Of Conspiracy Theories PDF

Of Conspiracy Theories Author(s): Brian L. Keeley Source: The Journal of Philosophy , Mar., 1999, Vol. 96, No. 3 (Mar., 1999), pp. 109-126 Published by: Journal of Philosophy, Inc. Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2564659 JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers,...

Of Conspiracy Theories Author(s): Brian L. Keeley Source: The Journal of Philosophy , Mar., 1999, Vol. 96, No. 3 (Mar., 1999), pp. 109-126 Published by: Journal of Philosophy, Inc. Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2564659 JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Philosophy This content downloaded from 198.161.51.64 on Fri, 11 Oct 2024 17:47:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  * * THE JOURNAL OF PHILOSOPHY VOLUME XCVI, NO. 3, MARCH 1999 OF CONSPIRACY THEORIESt "The only thought which philosophy brings with it, in regard to history, is the simple thought of Reason- the thought that Reason rules the world, and that world history has therefore been rational in its course." G.W. F. Hegel, The Philosophy o/ History "Shit happens." - Popular contemporary bumper-sticker slogan r Nhe millennium is nigh, and with each passing year, the Ameri- can consciousness is increasingly in the grip of conspiratorial _ - thinking.l Some conspiracy theories are the stuff of legend. Every year best-selling books are published, block-buster movies pro- duced, and high-rated television and radio programs aired which seek to convince us that Lee Harvey Oswald did not act alone in the assassination of John F. Kennedy; that, in 1947, an alien spacecraft crashed near Roswell, New Mexico, and the United States govern- 8 I wish to thank my philosophical colleagues at Washington University/St. Louis, where this paper was originally presented. Special thanks to David Hilditch, Pim Haselager, Pete Mandik, Jim Moore, and Chase Wrenn for insightful com- ments and discussion. ' Conspiracy theory has not been given much attention by philosophers. In fact, I am aware of only a handful of discussions: for example, Karl Popper, The Open So- ciety and Its Enemies, Volume 2: The High Tide of Prothecy: Hegel, Marx, and the After- math (London: Routledge, 1966, 5th ed.), pp. 94-99; and Charles Pigden, "Popper Revisited, or What Is Wrong with Conspiracy Theories?" Philosophy of the Social Sci- ences, xxv (1993): 3-34. I believe that the reason for this omission is that most acad- emics simply find the conspiracy theories of popular culture to be silly and without merit. I believe, however, that it is incumbent on philosophers to provide analysis of the errors involved in common delusions, if that is indeed what they are. I offer this paper in the spirit of Philip Kitcher's work on the philosophical difficulties of scientific creationism Abusing Science: The Case against Creationism (Cambridge: MIT, 1982). 0022-36SX/99/9603/109-26 (C) 1999 TheJournal of Philosophy, Inc. 109 This content downloaded from 198.161.51.64 on Fri, 11 Oct 2024 17:47:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 110 THEJOURNAL OF PHILOSOPHY ment recovered the craft and its extraterrestrial occupants, then cov- ered up with stories of crashed weather balloons; that the rapid in- troduction of crack cocaine into America's urban centers during the late 1980s was facilitated by Central Intelligence Agency-backed, Nicaraguan Contra-affiliated, drug smugglers. This plot benefitted both the CIA (by channelling money to the Contras after Colonel Oliver North's Iranian arms deals had been uncovered) and their status quo seeking supporters (by keeping the economic and cul- tural boot fUlrmly on the neck of Black America). Here is a test of your conspiracy literacy. How many of the follow- ing conspiracy theories have you heard about before? How many are you tempted to believe have merit? (1) HIV (human immunodeficiency virus), the virus that causes AIDS (acquired immune deficiency syndrome), was the product of Ameri- can or Soviet biological warfare research before it was released (ei- ther intentionally or otherwise) on an unsuspecting world. (2) Extraterrestrials regularly visit our planet, mutilating cattle and ab- ducting humans (whose memories are then erased). Our govern- ment is aware of this situation. (3) Los Angeles once had an efficient mass transit system based on street-cars, but in the 1930s and 1940s automakers, rubber manufac- turers, and oil companies colluded with city officials there to dis- mantle this system in order that Los Angeles could become a model city of automobile-based transportation. (4) Trans World Airlines Flight 800 was accidentally downed by a U. S. Navy luissile; a fact then covered up by a government fearful of bad press in an era of post-Cold War luilitary downsizing. (5) All transatlantic communications are monitored and recorded by the U. S. National Security Agency. (6) Significant aspects of the world economy are under the control of a small group of individuals, be they Freemasons, the Trilateral Com- mission, or a secret organization ofJewish bankers. I could go on. The point of this list is to make clear just how perva- sive conspiracy theory now is. Prognostication is a dangerous busi- ness, but I predict that future cultural critics and sociologists are going to have as much to say about our contemporary obsession with conspiracies as they now have to say concerning the implications of the 1950s American fascination with UnidentifUled Flying Objects and extraterrestrial invasions. The present essay is epistemological, however, not sociological. I contend that the study of conspiracy theories can shed light on the nature of theoretical explanation. Conspiracy theories, as a general This content downloaded from 198.161.51.64 on Fri, 11 Oct 2024 17:47:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  OF CONSPIRACY THEORIES lll category, are not necessarily wrong. In fact, as the cases of Watergate and the Iran-Contra affair illustrate, small groups of powerful indi- viduals do occasionally seek to affect the course of history, and with some nontrivial degree of success. Moreover, the available, compet- ing explanations both official and othetwise occasionally repre- sent dueling conspiracy theories, as we shall see in the case of the Oklahoma City bombing. The deElnition of conspiracy theory poses unexpected diffUlculties. There seems to exist a strong, common intuition that it is possible to delineate a