ModiWithAkshay: 'Brand Modi', social media and Bollywood star power PDF

Celebrity Studies ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rcel20 #ModiWithAkshay: ‘Brand Modi’, social media and Bollywood star power Sreya Mitra To cite this article: Sreya Mitra (2021) #ModiWithAkshay: ‘Brand Modi’, social media and Bollywood star p...

Celebrity Studies ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rcel20 #ModiWithAkshay: ‘Brand Modi’, social media and Bollywood star power Sreya Mitra To cite this article: Sreya Mitra (2021) #ModiWithAkshay: ‘Brand Modi’, social media and Bollywood star power, Celebrity Studies, 12:2, 282-298, DOI: 10.1080/19392397.2021.1912256 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/19392397.2021.1912256 Published online: 11 Apr 2021. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 56 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rcel20 CELEBRITY STUDIES 2021, VOL. 12, NO. 2, 282–298 https://doi.org/10.1080/19392397.2021.1912256 ARTICLE #ModiWithAkshay: ‘Brand Modi’, social media and Bollywood star power Sreya Mitra Department of Mass Communication, American University of Sharjah, Sharjah, UAE ABSTRACT KEYWORDS On 24 April 2019, the New Delhi-based news agency, ANI, tele­ Narendra modi; Akshay casted a ‘non-political’ interview of Prime Minister Narendra Modi Kumar; social media; conducted by Bollywood star Akshay Kumar. Regarded as a PR bollywood stars; Indian politics coup, particularly in the context of the ongoing Indian parliamen­ tary elections, the ‘freewheeling’ interview underlined Bollywood’s increasing proximity with the Modi-led BJP government. Employing a detailed analysis of the interview and the subsequent controversy, I examine the Bollywood star’s role in disseminating political rheto­ ric, underlining in the process both shifts in discourses of Hindi film stardom, as well as the increasing politicisation of the new media ecology. In doing so, I also highlight the long-standing relationship and presence of Hindi film stars in the political arena, a fact that has received scant scholarly attention. As social networking sites like Twitter are inundated with selfies of Bollywood stars with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and hashtags like #CelebritieswithNamo and #ModiWithAkshay, it is imperative to analyse this emergent confluence of the political and the popular. Thus, using the Akshay Kumar–Narendra Modi interview as a case study, I examine not only the relationship between Hindi film stars and politics but also, the role of social media in shaping the current dynamics. Introduction On 24 April 2019, the New Delhi-based news agency, ANI, broadcast a ‘non-political’ interview of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi conducted by Bollywood star Akshay Kumar. Shot on location at the Prime Minister’s official residence, ‘in true cinematic style (with) long, overhead shots, dreamy soft-focus shots through overarching trees, flowers in the foreground’ (Bajpai 2019), the informal tête-à-tête represented a stark contrast to the newsroom debates and television studio interviews that Modi’s political opponents engaged in during the 2019 Indian general elections. As Bollywood’s ‘top-earning star’ (Forbes 2020) and the leader of the world’s largest democracy sipped tea and leisurely strolled on the verdant lawn, the interview delivered what Kumar had promised in his tweets – a ‘candid and completely non-political freewheeling conversation’, a ‘breather’ and respite from the ongoing Parliamentary elections (Jain 2019). However, despite both Modi and Kumar’s emphatic declarations that their interaction was apolitical, mainstream CONTACT Sreya Mitra [email protected] American University of Sharjah, Sharjah, UAE This article has been republished with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article. © 2021 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group  CELEBRITY STUDIES 283 news media and social networking sites were quick to point out the strategic significance of its timing. Broadcast during the elections, the interview was seen as a cleverly disguised PR exercise to bolster Narendra Modi’s public image as a selfless leader, dedicated to the nation. Reiterating the Mumbai-based Hindi film industry’s increasing proximity to the Modi-led nationalist government, the interview also underlined the resignification of Akshay Kumar’s own star text. With his films now routinely rehearsing themes of patri­ otism and social progress, coupled with his support for Modi’s Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP), the actor embodies an acceptable and ‘politically correct’ variant of the neoliberal Hindu Right. Employing a detailed analysis of the interview, I examine the crucial role essayed by the Bollywood star in disseminating political rhetoric, particularly as this intersects with the emergent new media ecology in India and, subsequently, the consolidation of ‘Brand Modi’. In doing so, I also highlight the long-standing presence of Hindi film stars in the political arena, an issue that has received scant scholarly attention. Bollywood stars have not only lent their star prowess during election campaigns, but many have had active political careers, becoming not only Members of Parliament (Rajesh Khanna, Jaya Bachchan, Raj Babbar, Jaya Prada, etc.), but also Cabinet Ministers (Sunil Dutt, Shatrughan Sinha and Vinod Khanna). Despite this, scholarship for celebrity participation in Indian politics has tended to focus on South Indian film stars, particularly Tamil and Telegu stars such M. G. Ramachandran, Jayalalitha and N. T. Rama Rao (Pandian 1992, Prasad 2014, Srinivas 2009) and their employment in fan mobilisation. Apart from a recent non-academic book, Neta Abhineta: Bollywood Star Power in Indian Politics (Kidwai 2018), there have been negligible attempts to examine Hindi film celebrities’ participation in the nation’s political discourse. Addressing this crucial gap, I interrogate how