Midterm Coverage GEC 8 PDF

**Chapter 6: The Global North-South Divide** **Introduction** The North-South Divide is a socio-economic and political categorization of countries. The Cold-War-era generalization places countries in two distinct groups; The North and the South. The North is comprised of all First World countries...

**Chapter 6: The Global North-South Divide** **Introduction** The North-South Divide is a socio-economic and political categorization of countries. The Cold-War-era generalization places countries in two distinct groups; The North and the South. The North is comprised of all First World countries and most Second World countries while the South is comprised of Third World countries. This categorization ignores the geographic position of countries with some countries in the southern hemisphere such as Australia and New Zealand being labeled as part of the North. **Learning Outcomes** 1\. Define the Global North-South divide. 2\. Discuss the history of the Global North-South dynamic. 3\. Critically challenge the accuracy of the Global North--South divide. 4\. Analyze how a new conception of global relations emerged from the experiences of Latin American countries particularly the South-South connection. **Content** The origin of dividing countries into the North-South Divide arose during the Cold War of the mid-20th century. During this time, countries were primarily categorized according to their alignment between the Russian East and the American West. Countries in the East like the Soviet Union and China which became classified as Second World countries. In the west, the United States and its allies were labelled as First World countries. This division left out many countries which were poorer than the First World and Second World countries. The poor countries were eventually labeled as Third World countries. This categorization was later abandoned after the Second World countries joined the First World countries. New criteria was established to categorize countries which was named the North-South Divide where First World countries were known as the North while Third World countries comprised the South. The Brandt line, a definition from the 1980s dividing the world into the wealthy north and the poor south. The North (First World Countries) The North of the Divide is comprised of countries which have developed economies and account for over 90% of all manufacturing industries in the world. Although these countries account for only one-quarter of the total global population, they control 80% of the total income earned around the world. All the members of the G8 come from the North as well as four permanent members of the UN Security Council. About 95% of the population in countries in The North have enough basic needs and have access to functioning education systems. Countries comprising the North include The United States, Canada, all countries in Western Europe, Australia, New Zealand as well as the developed countries in Asia such as Japan and South Korea. The South (Third World Countries) The South is comprised of countries with developing economies which were initially referred to as Third World countries during the Cold War. An important characteristic of countries in the South is the relatively low GDP and the high population. The Third World accounts for only a fifth of the globally earned income but accounts for over three-quarters of the global population. Another common characteristic of the countries in the South is the lack of basic amenities. As little as 5% of the population is able to access basic needs such as food and shelter. The economies of most countries in the South rely on imports from the North and have low technological penetration. The countries making up the South are mainly drawn from Africa, South America, and Asia with all African and South American countries being from the South. The only Asian countries not from the South are Japan and South Korea. Criticism The North-South Divide is criticized for being a way of segregating people along economic lines and is seen as a factor of the widening gap between developed and developing economies. However, several measures have been put in place to contract the North-South Divide including the lobbying for international free trade and globalization. The United Nations has been at the forefront in diminishing the North-South Divide through policies highlighted in its Millennium Development Goals. (Sawe 2017) Challenges The accuracy of the North--South divide has been challenged on a number of grounds. Firstly, differences in the political, economic and demographic make-up of countries tend to complicate the idea of a monolithic South. Globalization has also challenged the notion of two distinct economic spheres. Following the liberalization of post-Mao China initiated in 1978, growing regional cooperation between the national economies of Asia has led to the growing decentralization of the North as the main economic power. The economic status of the South has also been fractured. As of 2015, all but roughly the bottom 60 nations of the Global South were thought to be gaining on the North in terms of income, diversification, and participation in the world market. Globalization has largely displaced the North--South divide as the theoretical underpinning of the development efforts of international institutions such as the IMF, World Bank, WTO, and various United Nations affiliated agencies, though these groups differ in their perceptions of the relationship between globalization and inequality. Yet some remain critical of the accuracy of globalization as a model of the world economy, emphasizing the enduring centrality of nation-states in world politics and the prominence of regional trade relations. (Wikipedia "North-South Divide" 2019) What is South-South cooperation and why does it matter? from The United Nations\' Department of Economic and Social Affairs This week in Argentina's capital, Buenos Aires, over one thousand people, including high-level government delegations and representatives from the private sector and civil society, will gather for the Second High-level United Nations Conference on South-South Cooperation, or BAPA+40. The Conference marks the 40th anniversary of the United Nations Conference on Technical Cooperation Among Developing Countries, which was also held in Buenos Aires. The central theme of discussion will be how South-South cooperation represents an opportunity to achieve the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the globally-agreed blueprint for peace and prosperity for people and the planet. UN Secretary-General AntónioGuterres, who will participate in the opening ceremony of the event, strongly believes in the importance of South-South cooperation to generate both new ideas and concrete projects and also as a means to enable voices from the Global South to drive innovation and promote development. UN News has put together a handy guide to answer some questions regarding this important meeting. 1\. Let's start with the basics, what is South-South Cooperation? South-South cooperation refers to the technical cooperation among developing countries in the Global South. It is a tool used by the states, international organizations, academics, civil society and the private sector to collaborate and share knowledge, skills and successful initiatives in specific areas such as agricultural development, human rights, urbanization, health, climate change, etc. 2\. What happened in Argentina 40 years ago? During the 1960s and 1970s, with the global socio-economic climate entangled with Cold War politics, developing countries began seeking ways to chart the course of their own development; alternatives to the existing economic and political order. Technical cooperation among these Southern States started as a pioneering associative effort to strengthen their diplomatic and international negotiating power through political dialogue. What is now known as South-South cooperation, derives from the adoption of the Buenos Aires Plan of Action for Promoting and Implementing Technical Cooperation among Developing Countries (BAPA) by 138 UN Member States in Argentina, on September 18, 1978. The plan established a scheme of collaboration among least developed countries, mostly located in the south of the planet. It also established for the first time a framework for this type of cooperation and incorporated in its practice the basic principles of relations between sovereign States: respect for sovereignty, non-interference in internal affairs and equality of rights, among others. The BAPA defined as well a series of new and concrete recommendations aimed at establishing legal frameworks and financing mechanisms at the national, regional, interregional and global levels. Technical cooperation was defined in Buenos Aires as "an instrument capable of promoting the exchange of successful experiences among countries that share similar historical realities and similar challenges". 