L6 Philippine Politics & Governance Handout 2 PDF

SH1688 POLITICAL PARTY (Mendoza and Melegrito, 2016, pp. 171-180) Defining Political Parties  Broadly, it includes all the numerous political organizations that call themselves by the name, political party.  In a restricted view, it refers only to those organizations that contest in free...

SH1688 POLITICAL PARTY (Mendoza and Melegrito, 2016, pp. 171-180) Defining Political Parties  Broadly, it includes all the numerous political organizations that call themselves by the name, political party.  In a restricted view, it refers only to those organizations that contest in free (or non-free) elections, or those who can win elections over time.  Heywood (1997, 230): a group of organized people to win government power by electoral or other means. o The party seeks to control the governing apparatus by winning office in an election and influencing the government’s political and policy agenda through the legislative process. o This is different from civil society groups that do not seek to participate and win in the elections to influence policy-making. Functions and Primary Goals  Functions o To mobilize the voters during elections. o To organize public opinion on issues that affect the general public. o To act as a conduit between the voters/people and the government when the former make their demands known to the latter is done through the articulation or aggregation of interest. o To reinforce a sense of identity or belongingness in its membership and constituency. o To act as an agent of political socialization and political recruitment for future office-holders.  Primary goals o The conquest of power or a share in the exercise of power is done by placing their avowed representatives in government positions through elections. o To win elections, political parties are involved in recruitment, candidate nomination and selection, campaigning, networking, and alliance/coalition-building. Classifications  National o The constituency is spread over the geographical territory of at least a majority of the regions.  Regional o The constituency is spread over the geographical territory of at least a majority of the cities and provinces comprising the region.  Sectoral o Geographic considerations do not define this. It represents any of the various sectors that include labor, peasant, fisherfolk, urban poor, indigenous cultural communities, elderly, handicapped, women, youth, veterans, overseas workers, and professionals. o Its constituencies are citizens that belong to any of the enumerated sectors. o Its principal advocacy pertains to the special interest and concerns of their sector. Party-list System  Congress passed the Republic Act no. 7941 (Party-list System Act) in 1995. o Section 3 = The party-list system is “a mechanism of proportional representation in the election of representatives to the House of Representatives from national, regional, and sectoral parties or organizations or coalitions thereof registered with the Commission on Elections (COMELEC). o Component parties or organizations of a coalition may participate independently, provided the coalition of which they form part does not participate in the party-list system.  May 1998 = first election under the party-list system. 06 Handout 2 *Property of STI Page 1 of 7  SH1688 o According to that law, “For the purposes of the May 1998 elections, the first five (5) major political parties on the basis of party representation in the House of Representatives at the start of the Tenth Congress of the Philippines shall not be entitled to participate in the party-list system.”  Manner of election and composition of the party-list representatives in the Lower House according to RA 7941: o Section 11. Number of Party-list Representatives = The party-list representatives shall constitute twenty per centum (20%) of the total number of the members of the House of Representatives, including those under the party-list.  In determining the allocation of seats for the second vote, the following procedure shall be observed:  (a) They are ranked from the highest to the lowest based on the number of votes they garnered during the elections.  (b) They who received at least two percent (2%) of the total votes cast for the party-list system shall be entitled to one seat each.  Provided that those garnering more than 2% of the votes hall be entitled to additional seats in proportion to their total number of votes.  Provided, finally, that they shall be entitled to not more than three (3) seats. o Sec. 12. Procedure in Allocating Seats for Party-list Representatives = The COMELEC shall tally all the votes on a nationwide basis, rank them according to the number of votes received, and allocate party-list representatives proportionately to the percentage of votes obtained as against the total nationwide votes cast for the party-list system. o Sec. 13. How Party-list Representatives are Chosen = Party-list representatives shall be proclaimed by the COMELEC based on the list of names submitted by the respective parties, organizations, or coalitions according to their ranking in said list.  