Bollywood star power has been deployed in Indian politics, specifically the role of contemporary celebrities in the current political landscape. In doing so, I also attempt to add to the emerging field of Indian stardom and celebrity studies. Drawing upon the work of Swapnil Rai (2019) and Joyojeet Pal (2015, 2016), I argue that the employment of Bollywood stars like Akshay Kumar is integral to both the ‘celebritization of Indian politics’ (Rai 2019, p. 324) and the rebranding and, consequently, recuperation of Narendra Modi’s public persona and image. This also underlines the role of ‘media and entertainment industries to configure the political sphere into public subjectivity’ (Marshall 2014, p. 239). As social networking sites like Twitter are inundated with selfies of Bollywood stars with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and hashtags like #CelebritieswithNamo and #ModiWithAkshay, it is imperative to analyse this growing confluence of the political and the popular. Thus, employing the Akshay Kumar–Narendra Modi interview as a case study, I examine not only the relationship between Hindi film stars and politics but also the role of social media in shaping the current dynamic. The Abhineta as the neta: the actor as the politician Rasheed Kidwai, in his interesting account of Bollywood stars’ participation in Indian politics, draws a parallel between the star appeal of film personalities and the mass adulation that characterises the electoral process (2018). As he points out, ‘what makes this link truly unique in India is that the Indian political system is inherently conducive to 284 S. MITRA a shift from star-fan relationship to a politician-voter one’ (Kidwai 2018, p.ix). Film stars are a ubiquitous presence in the Indian political arena, where they ‘have often used their popular and elevated, almost reverential, public standing to contest elections’ (Mukherjee 2004, p. 81). If not as electoral candidates, they still function as invaluable assets, imbibing political campaigns with their glamour quotient and star aura. For renowned film critic, Chidananda Das Gupta, it was the innate gullibility of the masses and, consequently, their inability to distinguish reality from the illusion of cinema, that explained the success of film stars in electoral politics (1991). Although these star-politicians have often been accused of trivialising both politics and political representation, ‘it is possible to see celebrity politicians as extending the domains of democratic representation’ (Nayar 2009, p.101, emphasis in original). Pramod Nayar, in his discussion of celebrity culture in India, notes how by virtue of being ‘representative of the people’s aspirations, hopes and desires’, the star-politician ‘could, therefore, be said to speak for the people’ (2009, p. 101). As S.V. Srinivas has also observed, ‘The promise of the star-politician is, as always, to fulfill our fantasies’ (2009, p. 239), thus embodying ‘the empowerment of the people to shape the public sphere symbolically’ (Marshall 2014, p. 7). Moreover, celebrities are often perceived as analogous to politicians – ‘They have similar relationships with the media and have public personas that are akin to brand recognition for a product’ (Harvey 2017, p. 40). The deployment of stars and celebrities in politics is also a testament to their affective capacity (Street 2004) and, consequently, their ability to attract crowds (and potential voters). In the Indian context, where film stars embody immense social and cultural currency, their participation in the political sphere assumes crucial significance. In the nascent years following India’s independence in 1947, both popular Hindi cinema and its stars essayed a crucial role in the dissemination of the nationalist rhetoric. Unlike Mahatma Gandhi, who perceived the cinematic idiom as being morally corrupting and devoid of any redeeming value (Jeffrey 2006), Jawaharlal Nehru, independent India’s first Prime Minister, recognised its immense power and influence. Though Nehru was also critical of Hindi films’ tendency to pander to the masses (Kaul 1998), he was acutely aware of the social capital of Hindi film stars. He shared a close and intimate bond with thespian Prithviraj Kapoor, who often represented the country as part of cultural delegations abroad. A dedicated supporter of Nehru’s Indian National Congress party, Kapoor was nominated to the Indian parliament’s upper house, Rajya Sabha, as part of an initiative to involve noteworthy public dignitaries in the governance process. Kapoor’s support for Congress was reflective of the Hindi film industry’s pro–establishment stance. Fifties’ screen idols, Raj Kapoor and Dilip Kumar, not only embodied Nehruvian socialism in their films but also actively endorsed and participated in government initiatives. Kumar, despite never officially joining Congress, was nominated to the Rajya Sabha (2000–2006), and regularly campaigned for the party during elections. Film stars and celebrities proved to be lucrative draws for political parties, attracting crowds and adding much-needed glamour. Many stars and film personalities also embraced an active political life, success­ fully contesting elections and holding ministerial berths. For stars past their prime, politics afforded the opportunity to leverage their celebrity status and, subsequently, facilitated their reinvention from abhineta (actor) to neta (leader). As Nayar remarks, ‘Celebrity politicians whose backgrounds are in movies or show business extend their performance from stage or screen to the political arena’ (2009, pp. 99–100). The eighties and nineties witnessed the rise of political avatars of many Hindi  CELEBRITY STUDIES 285 film stars, including Sunil Dutt, Vyjayanthimala Bali, Rajesh Khanna, Shatrughan Sinha, Raj Babbar, Jaya Prada, and Vinod Khanna. With the exceptions of Sinha, Babbar, Vinod Khanna and Jaya Prada, Hindi film stars tended to align themselves with the Congress, which dominated