3\. But what about North-South cooperation and Triangular cooperation? The division of "North" and "South" is used to refer to the social, economic and political differences that exist between developed countries (North) and developing countries (South). Although most of the high-income countries are indeed located in the northern hemisphere, it should be noted that the division is not totally faithful to the actual geographical division. A country is defined as North or South not by location, but depending on certain economic factors and the quality of life of its population. North-South cooperation, which is the most traditional type of cooperation, occurs when a developed country supports economically or with another kind of resources a less favored one, for example, with financial aid during a natural disaster or a humanitarian crisis. Triangular cooperation, as the name implies, involves three actors, two from the South and one from the North. The latter, which can also be an international organization, provides the financial resources so that the countries of the South can exchange technical assistance on a specific topic. For example, in what is considered a successful experience, Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) made it possible financially for demining Cambodian experts to travel to Colombia and exchange their knowledge and experience in that field. Both Cambodia and Colombia had a major issue with anti-personnel-mines in different moments of their history. 4\. What is the importance of South-South cooperation? "Innovative forms of knowledge exchange, technology transfer, emergency response and recovery of livelihoods led by the South are transforming lives," said the Secretary-General in November 2018, during the inauguration of the 10th South-South Development Expo at UN Headquarters in New York. "The facts speak for themselves", AntónioGuterres said. The countries of the South have contributed to more than half of the world's growth in recent years; intra-south trade is higher than ever, accounting for more than a quarter of all world trade; the outflows of foreign direct investment from the South represent a third of the global flows; and remittances from migrant workers to low and middle-income countries reached 466 billion dollars last year, which helped lift millions of families out of poverty. The UN chief believes that the ambitious and transformational 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development cannot be achieved without the ideas, energy and tremendous ingenuity of the countries of the Global South. 5\. What can South-South cooperation achieve? Together with political dialogue and financial cooperation, South-South cooperation has promoted a large number of knowledge and expertise exchanges through programs, projects, and initiatives that have helped solve specific problems in the countries of the Global South. Last November, the UN Office for South-South Cooperation published a document gathering more than 100 successful experiences that have contributed to the development of countries around the world. The publication contains examples from all regions of the world that demonstrate the potential success of South-South cooperation such as Cuba's support in the fight against Ebola in West Africa; Mexico's experience in diversifying corn products to improve health and nutrition in Kenya; the knowledge of strategies to reduce hunger shared by Colombia to Mesoamerican countries; and the lessons from Chile to the Caribbean countries on product labeling as a measure to end obesity, among many others. 6\. What is going to happen this week in Argentina? The Member States will meet again in Buenos Aires for the Second High-Level Conference on South-South Cooperation, BAPA+40, to review four decades of trends and launch a new strategy in order to implement the 2030 Agenda. BAPA+40, provides a unique opportunity to review the lessons learned since 1978, identify new areas and mechanisms where South-South and Triangular cooperation can add value and have a greater impact, and commit to building an adequate and systematic follow-up in the framework of the United Nations system. For three days, world leaders will meet to discuss a political declaration that is expected to call for an increase in South-South cooperation, as well as institutional strengthening of reporting and monitoring systems for this type of partnership. The event will also feature panel discussions and a pavilion of different countries that will share successful experiences, demonstrating the effectiveness of this type of cooperation, and the potential of the ideas of the countries in the Global South. (The UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs 2019) **Chapter 7: Asian Regionalism** **Introduction** The world of today is speedily transforming from a world of states into a world of regions and states; over the past decade the role played by regions in both local and global governance has undergone transformations. This lesson will help the students to widen their knowledge about regionalism and its relationship to globalization and to determine the possible factors leading to greater integration of the Asian region. **Learning Outcomes** 1\. Distinguish regionalization from globalization; 2\. Determine the factors prominent to a greater integration of the Asian region; and 3\. Discuss how different Asian states confront the challenges of globalization and regionalization. **Content** Globalization can be defined as the intensification of economic, political, social, and cultural relations across borders (Holm and Sorensen 1995). In this sense it includes more than the geographical extension of a range of phenomena and issues. It suggests not only a significant intensification of global connectedeness but also a consciousness of that intensification, with a concomitant diminution in the significance of territorial boundaries (Bretherton 1996). The term regionalism refers to the proneness of the governments and peoples of two or more states to create voluntary associations and to pool together resources (material and nonmaterial) in order to create common functional and institutional arrangements. Moreover, regionalism can be best described as a method occurring in a given geographical region by which different types of actors (states, regional institutions, societal organizations and other nonstate actors) come to share certain fundamental values and norms. These actors also participate in a growing network of economic, cultural, scientific, diplomatic, political, and military interactions (Mace and Therien 1996) There are three possible options regarding the mutual relations between regionalization and globalization, especially in the economic dimension: (1) regionalization as a component of globalization (convergent trends); (2) regionalization as a challenge or response to globalization (divergent trends); (3) regionalization and globalization as parallel processes (overlapping trends). **Evolution of Asian regionalism** Regionalism is an inspirational enterprise in human history. As well as being inspirational, we can even say that it is quietly revolutionary since it involves the reorganization of political, economic, cultural, and