set of explanations let us call them unwarranted conspiracy theories (UCTs).2 It is thought that this class of explanation can be dis- tinguished analytically from those theories which deserve our assent. The idea is that we can do with conspiracy theories what David Hume3 did with miracles: show that there is a class of explanations to which we should not assent, by deJinition. One clear moral of the present essay is that this task is not as simple as we might have heretofore imagined. Before continuing, I should emphasize that at no point should the reader conclude that I am giving arguments for or against the truth of any given explanation. The issue here is not whether aliens are in- deed visiting our planet, or whether Oswald acted alone. Ultimately, in these cases, there is a historical fact of the matter. These facts are not manifest, however, and we must theorize and speculate as to what has happened. The issue here is one of warranted belief. In other words, it may well be correct that "the trutla is out there," but given our epistemic situation, we ought not necessarily believe every- thing which is, in fact, true. In tllis respect, we are in the same situa- tion as Hume. As Thomas Huxley observed, Hume cannot say that miracles have never happened, only that, even if they have, we have no warrant to believe them. Hume has no way of determining, with certainty, whetherJesus turned stone into bread and fed the multi- tude. Maybe He did or maybe he did not. Hume is in a position, how- ever, to say whether we ought to believe this miracle occurred given the evidence at hand (or even given the possible evidence at hand). Understanding why we are not warranted in believing certain con- spiracy theories can make clearer why we ought to believe the things ) Other, less charitable, readers have suggested such labels as 'kooky', 'weirdo?, and 'harebrained', among others. W1lile colorful, I do not find such terminology conducive to serious discussion. 5 "Of Miracles" (section x of Enquiries concetning Human Understcznding, 1748), reprinted in S Tweyman, ed., Hunle on Miracles (Bristol: Thoemmes, 1996), pp. 1- 20. 4 "The Order of Nature: Miracles" (chapter VII of Huxley's Huszle, 1881), reprinted in Tweyman, pp. 161-68. This content downloaded from 198.161.51.64 on Fri, 11 Oct 2024 17:47:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  THEJOURNAL OF PHILOSOPHY 112 that we should. I propose to make a study of UC where they go wrong, attempt to tell a story about explanation properly conducted. In the following section, I shall turn to a recent event that has spawned a significant number of conspiracy theories: the Okla- homa City bombing. This discussion of a real event and the conspiracy theories (some warranted, some not) will help me illustrate the analysis provided in the rest of the paper. In section III, I shall discuss the prob- lem of trying to define UCTs and illustrate the difficulties for finding analytic criteria for distinguishing good from bad conspiracy theories. I turn to the alleged virtues of UCTs in section IV in order to explain both their current popularity as well as the grounds we have for ulti- mately rejecting them. Such explanations feature significant degrees of explanatory breadth and are not simply unfalsifiable in nature. But continued belief in a UCT requires more and more pervasive skepti- cism in people and public institutions. This leads me in section v to a discussion of conspiratorial thinking in the context of competing vi- sions of the nature of the world. I suggest that confronting UCTs forces us to choose between the pervasive skepticism entailed by these theo- ries and an absurdist view of the world entailed by their rejection. I con- clude this by suggesting that it is philosophy's job to show us the way out of dilemma. II To give us a concrete example of conspiracy theory in action, it is necessary to deal with one in some detail. The detail is relevant be- cause it is from the details of such events that UCTs take their start. I hope the reader will excuse this short diversion. At a few minutes past nine on the morning of Wednesday, April 19, 1995, a Ryder rental truck parked in front of the nine-story A1- fred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma is torn apart by a powerful explosion. Some 168 people, including- most tragically nineteen children in the building's day-care center, are killed in what has since been designated the single worst act of terrorism ever carried out on American soil. As emergency personnel move in to rescue survivors from the rub- ble, a huge federal investigation is launched. Initial suspicion falls upon possible Middle-Eastern terrorists. This turns out to be a dead- end.5 After tracing the destroyed truck to Elliott's Body Shop inJunc- tion City, Kansas, attention is soon focused on two white males in their twenties. Composite sketches of"John Doe #1" and "John Doe 5 Although not before Oklahoma resident alld American citizen, Abrahim Ah- mad, is detained in London, strip-searched, and returned to the United States in shackles. He is quickly ruled out as a suspect and released. This content downloaded from 198.161.51.64 on Fri, 11 Oct 2024 17:47:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  OF CONSPIRACY THEORIES 113 #2" are released to the public on the following day. A nationwide manhunt ensues. Meanwhile, it happens that at 10:20 am on the morning of the bombing, OffUlcer Charles Hanger of the Oklahoma State Troopers spotted a northbound 1977 Mercury Marquis on Interstate 35 ap- proximately sixty miles north of Oklahoma City. The car was travel- ling at eighty miles per hour and lacked visible license plates. OffUlcer Hanger pulled the car over without incident, but as he approached the lone driver, he noticed a suspicious bulge under the driver's jacket. The driver volunteered that he was indeed armed, at which point the officer drew his own weapon, pointed it at the head of the driver, and disarmed him of a loaded pistol and a sheathed fUlve-inch bladed knife. The driver, twenty-six-year-old Persian Gulf War vet- eran Timothy McVeigh, was arrested on charges of transporting a loaded weapon, carrying a concealed weapon, and operating a mo- tor vehicle without license plates. McVeigh was still in a cell awaiting arraignment two days later, when he was identified as "John Doe #1" and linked to the Oklahoma City bombing. The investigation continued and, some