Indian politics till the 1990s, particularly in the northern and western states. The symbiotic relationship between Congress and the Hindi film industry is best exemplified by Bollywood legend, Amitabh Bachchan, who joined politics in the mid- 1980s at the behest of his close friend, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. Though Bachchan’s tenure as a parliamentarian proved to be short-lived, the actor continued to lend his implicit support to political parties. No longer a Congress sympathiser, Bachchan has endorsed the Samajwadi Party and, in recent years, BJP and Narendra Modi. With the rise of the right-wing Hindu nationalist Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) in the early 2000s, coupled with the decline of Congress’s popularity and electoral support, there was a distinct shift in the Hindi film industry’s political loyalties. Not only did Congress loyalists like Vyjayanthimala Bali switch allegiance to BJP, but the past two decades has witnessed a steady increase in the Bollywood star power for the party, with actors like Dharmendra, Hema Malini, Kirron Kher, Paresh Rawal and Sunny Deol successfully contesting elections. Even Bollywood stars like Anupam Kher, Raveena Tandon and Juhi Chawla, who are not official members of the party, have become vocal endorsers of Modi and BJP’s right–wing ideology. Incidentally, it was the telecast of Ramanand Sagar’s mythological television series, Ramayan during the late 80s that legitimised BJP’s Hindutva rhetoric. As Arvind Rajagopal notes, mythological serials like Ramayan ‘inaugurated a new era not only in television but in politics as well’, sanctioning ‘Hindu nationalist initiatives in the name of the people’ (2001, p. 73). The phenomenal popularity of Ramayan and later Mahabharat prompted many cast members, like Arun Govil, Deepika Chikhalia, Arvind Trivedi and Nitish Bharadwaj, to experiment with politics. As the actors appeared dressed in their costumes, ‘making them instantly recognisable as key religious figures of the Hindu pantheon’ (Mukherjee 2004, p. 81), their celebrity stature played a key role in ensuring electoral success. However, contemporary Indian political discourse exhibits a far more nuanced and complex rhetoric, as evident in ‘Brand Modi’s’ use of social media and celebrity soft power. ‘Brand Modi’ and social media Scholars including Christophe Jaffrelot, Joyojeet Pal and Swapnil Rai have discussed how Narendra Modi’s public image is contingent on his deployment of technology, social media and celebrity power. Rai remarks how ‘Modi’s political marketing is an astute and shrewd leveraging of personal narrative, religious symbolism, media, technology and association with celebrity to build aura and charisma around him’ (2019, p. 326). As the Chief Minister of the western Indian state of Gujarat (2001–2014), Modi successfully employed ‘new modes of communication using the latest technology’ (Jaffrelot 2015, p. 348), like 3D holograms, television commercials and mobile technology, during the 2007 assembly elections. Modi’s active presence on social media helped not only ‘build a powerful online brand... as a techno–savvy leader who speaks directly to his electorate’ (Pal et al. 2016, p. 52), but also, more significantly, facilitated his ‘rebranding’ from a divisive figure accused of inciting sectarian violence to one ‘aligned with the aspirations of a new Indian modernity’ (Pal 2015, p. 378). The resignification of Narendra Modi’s public 286 S. MITRA persona, which facilitated his recuperation from a problematic past, particularly with regard to his alleged involvement in the 2002 Gujarat riots, speaks to Mark Wheeler’s assertion of how ‘politicians have “packaged” themselves as commodities to be sold to voters’ (2013, p. 8–9). As Pal, Chandra and Vydiswaran have argued, ‘The re-imagination of Modi through social media is all the more important because of his near-total lack of contact, as Prime Minister, with traditional news media’ (2016, p. 60). With the rare exceptions of pro-BJP news channels like Times Now, Republic TV, ABP, Zee News and ANI, Modi has eschewed contact with mainstream media, refusing even to hold press conferences during his first five years as the nation’s leader. This ‘reduction of direct media contact’ not only positions social media as ‘a self-sufficient form of media outreach’, but also emphasises the fact that ‘traditional news media no longer play a role’ (Pal et al. 2016, p. 59) in the discursive politics of ‘Brand Modi’. The ascendancy of ‘Brand Modi’ and BJP in Indian national politics not only underline the skilful deployment of social media but also the presence of a symbiotic, mutually beneficial relationship between the party and social networking sites like Facebook and WhatsApp. As Pamela Philipose remarks, ‘The deep implantation into Indian soil that Facebook and the BJP have been able to achieve... would not have been possible for either without the other’ (2020). With more than 290 million Facebook users (Clement 2020) and 400 million WhatsApp users (Banerjee 2020), India is the largest and most crucial market for the social networking company. Consequently, ‘their unparalleled reach’ has positioned both Facebook and WhatsApp as ‘critical to political messaging in India’ (Daniyal 2020). During the 2014 parliamentary elections, Narendra Modi extensively employed Facebook and WhatsApp to recruit volunteers and consolidate his political base. In subsequent years, social networking has emerged as integral to both Modi’s public persona and BJP’s political discourse. In 2018, a year prior to the general elections, Modi asked all BJP MPs to each get 300,000 ‘genuine’ likes on Facebook and promised to hold live video calls with their constituency workers if the target was achieved (Uttam 2018). As Shoaib Daniyal (2020) points out, ‘Not only has the BJP weaponised these networks for political uses, it is increasingly moving to a model where its members cannot do politics without