social lives along the lines of an imagined region rather than according to the standard political unit of the nation-state. In order to understand the ideas of regionalism in Asia and speculate about the future of Asian regionalism, it will be most helpful to trace the evolution of Asian regionalism using four benchmarks: 1968, 1989, 1997, and 2010 (Shiraishi, 2011). In 1968, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations was born with five original members: Indonesia, the Philippines, Malaysia, Thailand, and Singapore. The primary goal of the ASEAN, as far as the United States and its friends were concerned, was to consolidate Southeast Asia against communism, which was raging in the form of the Vietnam War. Its focus was on security. The ASEAN was an outgrowth of the stillborn SEATO idea, which was envisaged as a type of Asian NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) organization against communism. In 1989, the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) meeting was institutionalized with the goal of monitoring and analyzing regional markets and institutions as well as governing rules and norms for facilitating transparent and introduction to ideas of asian regionalism 167 efficient business transactions in the region. Its focus was economic and its style was technocratic. It was in a sense the growth of the idea of the Asia Pacific economic cooperation mechanism envisaged by SaburoOkita and John Crawford in the 1960s and 1970s. In 1989, the APEC was born with the United States' strong support. In 1997, the ASEAN plus Three (Japan, Korea, and China) was instituted. Japan, Korea, and China were major economic engines. Both the ASEAN and the Three wanted to benefit from being closer each other. No less important was the consideration to help the Three to talk to each other regularly and without too much fuss. The Three were at odds when they came together as a trio because of their insistence on face, rank, and politics before they even reached the negotiation table. For example, during negotiations it was necessary to use a room with three entrances and a desk of a triangular shape. In the 2000s, the tide of globalization swept through East and Southeast Asia as well as the rest of the world. The Three registered more than 50% of their total trade as intraregional (i.e., Japan, Korea, and China) by the early 2000s. Japan and China competed over how to adapt to the relentless tide of globalization via the politics of membership, that is China's insistence on the ASEAN plus Three formula versus Japan's new proposal to form the ASEAN plus Six (Japan, Korea, China, India, Australia, and New Zealand) now labelled the East Asian Summit. In 2010, the East Asian Summit decided to add two more members, the United States and Russia. This has initiated a new phase for Asian regionalism. The regionalism surrounding the big northeast Asian three is becoming more comprehensive. In 2006, the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) proposal was inaugurated as an economic partnership agreement among small Asia Pacific countries such as Singapore. The TPP grew by 2010 into a large and ambitious framework to liberalize economic transactions in the Asia Pacific through adding new members, including the United States, Australia, and some other countries. The year 2010 was also marked by the vigorous and deep advances into the region by two giants, China and the United States. China engaged in assertive and largely unilateral actions in the region, such as maritime security thrusts in the East China, South China, and Bengal seas; resource exploitation in Myanmar, Vietnam, India, and Indonesia; and investment in business firms in Korea and Japan. The United States decided to depart from its ambiguity strategy to focus on an engagement strategy. The United States has inaugurated and/or consolidated security dialogues and military exchanges with India, Indonesia, and Vietnam with a big package of scientific, technological, military, and energy components. It is clear that by 2010 the stage was set for a new evolution of Asian regionalism. **References** The contemporary World: De Ocampo, 2018. St Andrew Publishing House Shiraishi, Takashi (2011), 'Ajiia Taiheiyo renkeienofukki (Returning to the Asia Pacific Partnership)', Yomiuri shimbun, 6 February Regionalism, Globalization and Aationalism-https://kellogg.nd.edu/sites/default/files/old\_files/documents/262.pdf Asian Regionalism: Context and Scope- [https://aric.adb.org/emergingasianregionalism/pdfs/Final\_ear\_chapters/chapter%202.pdf] **Chapter 8: Global Media Cultures** **Introduction** This chapter explores the definition of Global Media Culture, its relationship to globalization. It also explores the evolution of media and globalization, how the media drives various form of global integration and the dynamics between global and local cultural production. **Learning Outcomes** 1. Define Global Media Cultures 2. Identify the relationship of globalization and media 3. Identify the evolution of media and globalization 4. Analyze how various media drive various forms of global integration 5. Explain the dynamic between Global and Local cultural production **Content** Global Media Cultures explores the relationship between the media, culture and globalization. This topic approach's part and current challenges concerning international communication and explores and problematizes the power of media representation. Globalization and media have created the conditions through which many people can now imagine themselves as part of one world. It is made easier for advocates of globalization to reach larger audience through media such as: 1. Television programs 2. Social media groups 3. Books 4. Movies 5. Magazines The Evolution of Media and Globalization 1. Oral Communication 2. Script 3. Printing press 4. Electronic Media 5. Digital media The media have a very important impact on cultural globalization in two mutually interdependent ways: Firstly, the media provide an extensive transnational transmission of cultural products and, secondly, they contribute to the formation of communicative networks and social structures. The rapidly growing supply of media products form an international media culture presents a challenge to existing local and national cultures. The sheer volume of the supply, as well as the vast technological infrastructure and financial capital that pushes this supply forward, have a considerable impact on local patterns of cultural production. Global media cultures create a continuous cultural exchange, in which crucial aspects such as identity, nationality, religion, behavioral norms and way of life are continuously questioned and challenged. These cultural encounters often involve the meeting of cultures with a different socio-economic base, typically a transnational and commercial cultural industry on one side and a national, publicly regulated cultural industry on the other side. Due to their very structure, global media promote a restructuring of cultural and social communities. The media such as the press, and later radio and tv have been very important institutions for the formation of national communities. Global media support the creation of new communities. The Internet, for example, not only facilitates communication across the global, but also supports the formation of new social communities in which members can interact with each other. And satellite tv and radio allow immigrants to be in close contact with their homeland's language and culture while they gradually accommodate to a new cultural environment. The common point of departure is the assumption that a series of international media constitutes a global cultural supply in itself and serves as an independent agency for cultural and social globalization, in which cultural communities are continuously restructures and redefined. (source: website) In other words, media cultures take part in the process of globalization, including how they challenge existing cultures and create new and alternative symbolic and cultural communities. Global imaginary and Global Village Global imaginary **Various Forms of Global Integration** Global integration is not a new phenomenon in today's contemporary world. Trade took place between distant civilizations even in ancient times. This globalization process in the economic domain has not always proceeded smoothly has it benefited all whom it was offered, but, despite occasional interruptions, such as the collapse of the Roman Empire or during the interwar period in this century, the degree of economics integration among different societies around the world has generally been rising in the past half century, and ever greater than it has been and is likely to improve. There are three (3) factors that have affected the process of economic globalization. These are: 1. Improvements in transportation and communication technology have reduced the cost of transporting goods, services and factors of production and communicating economically useful knowledge and technology 2. Tastes of individuals and, societies have generally but not universally, favored taking advantage of the opportunities provided by declining costs of transportation and communication through increasing economic integration. 