two years later, McVeigh, along with Terry Nichols and Michael Fortier, were convicted in con- nection with the case. McVeigh and Nichols were tried on a charge of "Use of a Weapon of Mass Destruction," and several other counts, including eleven counts of First-degree Murder for the eleven fed- eral agents killed in the blast. (The government contends that the defendants intentionally set out to kill federal agents.) Fortier plead guilty to lesser crimes in relation to the bombing in return for his testimony against McVeigh and Nichols. Nichols was convicted on manslaughter and conspiracy charges, but the jury refused to convict him of the more serious crime of murder. McVeigh was convicted on all counts and sentenced to death. In its cases against McVeigh and Nichols, the government con- tended that McVeigh, Nichols, and Fortier planned and carried out the bombing of the Oklahoma City federal building as an act of terrorism against what they saw as a powerful and dangerous governmental entity. (The government claims that McVeigh and his co-conspirators were inspired in part by A. MacDonald's The Turner Diaries,6 a novel which describes a racial revolution in America and which begins with a small group bombing the Fed- eral Bureau of Investigation headquarters in Arlington, Virginia.) McVeigh, so goes the story, was particularly upset by the deadly 6 (Washington, D.C.: National Alliance, 1978; New York: Barricade, 1996, Snd edltion) latter cited here. This content downloaded from 198.161.51.64 on Fri, 11 Oct 2024 17:47:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 114 THEJOURNAL OF PHILOSOPHY federal raid of the Branch Davidian compound in Waco, Texas, and sought to avenge the deaths of these victims of federal heavy- handedness. (The Oklahoma City bombing occurred on the sec- ond anniversary of the fiery end of the Waco stand-off.) So, McVeigh (trained in explosives by the U. S. Army) and Nichols constructed a powerful ammonium nitrate and fuel oil bomb in the back of a rented truck and detonated it in front of the Okla- homa City federal building. The bombing provides us with a nice example of the dynamics of conspiracy theol. Within days of the event, questions were raised about the official account of the bombing (itself calling for a con- spiracy): Did McVeigh, Nichols, and Fortier act on their own, or were they a small part of a larger team? Were they set up as "patsies" to take the fall for the crime, as Oswald claimed he was before Jack Ruby gunned hina down? Was the bombing perhaps carried out ei- ther directly or indirectly by elements within the U. S. government who wished to sway public sentiment toward greater law-enforce- ment powers and against "far right-wing" ideologues who have been increasingly setting themselves at odds with federal authorities? Many such questions have been raised in the years following the bombing. The grounds for such conspiracy theories are investigated in a book, OKBomb! Conspiracy and Cover-up, byJim Keith (perhaps best known for his 1995 Black Helicopters over Ameraca: Strakeforce for the New World Order).7 Keith does not endorse any particular alternative ac- count, but instead raises many issues and questions for the offUlcial account. For example, he casts doubt upon the alleged guilt of the government's prime suspect by listing eleven, "striking incongruities in the behavior of Timothy McVeigh prior to and during his arrest," including the following: (1) "Of high curiosity is the fact that McVeigh, even though reported to possess fake I.D. under [other names], chose to give his correct name and address to the owner of the Dreamland Motel he was stay- ing at in Junction City (just prior to the bombing]. This is hardly the behavior of a man planning on committillg a crime of the mag- nitude of the Oklahoma City bombing."8 (2) We are to believe that McVeigh was fleeing the scene of the crime ill a car without license plates: "All the car seemingly lacked was a big sign saying 'Arrest me!"' ( ibid., p. 23). 7 Lilburn, GA: IllumiNet, 1996 and 1995, respectively. 8 OKBomb, pp. 28-29. This content downloaded from 198.161.51.64 on Fri, 11 Oct 2024 17:47:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  OF CONSPIRACY THEORIES 115 (3) "If McVeigh had just takell part in the bombing of the Murrah Building [...], is it likely that he, armed with a pistol, would have let a police officer approach his car without resisting him? As a man trained in the use of small arms, McVeigh would not have had much trouble ill gunning the officer down from withill the protectioll of the car" (ibid., p. 30). (4) Whell McVeigh was arrested, he gave as his address the property of James Nichols, the brother of Terry Nichols, allegedly the place where tlle bomb-making materials were stored: "Does it make any sense that McVeigh wotlld have pointed the FBI to his alleged part- ner or partners in crime..." ( ibid., p. 31 ) ? Keith adds to the above observations the following: there were early news reports suggesting that the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms (BATF) had received prior warning of the bombing, a claim supported by the fact that no BATF employees were in the building at the time of the blast, but were on the scene within min- utes. The BATF vociferously deny that they were forewarned, but no explanation has ever been given of the early reports. And there is the mysterious "John Doe #2" never caught and left unexplained by the official story that led to the convictions of McVeigh and Nichols. The answer to these questions and others raised in Keith's book are intended to lead the reader to the conclusion that all is not as we have been led to believe. Probing beneath the surface of the facts of the case as they have been presented in the mainstream tnedia re- veals the real possibility that the Oklahoma City bombing may have not been the act of a lone group of politically-motivated criminals, but rather suggests something much bigger and much more sinister. One popular conspiracy theory related to the bombing goes like this: a group of right-wing ideologues (including McVeigh, Nichols, Fortier, and the mysterious John Doe #2) were indeed plotting to blow up a federal building. Their actions were being monitored by the BATF, however. (On some accounts, their actions were being in- fluenced by the BATF. John Doe #2 was actually a BATF informer, or perhaps even a plant. The BATF hoped that swooping in