it’. Facebook’s role in endorsing BJP’s right-wing politics and ‘Brand Modi’ has evoked sharp criticism, with politicians like Trinamool Congress MP, Derek O’Brien, accusing the social networking site of blocking and censoring anti-BJP content during the 2019 elections. As O’Brien contended, ‘Facebook’s senior management in India are de facto campaign managers for the BJP’ (Scroll Staff 2019). The recent controversy over the refusal of Facebook India’s public policy head, Ankhi Das, to apply hate speech rules to BJP’s T. Raja Singh’s inflammatory anti-Muslim posts, ostensibly to safeguard the company’s relations with the party (Purnell and Horwitz 2020), further underlines its pro-BJP, pro- establishment stance. In October 2020, Das resigned from her post, which Facebook insisted had ‘nothing to do with the parliamentary inquiry or the media reports’ (Perrigo 2020). Interestingly, her successor is Shivnath Thukral, WhatsApp India’s public policy director, who previously worked on behalf of BJP during the 2014 general elections. Social networking sites like Facebook, Twitter and WhatsApp have thus emerged as crucial sites for the dissemination of ‘Brand Modi’ and BJP’s right-wing ideology. Narendra Modi’s astute understanding of social media’s immense potential, coupled with his awareness of Bollywood’s cultural cache, was evident even during his tenure as  CELEBRITY STUDIES 287 Gujarat’s Chief Minister. In 2010, he invited Amitabh Bachchan to be the state’s brand ambassador. Bachchan’s subsequent endorsement of the state and, by default, Modi is one of the earlier instances of Bollywood celebrity prowess being harnessed to consoli­ date ‘Brand Modi’. During the 2012 Gujarat assembly elections, Modi participated in a Google Hangout session with Bollywood star, Ajay Devgn, broadcast on YouTube. A marked departure from the usual practice of employing Bollywood star power primarily for election campaigning, the casual Q&A underlined ‘Modi’s strategic mobilisation of celebrity power and its deliberate intersection with the social-digital sphere’ (Rai 2019, p. 328). Devgn’s endorsement significantly increased Modi’s online following and conse­ quently reaffirmed his public image as a techno-savvy leader invested in development issues. Similarly, during the 2014 election campaign, Bollywood star Salman Khan made an appearance at the International Kite Festival (Uttarayan), a prestigious annual event held in Ahmedabad, the capital city of Gujarat. As Modi tweeted about the traditional Gujarati lunch that he shared with Khan, followed by pictures of the Bollywood star flying kites, the Hindi film industry’s tacit endorsement of him was more than evident. Though Khan, when asked if he supported Modi as a Prime Ministerial candidate, diplomatically responded, ‘May the best man win. It is in god’s hands’ (The Economic Times. 2014), his presence was sufficient to convey his support. Telecast during the 2019 elections, the Akshay Kumar interview functioned as a similar endorsement. Moreover, by broadcasting the interview as a Facebook Live video, it also tapped into ‘BJP’s favourite constituency – people who have internet access and have social media accounts’ (Sen 2019), again reiterating the relationship between ‘Brand Modi’, social media and Bollywood celebrity prowess. #ModiWithAkshay A day prior to the telecast of his much-publicised non-political interview, Akshay Kumar posted a message on Twitter – ‘Getting into an unknown and unchartered territory today. Doing something I have never done before. Excited and nervous both. Stay tuned for updates’ (@akshaykumar, 22 April 2019, 8:15 am). As Indian social media users attempted to decipher this cryptic tweet, speculating on whether the actor was planning to join politics, Kumar was quick to clarify. He was, in fact, referring to a ‘candid and COMPLETELY NON POLITICAL freewheeling conversation’ (@akshaykumar, 23 April 2019, 6:50 pm) with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, which promised to reveal ‘some lesser known facts’ about the seasoned politician. Throughout the day, Kumar would post more such tweets, all repeatedly emphasising the ‘informal’ and ‘non-political’ nature of the interaction, along with snippets of the interview. Modi, also a prolific social media user, responded in a similar vein, reaffirming their mutual admiration – ‘Dear @akshaykumar, it was good talking to you about everything, except politics and elections’ (@narendramodi, 23 April 2019, 7:27 pm). In one snippet, Modi casually asks the popular Bollywood star, ‘Kaise ho, bhaiya?’ (‘How are you, brother?’), who warmly responds, ‘Bas, badiya!’ (‘Great!’), the exchange’s informality underlining the bonhomie between contemporary Hindi film stars and Modi. The interview begins with a suitably deferential Akshay Kumar asking the Prime Minister a crucial question, one that was requested by his chauffeur’s daughter – does Narendra Modi eat mangoes, and if so, how does he eat them? Does he cut them into 288 S. MITRA pieces, or does he eat them with the seed, relishing the over-ripened, juicy flesh? While this question would be ridiculed and lampooned by critics, inspiring numerous social media memes, it not only reiterated the ‘apolitical’ nature of the interview but also facilitated the regurgitation of the familiar narrative of Modi’s humble antecedents. As he recalls how mangoes were a luxury for him because of their prohibitive cost, Modi aligns himself not with the country’s political elite but with the impoverished and down­ trodden aam aadmi (the common man). Over the next hour and a half, a visibly bashful and fawning Kumar would ask many such banal questions – how does he deal with his anger; how can he function with barely four hours of sleep; what home remedies does he use for a cold; does he miss his mother; and what are his views on memes? As Modi indulgently obliged these mundane personal questions, it was clear that the interview was ‘not supposed to be about politics’ but, rather, to provide ‘an insight into the man who is King’ (Sen 2019), and demystify and ‘humanise the image of a stern “strict” administrator’ (Bajpai 2019). Like Modi’s hegemonic public discourse and media narra­ tives, this personalised interview functioned as yet another reiteration of his carefully cultivated image, that of a grassroots leader who has dedicated his life to the service of the nation and its denizens. Telecast during the ongoing parliamentary elections, in which he battled criticisms for failing to usher in any constructive development, the ‘non- political’ interview functioned as ‘a well-scripted narrative to replace Modi’s superhuman, God-like image with that of a humble human... a simple man who made mistakes, but should get points for trying’ (Basu 2019). As #ModiWithAkshay went viral, social media users were quick to observe the irony of how Modi, who famously eschews mainstream news media, avoiding even press con­ ferences during election campaigning, could devote ninety minutes to converse with a Bollywood star about his love for mangoes and anger management strategies. Though pro-government news outlets were quick to applaud the informal interaction, the response on social networking sites was less accommodating. Kumar was viciously trolled not only for his trivial questions but also for the fact that he was no longer legally an Indian citizen. The actor had been granted Canadian citizenship in 2011 for promoting trade and tourism, although there were insinuations that it was a reward for his endorsement of then Prime Minister, Stephen Harper, during the Canadian federal elections (Blackwell 2019). Despite Kumar’s attempts to dismiss the issue as ‘needless controversy, a matter that is personal, legal, non-political’ (@ANI, 3 May 2019, 2:51 pm), his citizenship or, rather, the lack of it, was seen as problematic by many. As an irate social media user posted on Twitter, ‘Why is this CANADIAN CITIZEN so much bothered about INDIAN POLITICS. He gave up his INDIAN citizenship’ (@MadMonkIndie, 24 April 2019, 8:08 am). For Modi’s critics, it was unfathomable that the Prime Minister, instead of answering questions posed by a credible journalist or at a press conference, would have a ‘apolitical’ chat with a Bollywood star about mangoes, memes and home remedies: After 3 phases of voting Modi needs actor Akshay Kumar to promote him. He seems to have lost confidence in his “achievements” of 5 years!’ (@waglenikhil, 24 April 2019, 8:26 am) #AkshayInterviewsModi is a mockery of journalism, and also of the post of Prime Minister, because this PM can only do staged, scripted “interviews” with his own bhakt “interviewers”!’ (@kavita_krishnan, 24 April 2019, 12:34 pm)  CELEBRITY STUDIES 289 It’s amazing really that PM @narendramodi has all d time to give ‘controlled’ interviews, even non political ones to d likes of @akshaykumar bt couldn’t hold a single press conference.’ (@anusharavi10, 24 April 2019, 10:39 am) Congratulations Narendra Modi ji for talking to “Foreign Media Person.” This multi camera “eventful” interview will be one more glaring examples of your “courage” to face “tough” questions’ (@ameytirodkar, 24 April 2019, 9:51 am). Despite the scathing criticism and numerous memes ridiculing the interview, the crucial potency of this ‘freewheeling conversation’ cannot be underplayed. It not only presented Modi in a more affable and cordial avatar, a stark departure from his dominant image as a superhuman, hyper-virile figure of (Hindu) masculinity (Srivastava 2015), but also func­ tioned effectively to ‘neutralise (Modi’s) political Frankenstein(s)’ (Bahl 2019). As Akshay Kumar asked questions about sleep routines and home remedies, there was no mention of the lack of cohesive development at home or the deteriorating relations with neigh­ bouring Pakistan. Instead, it was a hagiographic account of a selfless leader, devoid of any personal ambitions and dedicated to the service of his country – ‘desh ko parivar bana diya’ (made the nation his family). The interview was an astute exercise in public relations and political communication, a further testament to the consolidation of ‘Brand Modi’. However, Kumar’s star text or, rather, his resignification as an ideal celebrity-citizen known for his patriotic-themed films, also played a significant role. ‘Bollywood’s resident patriot’ ‘So, there he was, the perfect neutraliser. A bhakt (religious-political fan), superstar, heart­ throb of young women and macho men in the 18–45 age bracket. Akshay Kumar was just perfect!’ (Bahl 2019) As one of the Hindi film industry’s most successful and popular stars, Akshay Kumar undeniably commands a significant cultural cache. The only Indian on Forbes’ annual list of the 100 highest-earning celebrities, for the second consecutive year, the actor has a reputation for being a reliable, ‘bankable movie star’ (Forbes 2020) and is known for his philanthropy. Following his debut in the 1991 Bollywood action melodrama, Saugandh (Promise, Raj Sippy), Kumar’s career can be truncated into distinct phases – testosterone– fuelled action dramas in the nineties followed by slapstick comedies and ensemble films and, more recently, films spewing patriotic fervour. In a span of only five years (2014–­ 2019), the actor has starred in more than ten films regurgitating similar themes of nationalistic jingoism, making him ‘the poster boy for Indian patriotism’ (Kokra 2019). Irrespective of whether it is about counter-terrorism (Baby, 2015, Holiday: A Soldier is Never Off Duty, 2014, Naam Shabana, 2017), historical battles (Kesari, 2019), sports drama (Gold: The Dream That United Our Nation, 2018), menstrual hygiene (Pad Man, 2018), govern­ ment initiatives (Mission Mangal, 2019, Toilet: Ek Prem Katha, 2017), or inspired by true events (Airlift, 2016), the underlying message remains constant – the triumph of the indomitable Indian spirit against all odds, reaffirming the nation’s innate superiority. Unlike many of his Bollywood