3. The character and pace of economic integration have been significantly influenced by public policies, although it is not always in the direction of increasing economic integration. Dynamics of Local and Global Culture Global flows of culture tend to move more easily around the globe than ever before, especially through non-material digital forms. There are three perspectives on global cultural flows. These are cultural differentialism, hybridization, and convergence. CULTURAL DIFFERENTIALISM emphasizes the fact that cultures are essentially different and are only superficially affected by global flows. It also Involves barriers that prevent flows that serve to make cultures more aline; cultures tend to remain stubbornly different from one another. One good example of cultural differentialism is the terrorist attacks on 9/11 and the subsequent wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. To many people, these events are seen as the product of a clash between Western and Islamic culture and the eternal differences between them. This is significant because the concept of cultural diffferentialism emphasizes lasting differences among and between cultures largely unaffected by globalization or any trans-cultural flows. As seen in the example, clashing cultures can have a huge impact on both cultures, countries and the entire world. Cultural Hybridization is a process by which a ***cultural*** element blends into another ***culture*** by modifying the element to fit ***cultural*** norms. It is actually an integration of local and global cultures. A key concept is "glocalization" or the interpenetration of the global and local resulting in unique outcomes in different geographic areas. And lastly, cultural convergence approach stresses homogeneity introduced by globalization. Cultures are deemed to be radically altered by strong flows, while cultural imperialism happens when one culture imposes itself on and tends to destroy at least parts of another culture. One important critique of cultural imperialism is John Tomlinson's idea of "deterritorialization" of culture. Deterritorialization means that it is much more difficult to tie culture to a specific geographic point of origin. **References** **Chapter 9: Globalization of Religion** **Introduction** Generally, religion is a "system of beliefs and practices." More specifically, the word comes from the Latin "religare" which means "to bind together again that which was once bound but has since been torn apart or broken." Indeed, with the globalization of economics and politics, individuals feel insecure "as the life they once led is being contested and changed at the same time." Hence, "in order for a person to maintain a sense of psychological well-being and avoid existential anxiety," individuals turn to scripture stories and teachings that provide a vision about how they can be bound to a "meaningful world," a world that is quickly changing day-by-day. **Learning Outcomes** 1. Discuss how globalization has helped to spread religion. 2. Explain how globalization affects religious practices and beliefs. 3. Analyze the relationship between religion and global conflict, and conversely, global peace. **Content** As Obadia (2010) argues, theorizing religion and globalization has been subject to two different lines of interpretation: **globalization [of] religion** versus **globalization [and] religion**. **Globalization *[of]* Religion** In this, the fundamental research question pertains to the ***spread of religions*** and specific genres or forms or blueprints of ***religious expression across the globe***. Beyer (2006) proposes that the very notion of what constitutes a 'religion', as commonly understood, is the ***product of a long-term process of inter-civilizational or cross-cultural interactions***. **Globalization *[and]* Religion** In this second, the position and place of religion is problematized within the context of globalization. This problematic concerns the relations and ***the impact of globalization upon religion***. From this point of view, even religions that are not conventionally considered 'global' such as Eastern Orthodox Christianity ; are nevertheless influenced by globalization; These face up to the global condition and reshape their institutional practices and mentalities (Agadjanian and Roudometof, 2005). In so doing, religious institutions generally tend to adopt either strategies of cultural defense or strategies of active engagement with globality (Roudometof, 2008). Although a religion can reject globalizing trends and impulses, it is nevertheless shaped by them and is forced to respond to new-found situations. This problematic incorporates notions of resacralization as a response to secularizing agendas and views instances of transnational nationalism cloaked in religious terms as cultural expressions stimulated by globalization (for examples, see Danforth, 2000; Zubrzycki, 2006). This second problematic does not necessarily address the historicity of globalization; in large part because it is concerned with theorizing contemporary events and trends Transnational Religion and Multiple Glocalizations Transnational studies emerged gradually since the 1990s in connection to the study of post-World War II new immigrants or trans-migrants who moved from Third World and developing countries into developed First World nations. New immigrants no longer assimilated into the cultures of the host countries but rather openly maintained complex links to their homelands, thereby constructing, reproducing and preserving their transnational ties. International migration has provided the means to theorize the relationship between people and religion in a transnational context (Casanova, 2001; Ebaugh and Chafetz, 2002; Hagan and Ebaugh, 2003; Levitt, 2003, 2004; van der Veer, 2002). Concomitant with the movements of peoples, the migration of faiths across the globe has been a major feature of the world throughout the twentieth century. One of these features is the 'deterritorialization' of religion (Casanova, 2001; Martin, 2001; Roy, 2004);that is, the appearance and, in some instances, the efflorescence of religious traditions in places where these previously had been largely unknown or were at least in a minority position. Transnational religion emerged through the post-World War II spread of several religions; of which perhaps the most prominent example is the explosion of Protestantism in the hitherto solidly Catholic Latin America. The extensive and widely publicized debates over the public presence of Islam in Europe are but the most visible manifestation of this process (see Bjorgo, 1997; Raudvere, Stala, and Willert, 2012). As Modood (1997: 2) notes, 'Muslims are now emerging as the critical '"other" in various nationalist discourses and in definitions of Europe in Western Europe\', even in Scandinavian countries, where there is hardly any historical encounter with Muslims. To the extent