s to 40s: The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) ○ CCF became official opposition to PCs in 1943 1960s: The New Democratic party; picked up a lot of CCF support ○ Gained official party status – “typical third party role” ○ First and only time to form gov was in 1990 under Bob Rae PCs = rural, suburban Ontario NDP = industrial, blue-collar ridings, Northern Ontario Libs = Toronto, Eastern Ontario, Francophone Possible 4th party = the Green Party, Schriener the first Green MPP to be elected (2018), not enough of the popular vote, an “inefficient vote” in FPTP system Party Status = when party has 8+ seats in government; receives funding from the Legislative Assembly of Ontario and being allowed to ask regular questions of the government during question period Party Organization Membership → Only NDP members are automatically part of both the federal and provincial parties 60 to 70 percent of Liberal and PC members parties are “dual members” - members to different parties on a federal and provincial level Parties must be registered under Elections Ontario to allow financing, activities and to have riding associations (organizations within districts to support a particular party) Financing Parties are regulated by the Election Finances Act of 1974, covers: ○ Political parties ○ Riding association ○ Nomination Contestants (candidates for particular riding) ○ Registered Candidates ○ Leadership Contestants (leader of party) ○ Third party advertisers An Ontario resident (individual) can donate $3375 max to: a registered political party, a riding association, a nomination contestant, a leadership contestant and a registered candidate's campaign USING THEIR OWN FUNDS Party Allowances granted to parties who received a minimum of 2% of the overall vote OR 5% of votes within an electoral district – calculated by multiplying their quarterly rate by their number of votes in the last election Riding Allowance A quarterly allowance of $4,879.17 is is assigned to each riding; how that is split up between different candidates within the ridings is based on the percentage of votes they received in the last election ○ Candidates must have received at least 2% of votes in the riding to qualify In conclusion parties are mostly funded by individual donors with some public money in the form of allowances and tax credits Week 5: Interest Groups and Populism INTEREST GROUPS Business, healthcare, labour and education groups Processes of interest groups ○ “impetus” that brings attention to an issue, pressuring gov to put it on their agenda ○ “Constraint” that changes the way an issue is handled or presented ○ Focusing events - impactful events that can change policy (e.g: strikes, protests) Input function = making demands on government Output function = implementation Policy Communities Broad set of actors that have an interest in a particular policy field and attempt to influence Two parts: ○ A sub-government → Consists of a lead government agency (e.g: CRA) Main decision-makers ○ Attentive public → advocacy groups, media, institutions generates ideas and discussion to establish legitimacy with lead agency Goal is to cooperation and involvement with decision-making body Policy Networks Narrow set of interdependent actors within a policy community with a higher level of interest and interaction Emphasize the role of information and expertise in policy making How governments consult with non-profit sector, think tanks and public interest groups to develop policy Policy Advocacy - Clientelism An interest group forming a clientele relationship with a government agency Policy output functions = service delivery through interest groups Mutually beneficial → Government agency promotes interest of group and the group informs and influences its members Advocacy Coalitions A coalition between different groups that share a belief system about a policy area Lobbyists Professional policy advocates who try to influence government authorities ○ Are used on the provincial level to influence the federal government ○ Also international level, to influence foreign governments Financed by big corporations Lobbyist registrar - online record and regulate lobbying POPULISM Leaders who claim to represent “the people” against the powerful elite ○ An ideology of popular resentment ○ Extremist phenomenon - frustrated members part of a declining class Low in contestation, high in participation = threat to democracy Populism as an Ideology, Strategy, Discourse and Political Style Ideology: limited core focuses and is often combined with bigger ideologies such as conservatism ; only really focuses on sovereignty of the people Strategy: A charismatic leader uses populism to gain power as it is based on uncontested support from a large number of people Discourse: affective rhetoric that pits “the people” against ‘the elite” – evident in text and speech of a populist leader Political Style: views populism as a performance to an audience ○ A contrast to the “technocratic political style” – “good manners”, stability Populism in Ontario Stephen Harper, Rob Ford, Doug Ford United Farmers in 1920 used populist language to gain support in the 1920s The CCF appealed to working class SOCIAL MEDIA Historical Context: The printing press, radio, and television were instrumental in the rise of democracy ○ Television spotlighted leaders Benefits: Social media makes news and important information accessible