The law intended to attain the broadest possible representation of party, sectoral, or group interests in the Lower House. However, political and legal questions have marred the law’s salience and relevance since its implementation in 1998. Problems of Political Parties  Candidate-based voting has been a common feature of every election in the country. Filipino voters were forced by influence and dire circumstances to vote on personalities and not parties. Political parties usually cease to matter or be visible after elections. o Even during elections, party affiliation and/or identification and party platform do not necessarily become contestation’s central focus.  Reasons why the ability of political parties to shape the government’s political/policy agenda is limited and with less impact: o Behavioral explanation = tendency of party representatives to change his goals from party- oriented to self-oriented once they are elected.  They may pursue three (3) goals: re-election, constituency interests, and good public policy. But in most cases, their behavior inside Congress is influenced by electorally- induced preferences and/or priorities.  This explains the frequent party-switching and political turncoats (e.g., most of the Lower House's supermajority who are PDP-LABAN members today were once Liberal Party members when Noynoy Aquino was the president). o Structural explanation = the political parties are weakly institutionalized, or they lack programmatic agenda, cohesion in their organizations, and the formal mechanisms to discipline their members who commit mistakes. These are the features that usually mark genuine, strong, and mature political parties.  The largest political parties are characterized by a lack of meaningful platforms, high frequency of party-switching, short-term coalition building, factionalism, numerous dissolutions, and re-emergences. 06 Handout 2 *Property of STI Page 2 of 7  SH1688  “Labyrinthine” political landscape = many political parties with almost similar, but meaningless names compete in a highly complex election system every three years (Ufen 2007).  Historical precedent = political parties remained centered around notable individuals and functioned almost solely as electoral vehicles. These are anchored on clientelistic, parochial, and personal inducements due to elites' power rather than on issues, ideologies, and party platforms.  Factors of the weakly institutionalized party system in the Philippines: o Elite dominance both at the national and local levels  Strong local elites have captured political parties as power bases and subordinated the national party apparatus to local and regional leaders through the politics of clientelism, patrimonialism, and bossism. o Resilience of political dynasties  They have become the natural unit of political organizations, adopting the role of long- lived organizations that allow politicians to commit to policy platforms with longer horizons but with particularistic demands rather than aggregate interests (Querubin 2011). o Deeply embedded political patronage in the whole political system  The indiscriminate use of political patronage and access to state resources encourage greater political turncoats (Teehankee 2006).  Party realignment, in its most abused sense or form, usually characterize every opening of a new Congress. Congress members always gravitate to the party of the country's newly-elected president, explaining the party coalitions at the beginning. o Lack of reliable and sustainable sources of party funding  Because parties do not have official state funding, government patronage to build support is used as a substitute for party organization and institutionalization (Hicken 2006). o Institutional gaps within the political system  Traditional political parties continue to abuse the party-list system for gaining additional seats in Congress to increase their political clout.  This can be seen in the 2013 Supreme Court ruling when it decided to adopt “new parameters” in the qualification of party-lists, enabling traditional politicians to be in a party-list even though they are not part of their group's sector supposedly representing. o National and regional party-lists do not need to organize along sectoral lines and do not need to represent any “marginalized and underrepresented” sector. o Political parties can participate in party-list elections as long as they do not participate in legislative district elections. However, political parties that participate in these district elections can still participate in party-list elections if they have a separate sectoral group linked to them. o It is enough that the principal advocacy of a sectoral party pertains to the special interest and concerns of the sector that lack “well-defined political constituencies” (e.g., professionals, the elderly, women, and the youth). o Nominees of a party-list can be not a part of the sector it represents, as long as they have a “track record of advocacy.”  Lack of political party law and the lack of legislation that regulates financing and fundraising.  Bills that prohibit political dynasties do not pass from one Congress to another. Section 26 of the 1987 Constitution states that “the State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined in law.” 06 Handout 2 *Property of STI Page 3 of 7  SH1688 CIVIL SOCIETY (pp. 165-170) Defining Civil Society  Bratton (1991, cited in Serrano 1994, 128): it is the “arena for organizing governance, material activities, and intellectual, moral, and cultural aspects of communities.” o The state-civil society interaction can be likened to a Ying-Yang metaphor in the contemporary context.  