that the very label of transnational religion is a means of describing solutions to new-found situations that people face as a result of migration, it comes as two quite distinct blends of religious universalism and local particularism. First, it is possible for religious universalism to gain the upper hand, whereby religion becomes the central reference for immigrant communities. In such instances, religious transnationalism is often depicted as a religion 'going global'. Jenkins (2007), for example, has noted the rapid growth of Christianity in the global south, countering arguments that Islam would overtake Christianity as the world\'s most popular faith. In cases in which immigrants share the same vernacular or are members of a church with a centralized administration (such as the Catholic Church), the propensity for such a pattern inevitably increases. Migrants participate in religious multi-ethnic networks that connect them to their co-religionists locally and globally. Their main allegiance is not to their original homeland but to their global religious community; religion offers a means for 'transnational transcendence' (Csordas, 2009) of identities and boundaries. Second, it is possible for local ethnic or national particularism to gain or maintain the most important place for local immigrant communities. In such instances, transnational national communities are constructed and religious hierarchies perform dual religious and secular functions that ensure the groups\' survival (for examples, see Danforth, 1995; Roudometof, 2000). The above distinction obviously represents two ends of a continuum of a variety of combinations observed among transnational or immigrant or diasporic groups (see McLoughlin, 2010). For example, diasporas might adopt cultural habits derived from the host country. A prominent example is the 'Protestantization' of various faiths among groups living mostly in Europe or the United States. But other groups might shed cultural elements in favour of a more globalist orientation; as suggested by Roy (2010) in his 'deculturalization of religion' thesis. According to Roy, fundamentalist or more precisely revivalist movements attempt to construct 'pure religion' that sheds the cultural tradition in which past religious life was immersed. Transnational religion also has been used to describe cases of ***institutional transnationalism***, whereby communities living outside the national territory of particular states maintain religious attachments to their home churches or institutions. This is quite a distinct use of the term 'transnational', and in this case it is applied to institutions and not groups of people. The second major research agenda concerns the interface between religion and culture. Concern with public expressions of religiosity also brings forth the relationship between religion and culture (Besecke, 2005). Instead of attributing fixed essences to cultural units, then, it is possible to concentrate on the various processes referred to as indigenization, hybridization or glocalization (Burke, 2009; Pieterse, 2003; for specific examples see Altglas, 2010). These processes register the ability of religion to mould into the fabric of different communities in ways that connect it intimately with communal and local relations. Religion sheds its universal uniformity in favour of blending with locality. Global-local or glocal religion thus represents a \'genre of expression, communication and legitimation\' of collective and individual identities (Robertson, 1991: 282; Robertson and Garret, 1991: xv). Groups and individuals use this religious tradition symbolically as emblematic of membership in an ethnic or national group. Based on a survey of the history of Christianity, Roudometof (2013, 2014) argues that it is possible to detect four concrete forms of glocalization: (1) indigenization, (2) vernacularization, (3) nationalization and (4) transnationalization. **Vernacularization**involved the rise of vernacular languages (such as Greek or Latin or Arabic in the case of Islam) endowed with the symbolic ability of offering privileged access to the sacred, whereas **indigenization** connected specific faiths with ethnic groups, whereby religion and culture were often fused into a single unit. Vernacularization was often promoted by empires, whereas indigenization was connected to the survival of particular ethnic groups. It is important to stress that this is not an exclusively contemporary phenomenon. The creation of distinct branches of Christianity; such as Orthodox and Catholic Christianity; bears the mark of this particularization of religious universalism. Nationalization connected the consolidation of specific nations with particular confessions and has been a popular strategy both in Western and Eastern Europe (Gorski, 2000; Hastings, 1997; Roudometof, 2001 Religion in Global Conflict The contemporary conflicts with which religion has been associated are not solely about religion, however, if one means by 'religion' a set of doctrines and beliefs. The conflicts have been about **identity and economics, about privilege and power** -- the things that most social conflicts are about. When these conflicts are *religionized* -- when they are [justified in religious terms] and presented with the *[aura of sacred combat]* -- they often become more intractable, less susceptible to negotiated settlement. Thus although religion is seldom the problem, in the sense of causing the tensions that produced the conflicts in the first place, it is often problematic in *[increasing the intensity and character of the struggle]* (Juergensmeyer, 2004b). An abundant number of new studies argues that this is the case, that ***religious conflict is a byproduct of the global age*** (see Crockett, 2006; Hassner, 2009; Kippenberg, 2012; Lincoln, 2002; Ter Borg and Van Henten, 2010; Toft, Philpott and Shaw 2011; Wellman, 2007; andJuergensmeyer, 2003, 2008). Global development of religious conflict in five stages **First Stage: Revolt against Global Secularism** The first stage of the encounter was characterized by isolated outbursts. It began in the 1970s by a variety of groups -- Hindu, Buddhist, Sikh, and Muslim -- that were revolting against what they regarded as the ***moral failing of the secular state***. One of the first of these religious rebellions was nonviolent -- the Gandhian movement in India led by Jayaprakash Narayan, who called for a 'Total Revolution' in 1974 against the corruption of the Indian government. 1979, the Ayatollah Khomeini led a revolt against the secular regime of the Shah of Iran Buddhist activists violently resisted attempts by the Sri Lankan government to appease the growing movement of Tamil separatism that had arisen in that island nation in the 1970s theKhalistani movement of Sikh separatism gained momentum and unleashed a reign of violence in the north Indian state of Punjab throughout the 1980s The gathering power of Muslim extremists in Egypt led to the brutal assassination of President Mohammad Anwar al Sadat in 1981. The common element that ran through all of these otherwise isolated nonviolent and violent incidents of Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Shi\'ite and Sunni Muslim rebellion in the 1970s and early 1980s was an implicit moral critique of secular politics. By that time a revived anti-colonial mood had developed against the cultural and political legacies of European modernity in the Middle East and South Asia that gave the movements a new force. Secular authorities treated these rebellious religious movements simply as attempts to usurp power. The secular leaders left unchallenged the moral critique that the movements conveyed. In some cases, they regarded the new religious activists as versions of the legendary Robin Hood -- extra-legal though virtuous challengers to the political status quo **Second Stage: Internationalization of Religious Rebellion** The next stage of the developing warfare between religious and secular politics was the internationalization of the conflict in the 1980s. This stage is best represented by the ad hoc international