and sting- ing a group of "dangerous, right-wing terrorists" at the vety last mo- ment would do much to erase their public image as an organization of bumbling incompetents resulting from the fiasco in Waco.) In any case, McVeigh and his friends were involved, but only tangentially. McVeigh helps assemble the bomb, but he is unaware of the exact plans for its use, or is actively misled. At the last tnoment, the BATF screws up, loses contact with the group or are outsmarted by them This content downloaded from 198.161.51.64 on Fri, 11 Oct 2024 17:47:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  116 THEJOURNAL OF PHILOSOPHY and the terrorists successfully carry out their act of terror. McVeigh unaware that the bombing has occurred is picked up by the police. The BATF realize that they have a public relations night- mare on their hands: they knew about the bombing, but through sheer incompetence and a desire to grandstand, failed to prevent it. When McVeigh is picked up in an unrelated incident, they see their chance to cover up their own involvement in and knowledge of the incident. He is the perfect patsy because he does have some involve- ment in the incident, but does not know the whole stoxy. Notice that this account is not completely without plausibility. The BATF does have a public image of incompetence and institutional in- security. On most accounts, they fouled up the original raid on the Branch Davidian compound because they were more interested in national television coverage than in competent law enforcement. It makes sense to suggest that this is an image they are actively seeking to overcome. Also, this would not be the first time that a federal un- dercover agent has incited not-so-innocent citizens almost to carry out crimes they might not have without such encouragement. Fi- nally, it certainly would not be the first time that a law-enforcement agency has covered up the fact that it has incompetently allowed a crime to be committed. III What is a conspiracy theory? A conspiracy theory is a proposed expla- nation of some historical event (or events) in terms of the significant causal agency of a relatively small group of persons the conspira- tors acting in secret. Note a few things about this definition. First, a conspiracy theory deserves the appellation "theory," because it prof- fers an explanation of the event in question. It proposes reasons why the event occurred. Second, a conspiracy theory need not propose that the conspirators are all powerful, only that they have played some pivotal role in bringing about the event. They can be seen as merely setting events in motion. Indeed, it is because the conspira- tors are not omnipotent that they must act in secret, for if they acted in public, others would move to obstruct them. Third, the group of conspirators must be small, although the upper bounds are necessar- ily vague. Technically speaking, a conspiracy of one is no conspiracy at all, but rather the actions of a lone agent. This then might be considered a bare-bones definition of conspir- acy theory, be it warranted or otherwise. UCTs at least the ones that concern me in this essay have a number of additional charac-.. terlstlcs: (1) A UCT is an explanation that runs counter to some received, offi- This content downloaded from 198.161.51.64 on Fri, 11 Oct 2024 17:47:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  OF CONSPIRACY THEOR1ES 117 cial, or "obvious" account. Central to any UCT is an offUlcial story that the conspiracy theory must undermine and cast doubt upon. Furthermore, the presence of a "cover story" is often seen as the most damning piece of evidence for any given conspiracy; the fact that someone has gone to such pains to create a false explanation points to a conscious effort to de- ceive. (2) The true intentions behind the conspiracy are invariably nefarious. I am aware of no popular conspiracy theory according to which some group of powerful individuals is secretly doing good but desper- ately hopes its schemes will not be revealed. (3) UCTs typically seek to tie together seemingly unrelated events. You might think that the Oklahoma City bombing had nothing to do the 1995 Sarin gas attack in the Tokyo subway. What if I told you, however, that the appropriate anniversary was not the federal raid in Waco (which occurred two years earlier to the day) but rather the next day, one month to the day since the gas attack in Tokyo? The connection is that the attack in Tokyo was carried out by the CIA in retaliation for the Japanese bugging of the Clinton White House, all part of an ever-escalatingJapanese-American trade war. So the Okla- homa City bombing was a "pay-back" hit carried out by the Japan- ese....9 As will be discussed below, this unifying aspect of conspiracy theories is a key feature of their apparent explanatory strength. (4) As noted, the truths behind events explained by conspiracy theories are typically well-guarded secrets, even if the ultimate perpetrators are sometimes well-known public figures. What seems to drive many conspiracy theorists is the deeply held be- lief that, if only the truth can be publicly revealed (in much the way that Bob Woodward, Carl Bernstein, and "Deep Throat" exposed the Watergate break-ins), the conspirators' nefarious plans will be thwarted. Therefore, it is in the interest of conspirators to see to it that the truth is not revealed, or if it is, that it is not widely believed. (5) The chief tool of the conspiracy theorist is what I shall call errant data. 9 Let me note here that I am not making this stuff up. Throughout this paper, the examples I offer all come from sources other than myself. For example, see Keith's OKBomb!, chapter 21, for more on the "Japanese connection" to the Oklahoma City bombing. This content downloaded from 198.161.51.64 on Fri, 11 Oct 2024 17:47:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 118 THEJOURNAL OF PHILOSOPHY Errant data come in two classes: (a) unaccounted-for data and (b) contradictory data. Unaccounted-for data do not contradict the re- ceived account, but are data that fall through the net of the received explanation. They are data that go unexplained by the received ac- count. For example, the early reports that the BATF had prior warn- ing of the Oklahoma City bombing and the fact that no BATF employees were in the building at the time of the explosion repre- sent unaccounted-for data with respect to the received