to the public Creates a new form of political engagement Digital tools promote transparency (meeting minutes, official agendas) becoming norms of good governance. Concerns: Misinformation Tech giants like Google control information flow, raising concerns about their influence. While information is publicly available, government websites are difficult to navigate as service delivery takes priority over access to information Week 6: Federal-Provincial Relations Forms of intergovernmental relations: Multilateral: Negotiations between several governments at the same time. Bilateral: Negotiations between two governments, excluding all others. Unilateral: One government, usually the national government, acts alone. Treaty Federalism: Federal political systems are using sub-constitutional intergovernmental bargaining for efficient governance through intergovernmental treaties or accords.. Premiers' Conferences and the Council of the Federation (CoF): Premiers' conferences started in 1887 Annual Premiers' Conferences (APC) were initiated in 1960. The Council of the Federation (CoF) was established in 2003 with a founding agreement among provinces and territories. It has a rotating chair, meets frequently, and uses consensus decision-making. ○ The CoF is more institutionalized than the APCs: Costs are shared on a per capita basis, it has a Steering Committee of Deputy Ministers, and a permanent secretariat. Objectives and Challenges of Intergovernmental Councils: Influence the national agenda. Protect sub-national jurisdictions. Coordinate policymaking. Exchange information and best practices. Premiers have worked on all these objectives but find the need for consensus a challenge. Other Forms of Intergovernmental Relations: Ministerial councils (FPT and PT). Regional meetings (e.g., Western Finance Ministers Meetings). Meetings of officials, including regional administrative agencies. Cooperative federalism: Administrative approach common in the 1950s and 1960s. Executive federalism: Concentration and centralization of authority at the top. Federal-provincial divisions within federal and Ontario line departments, the Privy Council Office, Cabinet Office, Prime Minister's Office, and Premier's Office. Federal and provincial Ministers of Intergovernmental Affairs. Vertical Fiscal Imbalance: Revenue and spending are mismatched for different government levels. Provinces are required to spend significantly more than the federal government, but the federal government controls more revenue sources and has a larger fiscal capacity How to address this? → Federal transfers A key dynamic in intergovernmental relations Federal Transfers: Canada Health Transfer: Supporting provincial/territorial health care spending. Canada Social Transfer: Supporting provincial/territorial spending on social programs and post-secondary education. Equalization Payments: Unconditional support for "have-not" provinces and territories. Equalization Payments: Tries to address horizontal fiscal imbalance: Revenues and spending are mismatched for different regions of the country. ○ Some provinces generate more revenue than others Each province's fiscal capacity is assessed, and those below the per capita average are brought up to that level. Equalization aims to provide less prosperous provinces with public services comparable to other provinces with reasonably comparable taxation levels. ○ Section 36 Section 36(2) of the Constitution Act of 1982 commits the federal government to equalization payments, making it a fundamental principle of Canada's shared civic culture. Equalization sometimes over-equalizes, resulting in certain provinces receiving more than their calculated share. Ontario's Premiers and Finance Ministers have consistently complained about the province's treatment by the federal government, regardless of the ruling party. This "Fair Share for Ontario" issue transcends party lines. Ontario is not alone in demanding a fairer share. – Alberta, Quebec has been particularly vocal Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations at Confederation: Asymmetrical political representation leads to asymmetrical policy development and fiscal resource distribution in new federations. Progressive taxation, direct central government spending, and intergovernmental grants transfer resources from wealthy to poorer jurisdictions. Ontario, Alberta, and BC are considered wealthy jurisdictions in Canada. Balance of Confederation: Defined as the difference between federal spending in a sub-national jurisdiction and federal revenues collected from that jurisdiction. The federal government raises more money in BC, Alberta, and Ontario than it spends in those provinces. In all other provinces and territories, federal spending exceeds federal revenue collection. Section 33 (Notwithstanding Clause): Section 33 allows Parliament or provincial legislatures to override certain Charter sections for a five-year period: Prevents courts from striking down legislation inconsistent with the listed Charter rights. The federal government has never used the Notwithstanding Clause, while several provinces, including Ontario, have invoked it. E.g: Doug Ford's Use of the Notwithstanding Clause: ○ 2021 to limit third-party election financing after a judge overruled the initial legislation. ○ 2022: labor dispute with CUPE, the Ford government invoked the clause again to impose a four-year deal on education workers.