coalition of jihadi Muslim radicals that developed in the Afghan war. It is hard to underestimate the formative power of their experience, shared by thousands of volunteer soldiers in the Afghanistan struggle against the Soviet regime in the 1980s. In one central theatre of involvement activists were brought together from throughout the Muslim world. The fighting force of mujahadin included erstwhile jihadi soldiers who came from Muslim countries from Pakistan to Northern Africa. It also included some of the Egyptian militants linked to Sadat\'s assassination and Saudis who would later be identified with the al Qaeda movement of Osama bin Laden. Afghanistan became the crucible for creating the international Muslim political networks that would infuriate global politics for the next two decades. **Third Stage: Invention of Global Enemies** The third stage in the gathering cold war between religious and secular politics was characterized by a growing anti-American and anti-European sentiment in the 1990s. In this stage the target of the religious activists\' wrath shifted from local regimes to international centres of power. Increasingly the political and economic might of the United States and Europe became regarded as the source of problems both locally and worldwide. The 1990s constituted a decade of social dissent linked with religious traditions of variouskinds: Christianity, Judaism, and Buddhism as well as Islam of both Sunni and Shi\'ite varieties. America was regarded as the fount of secularism and hence often the target. Many who attacked it were incensed by what they regarded as its economic, cultural and political oppression under the 'new world order' of a secular, America-dominated, post-Cold War globalized world. Some of the fiercest opponents of the United States\' secular power were themselves Americans. The venom of the Christian militia and other extremist Christian groups in the United States led to a series of terrorist acts on abortion clinics, gay and lesbian bars, and individuals perceived as being Jewish or immigrant. Many radical Muslim groups saw American military and economic power the same way, but with a more realistic basis for their critique. The United States\' economic interests in the oil reserves of the Middle East, and its unchallenged cultural and political influence in a post-Cold War world led many Muslim activists to see America as a global bully, a worthy target of their religious and political anger. It appealed especially to those whose resistance methods had been honed through the anti-Soviet struggle in Afghanistan which also was seen as a fight against enemies of Islam. **Third Stage: Global War** Originally jihadi leaders like Khalid Shaikh Mohammad and bin Laden had been fixated on local issues -- in bin Laden\'s case, on Saudi Arabia. He was concerned especially about the role of the United States in propping up the Saudi family and, in his mind, America\'s exploitation of the oil resources of the country. He then adopted a broader critique of Middle Eastern politics, following the general jihadi perspective of MaulanaMaududi, SayyidQutb and other Muslim political thinkers who rejected all forms of Western political and social influence in the region. Increasingly the goal of bin Laden\'s and the other jihadi activists was not just to get American influence out of Saudi Arabia but out of the whole Muslim world. This meant a confrontation of global proportions on multiple fronts. Though bin Laden had declared war on the United States in his famous fatwa of 1996 it was largely an invisible conflict, a great confrontation that lay largely. within the imaginations of the jihadi activists, until 11 September 2001 brought it to public attention. The response of the American political leadership following the 11 September was dramatic and historically transformative. The televised pronouncements of President George W. Bush on both 11 September and even more decisively on the following day made clear how he and his administration were going to interpret the attack: they adopted the jihadi terms. Rather than viewing the terrorist acts as criminal deeds by a gang of thugs, the US leaders adopted some of the major elements of bin Laden\'s view of the world and saw them as skirmishes in a global war. The simmering new Cold War of the 1990s had become hot and exploded into a real war, the first of the twenty-first century. The new Cold War also received a new name. It came to be known as the 'Global War on Terror' by US officials and the American news media. The war was also characterized as the 'struggle against radical Islam', and indeed the Muslim aspects of the religious encounter with the secular state became the single concern of Western policymakers, despite the persistence of Christian militants in America, Hindu and Sikh activists in India, Jewish extremists in Israel, and violent Buddhists in Sri Lanka and Thailand. Yet only the Muslim activists shared an ideological perspective that was global in its encounter with the West and transnational in its network of activists. Its actions were brutal and violent. So too were the American attempts to suppress it, and the heavy-handed approach created further cycles of violence in response. Terrorist acts associated with jihadi Muslim activists increased dramatically around the world in this decade. The arena of terror became transnational. Many of the Muslim activists in Europe were inflamed not only about European countries\' support for the US-led military coalition in Iraq but also about European attitudes toward the Muslim immigrant community. The resentment of some elements of the expatriate community boiled over into violence. Among the more incendiary moments were the tensions following the assassination of the Dutch filmmaker, Theo van Gogh in November 2004; the rage of violence by North African and Arab youth in France that left over 1,000 automobiles torched across the country in 2004; and the protests earlier that same year over the French government\'s attempt to ban the wearing of headscarves by Muslim women living in France. In the twenty-first century, the Internet provided a whole new arena for radical religious activism. The new Cold War was waged not only on a geographical battlefield but also on the intellectual terrain of cyberspace. Yet, like the old Cold War, the ideological confrontation always carried the threat of bloodshed. The era of globalization brought with it three enormous problems. The first was identity, how societies could maintain a sense of homogeneity when ethnic, cultural, and linguistic communities were spread across borders, in many cases spread across the world. The second problem was accountability, how the new transnational economic, ideological, political and communication systems could be controlled, regulated, and brought to justice. The third problem was one of security, how people buffeted by forces seemingly beyond anyone\'s control could feel safe in a world increasingly without cultural borders or moral standards. Religion provides answers to all three of these problems. Traditional definitions of religious community provide a sense of identity, a feeling of belonging to those who accept that fellowship as primary in their lives. Traditional religious leadership provides a sense of accountability, a certainty that there are moral and legal standards inscribed in code and enforced by present-day leaders who are accorded an unassailable authority. And for these reasons, religion also offers a sense of security, the notion that within the community of the faithful and uplifted by the hands of God, one has found safe harbor and is truly secure. **References** Aldama, Prince Kennex R. (2018). "The Contemporary World". Rex Book Store, Sampaloc, Manila. Alporha, Vernonica and John Lee Candelaria (2018) Readings in Philippine History. Rex Book Store Inc., Sampaloc, Manila **Chapter 10: The Global City** **Introduction** If you had a chance, would you go to New York? Tokyo? How about Sydney? Chances are many of you would like to move to these major cities. And if not, you would probably like to visit