account of the bombing. Contradictory data are data that, if true, would contra- dict the received account. McVeigh's manifest idiocy in fleeing the scene of the bombing in a car without license plates is a contradic- tory datum with respect to the ofElcial account of him as conspirator- ial ringleader capable of planning and carrying out such a terrorist operation. (The role of errant data will be discussed in more detail below.) These criteria go some way toward distinguishing UCTs from con- spiratorial explanations that are less epistemically problematic. I am not concerned here with conspiracies to throw surprise birthday par- ties for friends or attempts by parents to deceive young children about the existelace of magical beings.l° Such day-to-day conspiracies typically do not meet all of these additional criteria. Surprise birthday parties are not organized for nefarious purposes, nor are they meant to be kept secret perpetually. These criteria, however, do not distin- guish UCTs from all conspiracies we are warranted in believing. Both Watergate and the Iran-Contra Affair meet all of these criteria, yet be- lief in these conspiracies seem prima facie warranted.1l There is no criterion or set of criteria that provide a priori grounds for distin- guishing warranted conspiracy theories from UCTs. The philosophi- cal difElculties of UCTs require a deeper analysis, to which I now turn. IV Conspiracy theories are attractive, a fact demonstrated by their cur- rent popularity. But their alleged virtues are subtly flawed. I shall 10 I cannot help but wonder whether conspiracy's grip on Western thought can be blamed, at least in part, on the number of conspiracies we experience as chil- dren. As we grow older, we discover just how many things adults have been system- atically lying to us about: Santa Claus, the Easter Bunny, the Tooth Fairy, where babies come from, and so on. 1t Some might balk at the "nefariousness" criterion. Presumably, North and his colleagues believed they were serving some higher good by their attempt to cir- cumvent Congress's prohibitions on funding Nicaraguan rebels. I do not wish to get into a debate over the semantics of 'nefariousness' in the Machiavellian context of politics. Suffice it to say that however one characterizes what went on the Iran- Contra Affair and Watergate, they were not completely above board. If they were, secrecy would not have been so necessary. This content downloaded from 198.161.51.64 on Fri, 11 Oct 2024 17:47:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  OF CONSPIRACY THEORIES 119 show how certain elements of conspiracy theoxy appear to be those of legitimate theoretical explanation, but argue that on closer analysis, they are not. Therefore, I am trying to do two things: (1) explain why it is that UCTs are so popular, but (2) explain why we should nonetheless fail to believe in them. They are popular, I suggest, be- cause they exhibit several well-known explanatory virtues. They are nonetheless unwarranted because they exhibit these virtues in ways that undermine the strength of those virtues. The first and foremost virtue which conspiracy theories exhibit, and which accounts for much of their apparent strength, is the virtue of unified explanation or explanatory reach. According to this virtue, all things being equal, the better theory is the one that pro- vides a unified explanation of more phenomena than competing ex- planations. Unified explanation is the sine qua non of conspiracy theories. Conspiracy theories always explain more than competing theories, because by invoking a conspiracy, they can explain both the data of the received account and the errant data that the received theory fails to explain. So, for example, in our case of the Oklaholua City bombing, conspiracy theories explain the data of the ofElcial story. On the account discussed above, the bombing was carried out by terrorists of which the BATF and other agencies were aware, but, due to sheer incompetence, failed to stop. This theory explains why and how the Murrah building came to be bombed. Furthermore, it explains the various errant data: for example, why no BATF person- nel were in the building (they were forewarned) and the bizarre be- havior of McVeigh (who was innocent of the crime and hence not expecting to be framed by federal agents in search of a scapegoat). This is the beauty of conspiracy theories. They offer wonderfully unified accounts of all the data at hand, both those the official story explains, plus those niggling, overlooked errant data. As I shall now try to show, however, UCTs obtain unity of explanation at too high a cost. The role of errant data in UCTs is critical. The typical logic of a UCT goes something like this: begin with errant facts, such as the ob- servation that no BATF employees were injured in the Oklahoma City bombing and the early reports of prior warning. The official story all but ignores this data. What can explain the intransigence of the official story tellers in the face of this and other contravening evi- dence? Could they be so stupid and blind? Of course not; they must be intentionally ignoring it. The best explanation is some kind of conspiracy, an intentional attempt to hide the truth of the matter from the public eye. This content downloaded from 198.161.51.64 on Fri, 11 Oct 2024 17:47:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 120 THEJOURNAL OF PHILOSOPHY By invoking a conspiracy hypothesis, large amounts of "evidence" are thrown into question. This is one of the most curious features of these theories: to my knowledge, conspiracy theories are the only theories for which evidence against them is actually construed as evi- dence in favor of them. The more evidence piled up by the authori- ties in favor of a given theory, the more the conspiracy theorist points to how badly "They" must want us to believe the official story. Let me note two things at this point. First, conspiracy theories are not alone in placing great emphasis on errant data. The history of science is replete with examples of theoretical innovation initiated by an investigation into data that did not fit the standard paradigm. It is a good pragmatic heuristic for scientific effort to be expended on chasing after errant data, in the hopes that these loose strings might lead to the unraveling of currently misguided theory. What conspiracy theories get wrong, however, is that the existence of