Serrano (1994, 128): it represents the “politics of consent” while the State represents the “politics of domination,” so they are both needed to complete the process of governance. o It represents the values and normative framework for governance, while the State represents the structures of governance.  Silliman and Noble (1998b, 13): it is the voluntary “politically active popular sector” of society. It is a domain that is independent or autonomous, although it seeks benefits, policy changes, or accountability from the state. o It does not seek to gain formal power or overthrow the state, yet it is concerned with the public rather than private ends. o It is rule-abiding because it operates by a set of shared norms that eschew violence at a minimum and respect pluralism. o It encompasses masses of citizens engaged in the public interest, social movements, and NGOs acting in the public sphere. o It excludes the household, profit-making enterprises, political parties, and groups striving to control the state through armed rebellion.  Rivera (1998, 251): It is a “complex product of the country’s colonial past and the history of political struggles before and after World War II”. Sectors of Civil Society  Traditionally land-based agro-exporting oligarchy = its most aggressive members would later diversify into the country’s highly protected and oligopolies business sector.  Churches = with its national network of parishes and lay activists, educational institutions, media outlets, and various property holdings, the Catholic church commands an impressive material infrastructure that has been used for political intervention. o In the past, it did not hesitate to flex its political muscle as it showed in the 1986 EDSA uprising against Marcos. Today, it continues to intervene in significant contemporary policy debates.  Mass media enterprises and practitioners = represent diverse economic and political interests. While media ownership is built around identifiable business and political interests, its practitioners, particularly in the print media, have exercised a level of autonomy from controlling interests unrivaled in the region.  People’s organizations (POs) and developmental non-governmental organizations (NGOs) = rooted in a long tradition of popular militancy and resurgent nationalism that peaked during the struggle against Marcos dictatorship; these represent various classes, gender, ethnic, and sectoral interests (Rivera 1998, 253). o Important institutional vehicles for mobilizing, articulating, and aggregating peoples’ interests and political demands. They do not only organize communities and advocate for issues but also mediate between the dominant sectors of the society and the disadvantaged. o NGOs = private, nonprofit, and non-membership groups formed to provide welfare and development services to the poor. They take a direct role in implementing development programs for the poor, usually by working with groups they help form. o POs = local, nonprofit, membership-based groups that organize and mobilize members to support collective welfare goals while articulating their aims and objectives within the more general development discourse.  The 1987 Constitution promotes the role and the rights of NGOs and POs through its institutionalization in Philippine development: o Article II, Section 23 = The State shall encourage non-governmental, community-based, or sectoral organizations that promote the nation's welfare. 06 Handout 2 *Property of STI Page 4 of 7  SH1688 o Art XIII, Sec. 15 = The State shall respect the role of independent POs to enable the people to pursue and protect, within the democratic framework, their legitimate and collective interests and aspirations through peaceful and lawful means.  POs are bona fide associations of citizens with demonstrated capacity to promote the public interest and identifiable leadership, membership, and structure. o Art XIII, Sec. 16 = The people and their organizations' right to effective and reasonable participation at all levels of social, political, and economic decision-making shall not be abridged. The State shall, by law, facilitate the establishment of adequate consultation mechanisms. Reasons for Proliferation of NGOs and POs 1. NGOs emerged out of the various social movements that sought to transform our society. a. Social movements = collective challenges by people with a common purpose and solidarity in sustained interaction with elites, opponents, and authorities (Tarrow 1994, 3-4). b. These groups came from the reactions against the Philippine state's failure to address social and economic problems. These reactions turned into outright opposition to the state after the declaration of Martial Law. i. The student movement of the late 1960s and early 1970s produced the “first generation” of NGO leaders. The movement to oppose the forced relocation of the urban poor produced some of the earlier NGOs like the Zone One Tondo Organization (ZOTO). c. Branches of the Philippine Left also formed their groups. i. National Democrats (Nat-Dem) = after the Martial Law declaration in 1972, nat-Dems saw the NGOs as a vehicle for attracting the support of specific sectors to the communist-led armed struggle against the state, by the National Democratic movement. ii. Social Democrats (Soc-Dem) = they modeled after European-style democratic socialism as they reject communism. One group was the Katipunan ng Demokratikong Sosyalista ng Pilipinas (KDSP) to propagate social