them anyway. Some of you might have already traveled to these cities as tourist or temporary residents. Or maybe you have heard stories about them. You may have relatives living there who have described buzzing metropolises, with forest of skyscrapers and train lines that zigzag on top of each other. You may likewise have an idea of what these cities look like based on what you have seen in movies or TV. Do you remember when downtown Manhattan in New York was destroyed in a confrontation between avengers (Iron Man, Thor, Captain America, The Hulk, Etc.) and Aliens? Not all people have been to global cities, but most know about them. Their influence extends even to one's imagination. What are these places? Why are they important? And how are they relevant to you? **Learning Outcomes** 1\. Analyzed how global cities served as engines of globalization 2\. Identify the attributes of Global City **Content** WHY DO WE STUDY GLOBAL CITIES Globalization is spatial. This statement means two things. First, Globalization is spatial because it occurs in physical spaces. You can see it when foreign investment and capital move through a city, and when companies build skyscrapers. People who are working in the business-or Filipino working abroad- start to purchase high-rise condominium units and better homes. As all these events happen, more poor people are driven out of the city centers to make way for the new developments. Second, globalization is spatial because what makes it move is in fact that it is based in places. Los Angeles, the home of Hollywood, is where movies are made for global consumption. The main Headquarters of Sony is in Tokyo, and from there, the company coordinates the sale of its various electronics goods to branches across the world. In other words, cities act on globalization and globalization acts on cities. They are the sites as well as the mediums of globalization. Just as the internet enables and shapes global forces, so too do cities. In the years to come, more and more people will experience globalization through cities. In 1950, only 30 percent of the world lived in urban areas. By 2014, that number increased to 54 percent. And by 2050, it is expected to reach 66 percent. WHAT ARE GLOBAL CITIES? These are places that take advantage of globalization. The real winners and plays a major role in a globalized world today. How can we identify that a city isa a global city? Here are some of the attributes that must be observed. Economic Power Sociologist SaskiaSassen says that economic power largely determines which cities are global. In her book she identified three global cities such as New York, London, and Tokyo, all of which are hubs of global finance and capitalism. They are the homes, for instance, of the world's top stock exchanges where investors buy and sell shares in major corporations. New York has the New York stock Exchange (NYSE), London has the financial Times Stock Exchange (FTSE), and Tokyo has the Nickel. The amount of money traded in these markets is staggering. The value of shares in the NYSE, for example is, 19, 300 billion dollars. Centers of Authority Washington D.C may not be a wealthy as New York, but it is the seat of American state power. People around the world know its major landmarks the white house, the capital building (Congress), the Supreme Court, the Lincoln Memorial, and the Washington Monument. Similarity, Canberra, as Australia's political capital, it is home to the country's top politicians, bureaucrats, and policy advisors. The cities that house major international organizations may also be included. The headquarters of the united nation in in New York, and that of the European Union is in Brussels. Jakarta is the location of the main Headquarters of the Association of the Southeast Asian Nation. Powerful political hubs exert influence on their own countries as well as on international affairs A decision made in these cities, therefore, affect the political economy of an entire continent and beyond. Centers of Higher Learning and Culture A cities economic influence is seen through the influence of its publishing industry. Many of the books that people read are published in places like New York, London, Paris. One of the reasons for the many tourists visiting Boston is because they want to see Harvard University the world's top university. Many Asian teenagers are moving to cities in Australia because of the leading English-language universities there. Education is currently Australia's largest export, just behind coal and iron ore, and significantly ahead of tourism. Today global cities become culturally diverse. In a global city one can try cousins from parts of the world. Because of Turkish populations, for example, Berlin and Tokyo offer some of the best Turkish food one can find outside of Turkey. In Southeast Asia, Singapore is slowly becoming a cultural hub for the region. It no houses some of the region's top televisions stations and news organization (MTV Southeast Asia and Channel News Asia). Its various art galleries and cinemas also show paintings from artists and filmmakers, respectively, from the Philippines and Thailand. Other consider some cities "global" simply because they are great places to live in. in Australia, Sydney commands the greatest proportion of capital. However, Melbourne is described as Sydney's rival "global city" because many magazines and list have now referred to it as the worlds "most livable city"- a place with good public transportation, a thriving cultural scene, and a relatively easy peace of life. Defining a global city can thus be difficult. One way of solving this dilemma is to go beyond the dichotomy of a global and 'no-global. Instead of asking whether or not one city is a global is a global city, it is better to ask: in what ways are cities global and what to extent are they global **References** Aldama, Prince Kennex R. (2018). "The Contemporary World". Rex Book Store, Sampaloc, Manila. Alporha, Vernonica and John Lee Candelaria (2018) Readings in Philippine History. Rex Book Store Inc., Sampaloc, Manila **Chapter 11: Global Demography** **Introduction** Understanding, describing and making certain predictions about the composition of a population with reference to their distribution and statistics of age, sex and other related factors is called *demography.* In the olden times, this study of population may have been absent because societies are treated in terms of their regionalist nature. With the advent of globalization which facilitated movement of knowledge and models, goods and capitals among others, analysis of population change not only within a country but across the globe is important. Globalization produced a shift of demographic trends that shows improved and healthier life, creation of ageing society, intra-and-intergenerational equity, giving importance to child care and balance between work/private life, etc. As such, it essential to understand world demography in terms of how globalization changed the world and identify the global forces that determine the world's demographic variables (i.e. fertility and death rates) across space and time. **Learning Outcomes** 1. 2. **Content** A. The Demographic Transition Theory B. The Beginning of Demographic Transition C. Impact of Globalization to Demographic Transition Said two world wars led to postwar refugee flows in tens of millions in Japan, China, Korea, Europe, India and Pakistan. After World War II, repatriation of colonial populations and refugee flows in Central Africa, Venezuela, Pakistan and Iran, Taiwan, Korea and Vietnam. Some western countries such as Switzerland, Luxembourg, Belgium, Germany and Austria shared migrants in their labor forces. Inter-Asian migration also generated Hongkong, Malaysia, and Singapore a share of large number of migrants in their labor force. The oil companies in Middle East Asia also benefited as they have large percentage of migrant workers in their labor force, mostly from Asia. While voluntary immigration is restricted, migration per se increased gradually during the post-World War 2. This weakened the demographic transition as it significantly changed the working population of the origin and the host (receiving) country. Sending population are often those that are growing rapidly composed of young ages while those that receive are usually experiencing lower growth and ageing population. The expansion and digitization of communication and transportation also inhibited demographic transition as it led to decrease in costs of gathering information and transporting or shipping goods and people. Life expectancy is also enhanced via public health, nutrition, medical treatment, and proliferation of non-profit or inter-governmental organizations dedicated in promoting economic, social, environmental welfare as well as demographic conditions. With continuous improvement of life expectancy, the gap or expectancy differences among countries became smaller especially between Japan and West as compared to other countries. Mortality rates started to decline in African and Asian countries. At the end of 19^th^ century, life expectancy of Japan as well as industrialized countries in the west is 12 years greater than other countries; higher by 20 years in 1900; and relatively 22 years higher from 1900-1950 because the gains in life expectancy were confined in these industrialized countries only. However, their gap significantly decreased to 14 years in 1999 when life expectancy improved significantly all over the world. Until 1930's Japan did not drop its fertility rate of five children per woman while other Asian countries started its fertility decline only in 1950's or later. As a result, Asian countries (excluding Japan) and the rest of developing countries experienced rapid population growth after World War 2. With the increasing life expectancy, population of industrialized countries started to age. Japan and the west's overall demographic trend moved downward until 1950, making their population ageing. The United States who had receiving migrants prior to the war periods remained younger in its population. They continued to allow immigration of Europeans in their country making their population almost tripled, from 99 million in 1910 to 6.14 billion in 2001. Other countries sending migrants to US in effect are experiencing significant reductions of their working population. In the 21^st^ century, the above condition reversed as the developing regions of Africa, Asia, Latin America and Oceania reached high levels of population growth rate. Previously, population growth occurred mostly in Europe and western countries taking account of 69.3 percent of the world population. In year 2000 however, Europe as well as its Europe-settler countries share only 19.7 of the global population. This is much far from their previous share of 69.3 % from 1820 to 1980. Latin America as well as Africa's share doubled on the other hand (Shigeyuki, A, Croix, S., and Mason, A, 2002). Dependency ratio which refers to the ratio of dependents, aging 0-14 years old and 65 and above, to the working age (15-64 years old) is also a critical reference to the changing global population after the World War II. With their ageing population, Japan as well as other industrialized countries in the west have different age structure from the rest of the world. While they have high dependency ratio in later part of the 19^th^ century, the trend fall starting year 1950. Baby boom was noted after the World War 2 due to increase in fertility rate, hence, increase in dependency ratio. This occurrence though was only temporary. After 1950, their childbearing capacity (excluding Japan which birth rate only started to decline in 1970's) significantly lowered (Shigeyuki, A, Croix, S., and Mason, A, 2002). Among Asian countries, India and Philippines shared higher dependency ratio than that of the western countries in 1900. This was speeded by further increase in birth rate and decrease rate of mortality due to gaining from high life expectancy all over the world which reached its peak in 1970. Decades after this year, the gap of dependency ratio among countries becomes smaller if not begun to disappear as birth rates have dropped all over the world. This imply that in the future, global population is ageing making the dependency ratio to increase significantly. This will happen first in the western countries as they have higher level of ageing population compared to Latin America, Africa, Asia and other developing countries (Shigeyuki, A, Croix, S., and Mason, A, 2002).  **References** Demographic Transition Theory (2020) Retrieved from https://socialsci.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Sociology/Book%3A\_Sociology\_(Boundless)/17%3A\_Population\_and\_Urbanization/17.02%3A\_Population\_Growth/17.2E%3A\_Demographic\_Transition\_Theory on August 28, 2020 Nicolae-Balan, M and Vasile, V. (2008) Impact of globalization on the evolution of demographic phenomenon.*Romanian Journal of Economic Forecasting.*Institute of Economic Forecasting. Ospina, E., Roser, H. and Ritchie, H. (2019) Population Growth. Retrieved from https://ourworldindata.org/world-population-growth on June 20, 2019. Snider, S. B. & Brimlow, J. N. (2013) An Introduction to Population Growth. *Nature Education Knowledge* 4(4):3 Retrieved from https://www.nature.com/scitable/knowledge/library/an-introduction-to-population-growth-84225544/ on 20, 2020. The Demographic Transition Model.*Development Economics: Intelligent Economist and Economic Theory*. Retrieved from https://www.intelligenteconomist.com/demographic-transition-model/ on August 28, 2020. of the Isabela State University. [**[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pzxREH08EkI]**](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pzxREH08EkI) **https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nonCD5GR9bw** **Chapter 12: Global Migration** **Introduction** Global migration entails the globalization of people. And the broader globalization process, it is uneven. Some migrant experience their movement as a liberating process. A highly educated professional may find moving to another country financially rewarding. At the other end, a victim of sex trafficking may view the process of migration as dislocating and disempowering. **Learning Outcomes** 2\. Analyzed the political, economic, cultural, and social factors underlying the global movements of people. 1\. Displayed the first-hand knowledge of the experience of OFWs. **Content** Like globalization, moreover, migration produces different and often contradictory responses. On the one hand, may richer states know that migrant labor will be beneficial to their economies. With their aging populations, Japan and Germany will need workers from demographically young countries like the Philippines. Similarly, as working population like the United States more to more skilled careers, their economies will require migrants to work their jobs that local workers beginning to reject. And yet, despite these benefits, developed countries continue to excessively limit and restrict migrant labor. They do so for numerous factors already mentioned. Some want to preserve wat some perceive as local culture by shielding it from newcomers. Other states use migrants as scapegoats, blaming them for economic woes that are in reality, caused by government policy and not by foreigners. Yet, despite these various contradictions, it is clear that different forms of global interdependence will ensure that global migration will continue to be one of the major issues in the contemporary world. Countries whose economies have become entirely dependent on globalization and rely on foreign labor to continue growing (e.g., Singapore, Saudi Arabia, and even protectionist japan) will actively court foreign workers. Likewise countries like the Philippines with an abundance of labor and need for remittance will continue to send these workers. Hence, it is inevitable that countries will have to open up again to prevent their economies from stagnating or even collapsing. The various responses to these movements-xenophobia and extreme nationalism in the receiving countries: dependency in the sending countries-will continue pressing issues.