er- rant data alone is not a significant problem with a theory. Given the imperfect nature of our human understanding of the world, we should expect that even the best possible theory would not explain all the available data. One's theory should not fit all the available data, because not all the available data are, in fact, true.lS Invariably, some of our measurements, some of our interpretations and other theo- ries get something wrong about the nature of the world. Second, the problematic of conspiracy theories goes beyond sim- ple false data. If the only problem with UCTs was that they place too much emphasis on small sets of data at odds with an official account, then that would not make them a very interesting phenomenon. Conspiracy theories differ from most other theories in one very in- teresting way, however. Conspiracy theorists would rightly point out that they have one problem with which scientists are not faced. By hypothesis, the conspiracy theorist is struggling to explain phenom- ena that other, presumably powerful, agents are actively seeking to keep secret. Unlike the case of science, where nature is construed as a passive and uninterested party with respect to human-knowledge gathering activities? the conspiracy theorist is working in a domain where the investigated actively seeks to hamper the investigation. Imagine if neutrinos were not simply hard to detect, but actively sought to avoid detection! This is exactly the case with which conspiracy theorists contend we are confronted in the cases they seek to explain. This is why countervailing evidence and lack of evidence can and ought to be construed as supporting their theories. '2 I have heard this sentiment attributed to Francis Crick. This content downloaded from 198.161.51.64 on Fri, 11 Oct 2024 17:47:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  OF CONSPIRACY THEOR1ES 121 This brings rlle to the most commonly voiced cotuplaint about UCTs, namely, that they are simply unfalsifiable. The worry is that given a situation where all potentially falsifying evidence can be con- strued as supporting, or at worst as neutral evidence, then conspiracy theories are by definition unfalsifiable. In favor of conspiracy theo- rists, it should be noted that this unfalsifiability is not as ad hoc as it might initially seem, due to the active nature of the investigated, just noted. It is not ad hoc to suppose that false and misleading data will be thrown your way when one supposes that there is somebody out there actively throwing that data at you. Just ask Kenneth Starr. As evidenced by any number of twentieth centur,v, U. S. government- sponsored activities (take your pick), we have reason to believe that there exist forces with both motive and capacity to carry out effective..... dlslntormatlon campalgns. My claim here is that unfalsifiability is only a reasonable criterion in cases where we do not have reason to believe that there are power- ful agents seeking to steer our investigation away from the truth of the matter. Falsifiability is a perfectly fine criterion in the case of nat- ural science when the target of investigation is neutral with respect to our queries, but it seems much less appropriate in the case of the phenomena covered by conspiracy theories. Richard Nixon and North actively sought to divert investigations into their respective ac- tivities and both could call upon significant resources to maintain their conspiracies. They saw to it that investigators were thwarted in many of their early attempts to uncover what they accurately sus- pected was occurring. Strictly hewing to the dogma of falsifiability in these cases would have led to a rejection of conspiracy theories at too early a point in the investigations, and may have left the conspir- acies undiscovered. No, the problem with UCTs is not their unfalsifiability, but rather the increasing degree of skepticism required by such theories as positive ev- idence for the conspiracy fails to obtain. These theories throw into doubt the various institutions that have been set up to generate reliable data and evidence. In doing so, they reveal just how large a role trust in both institutions and individuals plays in the justification of our be- liefs. The problem is this: most of us including those of us who are scientists and who work in scientific laboratories full of expensive equipment have never carried out the experiments or made the em- pirical observations that support most contemporary scientific theories. Unless we want to conclude that the vast majority of us are not war- ranted in believing that the platypus is a mammal and that gold is an atomic element, we need some procedure by which the epistemic war- This content downloaded from 198.161.51.64 on Fri, 11 Oct 2024 17:47:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  THEJOURNAL OF PHILOSOPHY 122 rant obtained by those who do make the appropr be transferred to the rest of us. In modern scien volves the elaborate mechanisms of publication, p sional reputation, university accreditation, and warranted in believing the claims of science beca the result of a social mechanism of warranted belief In the public sphere where conspiracy theories d lated mechanisms for generating warranted belief press, made up of reporters, editors, and owners lish "the scoop" before others do. There are gov charged with investigating incidents, producing d Elndings. And there are, of course, various "free conspiracy theorists themselves) who are member herent in the claim that alleged evidence against construed as evidence for that theory is a pervas our public, fact-gathering institutions and the in them. Thus, as a conspiracy theory matures, attempt after attempt to falsify a conspiracy theory appears to succeed, and this apparent suc- cess must be explained as the nefarious work of the conspirators. As a result of this process, an initial claim that a small group of people is conspiring gives way to claims of larger and larger conspiracies. In the case of the Oklahoma City boznbing, the initial conspiracy only involved the BATF agents and their immediate superiors. The FBI and other federal agencies were brought into the investigation, yet did not report a BATF conspiracy. Therefore, they must have been brought into the conspiracy. Ditto for certain members of the press who must have stumbled across evidence of the conspiracy, but who have not yet disclosed it in the national media. What began as a small conspiracy on the part of a few members of a paramilitary U. S. federal agency invariably swells into a conspiracy of huge propor- tions, as positive evidence for the alleged conspiracy fails to obtain. And, as more people must be brought into the conspiracy to explain the complicity of more and more public institutions, the less believ- able the theory should become. 