democracy and counter national democratic ideas. d. Groups that emanated from the human rights movement: i. Free Legal Assistance Group (FLAG), Protestant Lawyers’ League of the Philippines (PLLP), Movement of Attorney for Brotherhood, Integrity, and Nationalism, Inc. (MABINI), and Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates (PAHRA). e. The women’s movement, rooted in the broad political left in the country, was also linked to the emergence of NGOs which focus on women’s issues and concerns: i. General Assembly Binding Women for Reforms, Integrity, Equality, Leadership, and Action (GABRIELA), Kilusan ng Kababaihan na Tumataguyod sa Demokrasya (KABATID), and Women’s Legal Bureau (WLB). f. Groups that emerged out of the environmental movement: i. Philippine Environmental Action Network (PEAN), Green Forum-Philippines, Task Force Macajalar in Mindanao. ii. Some grew out of the broad social movement like The Philippine Partnership for the Development of Human Resources in Rural Areas (PhilDHRRA) and Katipunan ng Samahang Magsasaka (KASAMA). 2. Foreign funding and institutional support were also linked to the proliferation of NGOs. a. Foreign assistance came from both church-related and secular organizations from solidarity networks in Europe, Japan, and America, providing financial and technical assistance to grassroots support organizations. b. Increase of official development assistance (ODA) from the member states of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). c. The top-down “blueprint” approach of the public sector during the late 1960s failed to deliver developmental goals, so the foreign funding increased. The debt crisis in the 1980s and the 06 Handout 2 *Property of STI Page 5 of 7  SH1688 resulting massive increase in poverty prompted too the international NGOs to expand their scale of operations to more countries. d. “Rolling back the state” and “good governance” discourse = gave prominence to NGOs because it called for citizens' greater participation in national development planning. i. American and American-based agencies like the World Bank and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) turned to NGOs for their development programs (and its supposed reputation for innovation, promotion of local participation, and reaching the poor). 3. NGOs expanded exponentially during the Corazon Aquino presidency because of the government’s preference for these groups and the policy of channeling financial resources to grassroots groups. a. Around 400 NGOs received an estimated 1 billion pesos from the President’s Social Fund to finance potable water systems, school buildings, livelihood projects, and disaster area rehabilitation. b. The Department of Trade and Industry, through its National Livelihood Support Fund and Tulong sa Tao program, provided loans to NGOs and cooperatives. c. They became important players in the country’s re-democratization after the dictatorship. Before, they were only at the margin of dominant political forces in society. Still, over the years, they have positioned as a “key participant political force”, especially in enhancing democracy in the country. ELECTORAL SYSTEM (pp. 172-174)  This is the set of rules and procedures that govern the conduct of elections. o It translates votes into seats that are won by parties and candidates. o One of the most straightforward institutions that can affect changes in representation, participation, and even conflict management if properly and thoughtfully done.  The election of officials under the presidential system of our country follows the method for electing the chief executive or the Philippines' president: through direct voting. Other Means of Voting  The electorate does not just vote during the regularly-held elections for various national and local elective posts. The electorate also exercises their right to vote in the following: o Plebiscite = a popular vote conducted to determine the electorate’s view on proposed permanent changes to the state’s political structure. o Referendum = a popular vote regarding the soundness of a law proposed by a lawmaking body. o Recall = a constitutional measure that empowers the citizens to officially remove a local official, even before completing his term of office due to loss of public confidence. o Initiative = the method by which a given percentage of the electorate may officially propose a law to (1) propose changes in the Constitution, (2) enact a piece of national legislation, and (3) pass local ordinances.  Constitutional requirements for the initiative and referendum (Article VI, Section 32) o The Congress shall, as early as possible, provide for a system of initiative and referendum, and the exceptions therefrom, whereby the people can directly propose and enact laws or approve and reject any act or law or part thereof passed by the Congress or local legislative body, o after the registration of a petition therefor signed by at least ten per centum (10%) of the total number of registered voters, every legislature district must be represented by at least three per centum (3%) of the registered voters thereof. 06 Handout 2 *Property of STI Page 6 of 7  SH1688 Features and Dynamics of Presidential Election in the Philippines Reference Mendoza, D.J., and Melegrito, M.L.F (2016). Politics Without Borders: Philippine Politics and Governance. Phoenix Publishing House, Inc. 06 Handout 2 *Property of STI Page 7 of 7