peers and fellow A-list stars, who have struggled with recent box-office failures, Kumar’s nationalistic narratives have been consistently success­ ful. Although often criticised for their weak scripts and hyperbolic emphasis on social 290 S. MITRA messages, almost resembling ‘government advertisements taken out in public interest’ (Kokra 2019), Kumar’s cinematic endeavours align seamlessly with Modi’s development agenda. For example, Toilet: Ek Prem Katha (Toilet: A Love Story) was an unapologetic endorsement of the ‘Swachh Bharat Abhiyan’ (Clean India Mission), a nationwide govern­ ment campaign to eliminate open defaecation. As Pallavi Rao points out, both the film’s tagline, ‘Swachch Azadi’ (‘Clean Independence’), and hashtag, #SochAurShauch (ThinkingAndDefecating), were employed ‘to link cleanliness with both moral self- transformation and nationalist sentiments’ (2019, p. 81). Even if the film did not explicitly reference Modi or the BJP-led government, it was couched in the same über-nationalistic tropes of social progress. Such films have come to define Kumar’s filmography, embody­ ing ‘a way of not only reaching out to the masses but also at times educating them’ (Khan 2019). In a marked departure from his earlier image as an ‘action hero’ known for his chiselled physique and rumoured dalliances with actresses, Kumar now underlines a ‘depiction of nationalism (that is) sanitised and simplistic’ (Khan 2019). As Sonali Kokra points out, Kumar’s image as ‘Bollywood’s resident patriot’ is so deeply embedded that it even finds resonance in his endorsements (2019). While his films reiterate themes of patriotism and national pride, his television commercials for home- grown brands like Fortune, Nirma, Livguard Energy, Kajaria Tiles, Suthol, Dollar, Tata Motors, Relaxo Footwear, Prince Pipes and more, further underline the dependability, reliability and ‘Indianness’ that is now integral to his star image. In the commercial for Fortune cooking oil, Kumar shows his gratitude for Indian soldiers by cooking meals reminiscent of their regional cuisines for them; in the Kajaria Tiles advertisement, suitably attired in an army uniform, he extols, ‘Desh ki mitti se bani tiles se desh ko banate hain’ (‘Let’s build the country with tiles made from the country’s soil’); and in the Tata Intra Compact Truck ad, he declares his transport business gives him more happi­ ness and self-respect than a monotonous white-collar job, further testament to the resilience and perseverance of the Indian spirit. For Narendra Modi, whose public discourse is contingent on the leit motifs of hyper- virile masculinity, national pride and jingoism, Kumar was thus the ideal choice as the interviewer. While his on-screen narratives reiterated the development agenda propa­ gated by Modi, his off-screen image was that of a persevering, resilient and responsible Indian achiever, a Bollywood star who ‘made it’ despite his lack of industry connections or kinship ties. By deploying Kumar’s star text, Modi also effectively tapped into his ability to ‘successfully sell a neatly packaged script of a superficial but palatable, and at times even convincing, idea of patriotism’ (Khan 2019). Moreover, unlike compatriots like Shah Rukh Khan, Salman Khan and Aamir Khan, Kumar is Hindu, thus appealing to BJP supporters and Modi bhakts (devotees). Media reports detailing how the selection of the actor as Modi’s interviewer was ‘neither coincidental, nor apolitical’ (Basu 2019), with significant discussion involved in the process, further underline the potent role of Bollywood star power. In a marked departure from the earlier dynamic between Indian politics and the Hindi film industry, which was predominantly transactional in nature, Modi’s camaraderie and bonhomie with Bollywood personalities reveals the emergence of a more explicit and seemingly organic relationship. As Kumar gushed at the end of the interview, ‘as a human being, you are a lovely person’, he embodied the fanboy  CELEBRITY STUDIES 291 reverence that contemporary Bollywood celebrities, and particularly male stars, have towards the Prime Minister. Harnessing Bollywood star power On 10 January, a select group of Bollywood celebrities flew down to New Delhi to meet Modi. The objective was to discuss how the Hindi film industry could contribute towards ‘nation-building’ and facilitate the government’s development initiatives. Mainly compris­ ing upcoming Bollywood stars, the industry’s ‘Young Turks’, the delegation also included power brokers like producer-director Karan Johar and producer Ekta Kapoor. The pre­ sence of contemporary stars like Ranbir Kapoor, Ranveer Singh, Varun Dhawan, Sidharth Malhotra, Ayushmann Khurrana, Rajkummar Rao and Vicky Kaushal, along with the ornamental female presence, actresses Alia Bhatt and Bhumi Pednekar, was a clear indication of BJP and Modi’s attempt to woo younger voters. Hailed as ‘the selfie of the year’, the image of a smiling, gleeful Modi surrounded by the Bollywood entourage, all eager to be in the same frame as him, quickly went viral. Johar posted the picture on Twitter thanking the Prime Minister for the ‘incredible opportunity’ and affirming the film fraternity’s promise to ‘inspire & ignite positive changes towards a transformative India’ (@karanjohar, 10 January 2019, 8:00 pm). The tweet received 50,000 likes and 4000 retweets, while a more lengthy and eloquent Instagram post praising Modi garnered more than 1 million likes. With 16 million followers on Twitter and 7 million on Instagram, Johar exemplifies the enviable social media reach of Bollywood celebrities. Similarly, Ranveer Singh’s picture showing him hugging Modi, captioned ‘Jadoo ki Jhappi! Joy to meet the honourable Prime Minister of our great nation’ (‘The magical hug!’), received more than 300,000 likes on Twitter; and his Instagram post of the same image was viewed by more than 19 million followers. The ‘Bollywood selfie’ and the subsequent dissemina­ tion on social media embodies Modi’s strategy of ‘cultivating celebrity by association’ (Rai 2019, p. 328). As Zoya Mateen aptly summarises: ‘When Modi flashes his glinting teeth and strikes a pose with some of the most influential and popular faces of Bollywood [in “the selfie of the year”], he inadvertently makes it seem that he is one of them. It’s like the archetype of a “cool boy” at college: he knows everyone, everyone knows him – wants to know him’ (2019). Interestingly, the meeting was scheduled a day before the release of Kaushal’s Uri: The Surgical Strike (2019), a dramatised account of India’s retaliation to the 2016 Uri terrorist attack in the former Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir. The film, which not only proved to be phenomenally successful, becoming the third highest grossing film of 2019, but also won numerous awards, exemplifies the archetypal cinematic narrative patronised by Modi’s BJP. As Kamayani Sharma remarks, ‘The BJP government has actively enabled the making and screening of movies that conflate nationalism with pride in a macho, militaristic state’ (2019). With films like Uri, Thackeray (2019) and The Accidental Prime Minister (2019) all released prior to the elections, the Hindi film industry’s blatant support for Modi was more than evident. The Vivek Oberoi vehicle, PM Narendra Modi (2019), a biographical account of Modi’s life, was also scheduled for release before the elections although the Election Commission stalled its theatrical release following complaints. Despite negative reviews – such as ‘(it) is not a mere bio-pic, it is a fill-fledged, unabashed, unapologetic hagiograph’ (Gupta 2019) and ‘an obsequious love story’ (Rosario 2019) – 292 S. MITRA the film was a commercial success. The film’s dialogue, ‘Modi ek insaan nahin, ek soch hain’ (‘Modi is not a person, he is a philosophy’), accords with Modi’s public image as a larger-than-life figure. Bollywood’s endorsement, particularly in the crucial pre-election period, was underlined not only in its jingoistic films, which either glorified Modi’s achievements or critiqued his political opponents, but also in the very public display of its stars’ enthusiastic support for the Prime Minister, particularly on social media. Unlike their predecessors, contemporary Bollywood stars do not have to always explicitly flaunt their political allegiance; simply retweeting or being photographed with Modi is enough to lend support for ‘Brand Modi’. As Swapnil Rai argues, ‘the Modi phenomenon represents a celebritization of Indian politics’, consequently underlining ‘a structural shift in political communication’ (2019, p. 324). Employing P. David Marshall’s discussion of the celebrity discourse of politicians, Rai notes how Modi ‘marks the adop­ tion of a western political model that selectively and strategically utilizes media and entertainment industries to configure the political sphere into public subjectivity’ (2019, p. 324). His employment of Bollywood star power was apparent during the 2019 general elections. In the months preceding the elections, Modi met with Bollywood personalities multiple times, commemorating each event with selfies, tweets and hashtags. Often organised as government initiatives, they followed a similar trajectory – the Prime Minister would meet with Bollywood stars, producers and directors, tweet about the ‘extensive and fruitful interaction’ (IANS 2018), and the celebrities would then dutifully respond, posting their selfies with Modi along with glowing tributes. The significant social media presence of the stars ensured the posts received extensive likes and retweets. With the selfies and tweets also shared on pro-BJP social media accounts, the implicit sugges­ tion, particularly to young millennial voters, was ‘that their favourite film stars held the Prime Minister in high regard’ (Pathak and Sethi 2019). Invariably expressing gratitude, respect and awe, there is an almost fan-like reverence and adulation in the Bollywood stars’ posts. Employing a genial and humorous tone, Modi’s responses to the celebrity tweets were personalised, acknowledging their contribution and cultural capital: Not losers but Rockstars! No selfie Jab We Met but there will always be another occasion. (@narendramodi, 20 January 2019, 5:21 pm) When @KapilSharmaK9 appreciates somebody’s humour, it sure makes that person happy and I am no exception. Thank you for the kind words Kapil. (@narendramodi, 20 January 2019, 8:18 am) The entire nation admires Jeetendra Ji for his acting. And, as I said yesterday, he is full of energy! (@narendramodi, 20 January 2019, 5:16 pm) Asha Ji, thank you for gracing the programme with your presence. The entire nation looks up to you for your stupendous contribution to the film world (@narendramodi, 20 January 2019, 8:23 am). Two months after his January meeting with the ‘Young Turks’, Modi posted a series of tweets, tagging celebrities like Karan Johar, Amitabh Bachchan, Shah Rukh Khan, Aamir Khan, Akshay Kumar and others, asking them to encourage their followers to vote. Interestingly, these were not generic tweets, intended for all, but instead personalised and targeted specifically at each Bollywood personality. His tweet to Karan Johar, Amitabh Bachchan and Shah Rukh Khan – ‘it’s all about loving your democracy (and  CELEBRITY STUDIES 293 strengthening it)’ – was a clear reference to the tagline of their popular film, Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham (2001), ‘it’s all about loving your parents’. Similarly, Modi’s tweet to Akshay Kumar, Ayushmann Khurrana and Bhumi Pednekar – ‘Thoda Dum Lagaiye aur Voting ko Ek Superhit Katha banaiye’ (‘Put in some effort and make voting a superhit story’) – was a not-so-implicit allusion to Kumar’s Toilet: Ek Prem Katha and the Khurrana–Pednekar vehicle, Dum Laga Ke Haisha (2015). The celebrities replied dec­ orously, promising their cooperation in ensuring a high voter turnout: Karan Johar ‘Honourable Prime Minister @narendramodi we as a fraternity are dedicated to the cause of creating high voter awareness and will make sure every endeavour is made to communicate the power of voting for a solid and Democratic INDIA! Jai Hind!’ (@karanjohar, 13 March 2019, 9:46 am) Akshay Kumar ‘Well said @narendramodi ji. The true hallmark of a democracy lies in people’s participation in the electoral process. Voting has to be a superhit prem katha between our nation and its voters.’ (@akshaykumar, 13 March 2019, 9:47 am) Ayushmann Khurrana ‘Honourable PM @narendramodi ji, as aware citizens and opinion leaders it is the duty of every public figure to spread this awareness. We need to vote in maximum numbers and restore faith in the world’s largest democracy. Jai Hind’ (@ayush­ mannk, 13 March 2019, 12:41 pm). Regardless of political affiliation, it has become obligatory for Bollywood celebrities to respond to Modi’s tweets. As Ayeshea Perera remarks, ‘When the prime minister of the country tags you in a tweet and tells you to do your bit for democracy, it would be rather rude not to acknowledge him’ (2019). This consequently leads to more retweets, likes and shared posts, ‘the tweet tree... (with) millions of impressions’ (Perera 2019). Moreover, it reaffirms their role as the social elite, as well as their cultural currency, particularly among their many followers. Following Modi’s victory in the 2019 elections, Bollywood celebrities tweeted their congratulations, effusively praising Modi and proclaiming their faith in his leadership – ‘The country knows what is right for them and they have made their choice’ (@ajaydevgn, 23 May 2019, 2:24 pm); ‘The people have spoken, and India has chosen its leader’ (@karanjohar, 23 May 2019, 7:37 pm); ‘All your efforts to advance the nation and put it on the global map have been acknowledged’ (@akshaykumar, 23 May 2019, 7:22 pm); ‘We stand by you in building a stronger India’ (@BeingSalmanKhan, 23 May 2019, 5:51 pm). The stars’ jubilant congratulatory messages, along with pictures of them posing with Modi, underline not only Bollywood’s emphatic endorsement of ‘Brand Modi’ but also the crucial role essayed by social media. The confluence of digital media and Bollywood star power is a recent phenomenon, undoubtedly facilitated by Modi’s own public discourse as a techno-savvy and celebrity-savvy politician. As Joyojeet Pal and Anmol Panda remark, ‘Narendra Modi is a master of the celebrity outreach game’ (2019). Whether it is wishing stars a happy birthday or for the success of their films, attending their wedding receptions, or interacting with them at state-sponsored events, Modi’s intimacy and camaraderie with Bollywood celebrities is constantly on display, whether as selfies, tweets or even hashtags. For Modi, celebrity engagement advances the same narrative as social media, promoting his image as a leader who believes in speaking directly to the people, without the interference of mainstream news media. His interview with Akshay Kumar is a prime example of how ‘celebrity outreach’ helps Modi ‘avoid 294 S. MITRA engagement with professional journalists and address only those questions that [he wishes]to discuss, and do so with the endorsement of a social elite’ (Pal and Panda 2019). Conclusion For Bollywood celebrities, ‘Brand Modi’ offers a convenient means of participating in the political discourse. Whereas in the past, the only way they could participate was by campaigning during elections, now there is no such compulsion. As in the case of Akshay Kumar, it is no longer necessary for the Bollywood star to explicitly endorse a politician or a political party. They can simply post a selfie, retweet, or even use a hashtag to implicitly align their cultural cache (and fan following) with a political ideology. Moreover, government initiatives like ‘Swachch Bharat Abhiyan’ (‘Clean India Mission’) and ‘Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao’ (‘Save the daughter, Educate the daughter’) allow celebrities to contribute to a social cause, without any political affiliation, while ensuring they do not alienate fans. And for politicians like Modi, it is an opportunity to tap into Bollywood stars’ cultural cache and fan bases. Interestingly, Modi barely finds any mention in celebrity social media posts until 2013. However, after becoming Prime Minister in 2014, not only do ‘India’s most followed celebrities frequently engage with him but (also) hardly ever disapprove or disagree’ (Pal and Panda 2019) with BJP’s right-wing ideology. Though Modi has been criticised for his polarising and divisive anti-minority stance, the Bollywood community seems to wholeheartedly acquiesce and agree with him, perhaps not surprising considering the Hindi film industry’s historically pro-establishment position. During the 2019 elections, many notable theatre artistes, writers and filmmakers issued a joint statement urging people to ‘vote bigotry, hatred and apathy out of power’ (Bhushan 2019) and defeat BJP and its allies. However, this anti-Modi sentiment is limited to non- mainstream actors and filmmakers, with most A-list Bollywood stars and powerbrokers endorsing Modi. Narendra Modi’s strategy of harnessing Bollywood star power not only signifies a new mode of political communication in India but also represents a crucial shift in the dynamic between Hindi cinema and Indian politics. No longer perceived as merely a glamour magnet for attracting crowds and potential voters, Bollywood stars like Akshay Kumar’s presence is now crucial to shaping political discourse– and ‘Brand Modi.’ Disclosure statement No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s). Notes on contributor Sreya Mitra is Assistant Professor at the Department of Mass Communication, American University of Sharjah, UAE. Her research focuses on popular Indian cinema, television and new media dis­ courses in South Asia, stardom and celebrity culture, fandom studies, gender, globalisation, and culture industries. 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