13 For more on the critical role of testimony in the epistemic process, see C. A. J. Coady, Testimony: A PhilosopXlical Study (New York: Oxford, 1992). For more on as- pects on the social construction of warranted belief, see Helen Longino's Science as Social Knowledge: Values and Objectivity in Scientific Inquity (Princeton: University Press, 1990), and "The Fate of Knowledge in Social Theories of Science," in Fred- erick F. Schmitt, ed., SocializingEpistemology: The Social Dimensions of Knowledge (Lan- ham, MD: Rowan and Littlefield, 1994), pp. 135-57; and Kitcher's "Socializing Knowledge," thiSJoURNAL, LXXXVIII, 11 (November 1991): 675-76, and "Contrasting Conceptions of Social Epistemology," in Schmitt, pp. 111-34. This content downloaded from 198.161.51.64 on Fri, 11 Oct 2024 17:47:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  OF CONSPIRACY THEOR1ES 123 It is this pervasive skepticism of people and public institutions en- tailed by some mature conspiracy theories which ultimately provides us with the grounds with which to identify them as unwarranted. It is not their lack of falsifiability per se, but the increasing amount of skepticism required to maintain faith in a conspiracy theory as time passes and the conspiracy is not uncovered in a convincing fashion. As this skepticism grows to include more and more people and insti- tutions, the less plausible any conspiracy becomes. Consider another famous UCT, the one claiming that the Holocaust never occurred and is a fabrication of Jews and their sympathizers. Robert Anton Wilson correctly notes that "a conspiracy that can deceive us about 6,000,000 deaths can deceive us about anythiazg, and that it takes a great leap of faith for Holocaust Revisionists to believe World War II happened at all, or that Franklin Roosevelt did serve as President from 1933 to 194S, or that Marilyn Monroe was more 'real' than King Kong or Donald Duck.''l4 In the process of holding onto a belief in an increasingly massive conspiracy behind more and more public events, we undermine the grounds for believing in anything. At some pointn we shall be forced to recognize the unwarranted nature of the conspiracy theoty if we are to left with any warranted explanations and beliefs at all. v I want to take a step back and get a handle on the broader philo- sophical issues raised by conspiracy theories and the implication of their current surge in popularity. I contend that conspiracy theories embody a thoroughly outdated world view, a perspective on the meaning of life that was more appropriate in the last century. Recog- nizing this anachronistic element of conspiratorial thought is useful, however, if it reveals something about the contemporary Zeitgeist. Furthermore, the present popularity of conspiracy theories suggests that we are now in the grip of a conflict between world views. Conspiracy theorists are, I submit, some of the last believers in an ordered universe. By supposing that current events are under the control of nefarious agents, conspiracy theories entail that such events are capable of being controllecl. In an earlier time, it would have been natural to believe in an ordered world, in which God and other supernatural agents exercised significant influence and control. With the rise of materialist science and capitalist economies peaking in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the notion of an ordered universe was still held to, but the role of the supernatural was either l4"Beyond Tlue and False: A Sneaky Quiz with a Subversive Commentary," in Ted Schultz, ed., The Fringes of Reason (New York: Harmony, 1989), pp. 170-73, here p. 172. This content downloaded from 198.161.51.64 on Fri, 11 Oct 2024 17:47:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  THEJOURNAL OF PHILOSOPHY 124 greatly diminished (as in Deism) W. F. Hegel puts it in the passage quoted in the epigraph, "world his- tory has...been rational in its course." Therefore, on this view, there is some hope that humans can understand, predict, and conceivably control the course of human events. This the conspiracy theorists be- lieve, only they further believe that the wrong folks are at the helm. Such beliefs are out of step with what we have generally come to be lieve in the late twentieth century. The rejection of conspiratorial think- ing is not simply based on the belief that conspiracy theories are false as a matter of fact. The source of the problem goes much deeper. The world as we understand it today is made up of an extremely large num- ber of interacting agents, each with its own imperfect view of the world and its own set of goals. Such a system cannot be controlled because there are simply too many agents to be handled by any small controlling group. There are too many independent degrees of freedom. This is true of the economy, of the political electorate, and of the very social, fact-gathering institutions upon which conspiracy theorists cast doubt. Even if the BATF were part of a large conspiracy to cover up their in- competence in the Oklahoma City bombing, it is implausible to believe that not a single member of the BATF stationed in Oklahoma would be moved by guilt, self-interest, or some other motivation to reveal that agency's role in the tragedy, if not to the press, then to a lover or family member. Governmental agencies, even those as regulated and con- trolled as the military and intelligence agencies, are plagued with leaks and rumors. To propose that an explosive secret could be closeted for any length of time simply reveals a lack of understanding of the nature of modern bureaucracies. Like the world itself, they are made up of too many people with too many different agendas to be easily controlled. The rejection of the conspiratorial world view, however, is not something about which I am particularly thrilled. If conspiracy theo- ries are genuinely misguided, then I fear we are left with an appar- ently absurdist image of the world. A lone gunman can change the course of history when the U. S. President just happens to drive past the window of his place of work during the gunman's lunch hour. The conspiratorial world view offers us the comfort of knowing that while tragic events occur, they at least occur for a reason, and that the greater the event, the greater and more significant the reason. Our contemporary world view, which the conspiracy theorist refuses to accept, is one in which nobody not God, not us, not even some of us is in control. Furthermore, the world (including the people in it) is uncontrollable, irrational, and absurd in a way illustrated by the plays of Eugene Ionesco and Samuel Beckett. This content downloaded from 198.161.51.64 on Fri, 11 Oct 2024 17:47:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms  OF CONSPIRAC55 THEORIES 125 It is not that the rejection of conspiratorial thinking entails that the world is random, only that it is without broad meaning and signif- icance. One can reject conspiracies about Kennedy's assassination and still hold that Oswald's behavior was caused and fully determin- istic in ways on which science can get a grip. Such a scientific under- standing of Oswald's behavior is absurdist, however, in just the sense I intend here. There was no human or rational agency responsible for his behavior on such account, only the blind workings of brain chemicals and childhood emotional traumas. Events like Kennedy's assassination and the Oklahoma City bombing have had an enor- mous emotional and meaningful impact on our world; indeed, they represent singularities after which Arnerican culture has never been the same. Conspiracy theories have as a virtue the attempt to pre- serve a human meaning a rational accounting for these sea changes which allows them to be understood in human terms. If the conspiracy theorists are wrong, then when considered from the hu- man perspective, all we seem to be able to say is that "Shit happens." Considered in this light, the challenge of conspiracy theory is that it forces us to choose between an almost nihilistic degree of skepti- cism and absurdism: the conspiracy theorist chooses to embrace the hyperskepticism inherent in supposing dissimulation on -a truly mas- sive scale (by distrusting the claims of our in-stitutions) over the ab- surdism of an irrational and essentially meaningless world. Until a third option is presented and perhaps this is one of the jobs of phi- losophy we should expect UCTs to continue enjoy significant pop- ularity. ' VI What lessons should we take away from these musings on the dynam- ics of conspiracy theory? The story I have told here seems to point to three main, related morals. First, the folly of conspiracy theories highlight the fact that we should not be overly bothered when our theories of social events fail to make sense of all the data. Invariably, not all the data are true. In particular, the irrational and fallible nature of humans should lead us to expect that some of the data generated by us are certainly wrong. Witnesses misremember the past or exhibit unconscious biases. Re- porters and government agents will get things wrong in the early mo- ments of a crisis, and will later be loathe to admit those mistakes. For this reason, a theory that has as one of its main features a unified ac- count of all of the data in a variety of seemingly unrelated occurrences should be called into question on those grounds alone. We expect our explanations to be good, but we also expect them to be imperfect. This content downloaded from 198.161.51.64 on Fri, 11 Oct 2024 17:47:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 126 THEJOURNAL OF PHILOSOPHY Second, we should be careful not to over-rationalize the world or the people that live in it. Rejecting conspiratorial thinking entails ac- cepting the meaningless nature of the human world. Just as with the physical world, where hurricanes, tornadoes, and other "acts of God" just happen, the same is true of the social world. Some people just do things. They assassinate world leaders, act on poorly thought out ide- ologies, and leave clues at the scene of the crime. Too strong a belief in the rationality of people in general, or of the world, will lead us to seek purposive explanations where none exists. The third lesson of conspiracy theories is that we ought to recog- nize such theories as embodying an almost nihilistic degree of skepti- cism about the behavior and motivations of other people and the social institutions tlley constitutc-. To the extent that a conspiracy theory relies on a global and far-reaching doubt of the motives and good will of others, it is akin to global philosophical skepticism. These extreme skeptical stances should be dealt with in the same way. We should be wary of theoretical accounts that expend more energy undermining the epistemic warrant of competing explana- tions than on generating new, positive evidence. So, in the end, what do I think of conspiracy theories? My initial mo- tivation was to present an analysis of conspiracy theories in the spirit of Hume's analysis of miracles. For Hume, miracles are by definition expla- nations that we are never warranted in believing. If my analysis here is correct, however, we cannot say the same thing about conspiracy theo- ries. They are not by definition unwarranted. (A good thing given that we want to believe in at least some conspiracies for example, Water- gate and Iran-Contra.) Instead, I suggest that there is nothing straight- forwardly analytic that allows us to distinguish between good and bad conspiracy theories. We seem to be confronted with a spectrum of cases, ranging from the believable to the highly implausible. The best we can do is track the evaluation of given theories over time and come to some consensus as to when belief in the theory entails more skepticism than we can stomach. Also, I suspect that much of the intuitive "problem" with conspiracy theories is a problem with the theorists themselves, and not a feature of the theories they produce. Perhaps the problem is a psy- chological one of not recognizing when to stop searching for hidden causes. Nonetheless, I suggest that the study of conspiracy theories, even the crazy ones, is useful, if only because it forces us clearly to distinguish between our "good" explanations and their "bad" ones. BRIAN L. KEELEY Washington University/St. Louis This content downloaded from 198.161.51.64 on Fri, 11 Oct 2024 17:47:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms