[Kathy_S._Stolley]_The_basics_of_sociology(Bookos.org).pdf

THE BASICS OF SOCIOLOGY Kathy S. Stolley GREENWOOD PRESS The Basics of Sociology The Basics of Sociology THE BASICS OF SOCIOLOGY Kathy S. Stolley Basics of the Social Sciences GREENWOOD PRESS Westport, Connecticut London Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Stolley, Kathy S. The basics of sociology / Kathy S. Stolley. p. cm.––(Basics of the social sciences) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-313-32387-9 (alk. paper) 1. Sociology. 2. Sociology––History. 3. Sociologists––Biography. 4. Internet––Social aspects. 5. Sociology––Vocational guidance. I. Title. II. Series. HM585.S77 2005 301––dc22 2004044863 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available. Copyright © 2005 by Kathy S. Stolley All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2004044863 ISBN: 0–313–32387–9 First published in 2005 Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881 An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc. www.greenwood.com Printed in the United States of America The paper used in this book complies with the Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National Information Standards Organization (Z39.48–1984). 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 To Billy and To Mrs. Elkins, Grade 3, who told our class, “Someday we’ll get to read a book that Kathy wrote.” Contents Figures and Tables xiii Sociology Timeline of Selected Events and Influential Publications xv Chapter 1: Introduction 1 What Sociology Offers 2 History of Sociology 4 Sociologists in Society 7 The Sociological Imagination 8 Sociology as an Academic Discipline 9 Sociology in a Changing World 12 Biographies 13 Auguste Comte 13 Anthony Giddens 14 Abu Zaid Abdal Rahman Ibn Khaldun 14 Harriet Martineau 15 C. Wright Mills 16 Albion Small 16 Ida B. Wells-Barnett 17 Careers in Sociology 18 Additional Resources 19 Chapter 2: Sociological Theory 21 Sociological Paradigms 21 Major Sociological Perspectives 22 Structural-Functionalism 23 Social-Conflict Theory 25 Symbolic Interactionism 27 Applying the Paradigms 29 Structural-Functionalist Perspective on Health Care 30 Social-Conflict Perspective on Health Care 30 Contents Symbolic-Interactionist Perspective on Health Care 31 Biographies 32 Jessie Bernard 33 Patricia Hill Collins 33 Niklas Luhmann 33 Karl Marx 34 Robert K. Merton 35 Talcott Parsons 36 Herbert Spencer 37 Max Weber 37 Careers in Sociology 39 Additional Resources 39 Chapter 3: Culture and Society 41 Culture 41 Types of Culture 42 Society 43 Social Structure 43 Status 44 Roles 45 Aspects of Culture 45 Values 45 Norms 46 Symbols 47 Languages 48 Diversity 49 Sociobiology 51 Globalization and the Internet 51 Biographies 53 Napoleon Chagnon 53 Marvin Harris 54 Marshall McLuhan 54 William Graham Sumner 55 Benjamin Lee Whorf 56 Edward O. Wilson 56 Careers in Sociology 57 Additional Resources 58 Chapter 4: Socialization and Social Interaction 61 Theories of Socialization 61 The Looking-Glass Self 62 The I and Me 63 Personality and Social Development 64 The Socialization Process 66 Total Institutions and Resocialization 68 Socialization and Social Interaction 69 Dramaturgy 70 Ethnomethodology and Conversation Analysis 71 Globalization and the Internet 72 viii Contents Biographies 73 Peter Berger 73 Charles Horton Cooley 74 Sigmund Freud 75 Harold Garfinkel 76 Erving Goffman 76 George Herbert Mead 77 William I. Thomas 78 Careers in Sociology 79 Additional Resources 80 Chapter 5: Social Groups and Organizations 83 Social Groups 83 Reference Groups 85 Group Size 85 Networks 86 Group Dynamics 86 Group Formation 87 Leadership 88 Power 88 Conformity 89 Obedience 90 Group Decision Making 91 Institutions and Conformity 92 Formal Organizations 93 Bureaucracy 94 Oligarchy 96 The McDonaldization of Society 96 Globalization and the Internet 98 Biographies 99 Peter M. Blau 99 George Caspar Homans 100 Rosabeth Moss Kanter 101 Kurt Lewin 102 Robert Michels 102 George Ritzer 103 Georg Simmel 103 Philip G. Zimbardo 104 Careers in Sociology 105 Additional Resources 106 Chapter 6: Deviance and Social Control 109 Theories of Deviance 111 Biological Perspectives 111 Structural-Functionalist Perspectives 112 Social Bonds 113 Structural Strain 114 Opportunity Structures 114 ix Contents Social Control 115 Social-Conflict Perspectives 116 Symbolic-Interactionist Perspectives 118 Labeling 118 The Medicalization of Deviance 120 Cultural Transmission 121 Globalization and the Internet 121 Biographies 123 Howard Becker 123 William Chambliss 124 Peter Conrad 124 Travis Hirschi 125 Cesare Lombroso 125 Coramae Richey Mann 126 Richard Quinney 127 Edwin H. Sutherland 127 Careers in Sociology 128 Additional Resources 129 Chapter 7: Stratification 131 Forms of Stratification 132 Stratification in the United States 134 Poverty 134 Sources of Stratification 137 Structural-Functionalist Perspectives 137 Social-Conflict Perspectives 139 Multidimensional Perspectives 140 Maintaining Stratification 141 Social Mobility 143 Globalization and the Internet 145 Biographies 147 Kingsley Davis 147 William Edward Burghardt Du Bois 148 Friedrich Engels 148 Immanuel Wallerstein 149 William Julius Wilson 150 Careers in Sociology 150 Additional Resources 151 Chapter 8: Population Structure, Movements, and Concentration 153 Population Change 153 Population Structures 155 Fast Population Growth 155 Slow Population Growth 155 Declining Populations 157 Theories of Demographic Change 157 Malthusian Theory 158 Demographic-Transition Theory 159 Measuring Population 160 Population and Urbanization 160 x Contents History of Urban Sociology 162 Urban Ecology 165 Urban Sociology Today 166 Suburbs 167 Nature of Urban Life and Community 169 Globalization and the Internet 170 Biographies 171 Herbert Gans 171 Mark Gottdiener 172 Thomas Robert Malthus 173 Robert Ezra Park 173 Ferdinand Toennies 174 Barry Wellman 175 Louis Wirth 176 Careers in Sociology 177 Additional Resources 177 Chapter 9: Social Change, Behavior, and Movements 179 Collective Behavior 180 Forms of Collective Behavior 180 Fashions and Fads 180 Rumors 181 Urban Legends 183 Mass Hysteria 184 Crowds 184 Theories of Collective Behavior 185 Contagion Theory 186 Emergent-Norm Theory 186 Value-Added Theory 187 Social Movements 188 Formation of Social Movements 188 Types of Social Movements 189 Decline of Social Movements 191 Theories of Social Movements 192 Resource-Mobilization Theory 192 New Social Movements 193 Globalization and the Internet 194 Biographies 195 Herbert Blumer 195 Gustave Le Bon 196 Stanley Lieberson 197 Neil Smelser 197 Pitirim A. Sorokin 198 Thorstein Veblen 198 Careers in Sociology 199 Additional Resources 200 Chapter 10: Research Methods 203 Conducting Sociological Research 204 Sociological Research Methods 205 xi Contents Questioning 206 Noticing 208 Analyzing 209 Explaining 211 Research Ethics 212 Research on the Internet 213 The Research Process 214 Biographies 216 Emile Durkheim 216 Andrew M. Greeley 217 Paul Lazarsfeld 218 Stanley Milgram 219 Dorothy Smith 220 Careers in Sociology 221 Additional Resources 221 Chapter 11: Preparing to Be a Sociologist and Career Opportunities 223 Academic Training for Sociologists 223 The Popularity of Studying Sociology 224 Characteristics of Sociology Students 225 Sociologists in the Workplace (Academics and Beyond) 227 Job Skills 228 Career Preparation 228 Sociologists at Work 229 Sociological Practice 229 Where Sociologists Work 230 Salaries for Sociologists 231 Professional Organizations 233 Biographies 235 Jane Addams 235 Arthur B. Shostak 236 Stephen F. Steele 237 Roger A. Straus 237 Lester Ward 238 William Foote Whyte 238 Additional Resources 239 Glossary 241 References 253 Index 291 xii Figures and Tables FIGURES 7.1 Percentage of Families with Children under Age 18 Living in Poverty, by Family Type and Race, 2003 138 8.1 Nigerian Population Pyramid, 2000, 2050 156 8.2 U.S. Population Pyramid, 2000, 2050 157 8.3 Ukrainian Population Pyramid, 2000, 2050 158 TABLES 1.1 The Sociological Focus as Compared with Other Social Sciences 11 2.1 Comparison of Major Sociological Paradigms 29 6.1 Merton’s Strain Theory of Deviance 115 7.1 Share of Aggregate Income among Households, Selected Years 1967–2003 135 7.2 Share of Aggregate Income Earned by Top Five Percent of Households, Selected Years 1967–2003 135 7.3 Poverty Thresholds by Family Size, 2003 136 7.4 Median Household Income by Race, 2003 136 7.5 Poverty Rates by Race, 2003 137 8.1 Total U.S. Population and Percentage Urban, Selected Years 1790–2000 161 8.2 Ten Largest U.S. Cities and Other Urban Places, Selected Years 1790–2000 163 8.3 Ten Largest Countries in the World, 1950, 2000, and 2050 164 11.1 Number of Sociology Degrees Awarded by Degree Level, Selected Years 1970–2000 225 Figures and Tables 11.2 Percentage of Sociology Degrees Awarded at Each Degree Level by Gender, Selected Years 1970–2000 226 11.3 Average Percentage of Doctorate Degrees Earned by Women in Selected Disciplines, 2001 227 11.4 Racial/Ethnic Identity of Sociology Ph.D. Recipients, 1980, 1990, 2000 227 11.5 Median Annual Earnings for Selected Social-Science Fields, 2002 232 11.6 Average Sociology Faculty Salaries in 2003/04 and Percentage of Salary Change, 1982/83–2003/04 232 11.7 Sections of the American Sociological Association 234 xiv Sociology Timeline of Selected Events and Influential Publications 1200s Wen Hsien T’ung K’ao (General Study of the Literary Remains), Chinese his- torian Ma Tuan-Lin 1300s Ibn Khaldun conducts studies of Arab society 1790 First U.S. Census conducted 1798 First Essay on Population, Thomas Malthus 1800s Scholars begin studying how society actually is and how society “works” 1838 Term sociology first used in Positive Philosophy, Auguste Comte 1846 The Holy Family, the first book marking the collaboration of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels 1848 The Manifesto of the Communist Party, Karl Marx 1853 Harriet Martineau translates and edits Comte’s Positive Philosophy 1855 Term demographie coined by Achille Guillard 1859 On the Origin of Species, Charles R. Darwin 1867 Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Karl Marx 1876 The Criminal Man, Cesare Lombroso 1876 First course in the United States identified as “sociology” is taught by Yale University’s William Graham Sumner 1887 Community and Society (Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft), Ferdinand Toennies 1889 Emile Durkheim establishes and becomes editor of L’Annee Sociologique 1889 Hull House social settlement founded in Chicago by Jane Addams with Ellen Gates Starr 1892 The University of Chicago establishes the first graduate department of sociol- ogy in the United States 1892 Albion Small appointed the first professorship in sociology in the United States, at the University of Chicago 1894 First American textbook on sociology: Introduction to the Study of Sociology, Albion Small and George E. Vincent 1895 The Rules of the Sociological Method, Emile Durkheim Sociology Timeline of Selected Events and Influential Publications 1896 The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind, Gustave Le Bon 1897 Suicide: A Study in Sociology, Emile Durkheim 1898 The Principles of Sociology, Herbert Spencer 1899 The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study, W.E.B. Du Bois 1902 Human Nature and the Social Order, Charles Horton Cooley 1904–5 The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Max Weber 1905 American Sociological Society established, later becoming the American So- ciological Association (ASA) 1906 Folkways: A Study of the Sociological Importance of Usages, Manners, Cus- toms, Mores, and Morals, William Graham Sumner 1906 The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Max Weber 1910 Most colleges and universities offering sociology courses, although not in separate departments 1911 First Ph.D. in sociology awarded to a person of color, Richard Robert Wright, by the University of Pennsylvania 1911–12 First sociology classes taught in high schools 1914 Economy and Society, Max Weber 1923 The Ego and the Id, Sigmund Freud 1928 The Thomas Theorem is expressed in The Child in America: Behavior Prob- lems and Programs, W. I. Thomas and Dorothy S. Thomas 1934 Mind, Self, and Society, George Herbert Mead 1936 Literary Digest sends out 10 million surveys and predicts presidential race in- correctly; Gallup uses better sampling and accurately predicts the race with a smaller sample 1937 Term symbolic interactionism introduced by Herbert Blumer 1943 Street Corner Society, William Foote Whyte 1944 An American Dilemma, Gunnar Myrdal 1951 The Social System, Talcott Parsons 1957 Social Theory and Social Structure, Robert K. Merton 1959 The Sociological Imagination, C. Wright Mills 1959 Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, Erving Goffman 1962 The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, Thomas Kuhn 1963 The Center for Culture and Technology (now the McLuhan Program in Cul- ture and Technology) established at the University of Toronto and directed by Marshall McLuhan 1963 The first account of Stanley Milgram’s obedience studies appears in the Jour- nal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 1963 The Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance, Howard S. Becker 1963 Stigma: Notes on the Social Organization of Spoiled Identity, Erving Goff- man 1964 Napoleon Chagnon begins his fieldwork among the Yanomamo people 1964 Exchange and Power in Social Life, Peter M. Blau 1966 The Social Construction of Reality, Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann 1967 Studies in Ethnomethodology, Harold Garfinkel 1967 The Levittowners: Life and Politics in a New Suburban Community, Herbert Gans 1967 The American Occupational System, Peter M. Blau and Otis Dudley Duncan 1968 Jessie Bernard attends her first feminist meeting xvi Sociology Timeline of Selected Events and Influential Publications 1969 Causes of Delinquency, Travis Hirschi 1970 The Social Reality of Crime, Richard Quinney 1971 First ASA Code of Ethics becomes effective 1971 Philip Zimbardo conducts the Stanford Prison Experiment 1974 National Research Act mandates Institutional Review Boards (IRBs) 1975 Sociobiology: The New Synthesis, Edward O. Wilson 1976 The Modern World-System, Immanuel Wallerstein 1977 Man and Women of the Corporation, Rosabeth Moss Kanter 1978 Clinical Sociology Association established (today the Sociological Practice Association) 1979 Society for Applied Sociology founded 1982 Neofuntionalism, Jeffrey Alexander 1984 Certified Clinical Sociologist Program for practicing sociologists established by the Clinical Sociology Association (today designated as Certified Socio- logical Practitioner) 1986 The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration, Anthony Giddens 1987 The Truly Disavantaged, William Julius Wilson 1990 Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Em- powerment, Patricia Hill Collins 1992 The McDonaldization of Society, George Ritzer 1998 The Women Founders: Sociology and Social Theory, 1830–1930, Patricia Madoo Lengermann and Jill Niebrugge-Brantly xvii CHAPTER 1 Introduction The study of sociology starts from the basic premise that human life is social life (Rebach and Bruhn 2001, 5). Most of us are constantly involved in interactions with other human beings. From the families we are born into, through school, work, and play; retirements; and even the gatherings that memorialize our deaths, we spend our lives within a tapestry woven of interlocking social arrangements. Sociology focuses on these arrangements, including how they are created, how they change, and how they impact our lives, opportunities, and op- tions (Rebach and Bruhn 2001, 5). The word sociology itself actually derives from the Latin word socius (companion) and the Greek word logos (study of ). Thus, sociology is most lit- erally the study of companionship (Abercrombie, Hill, and Turner 2000, 333). A textbook definition often expands that literal definition of sociology to read something close to the scientific study of the development, structure, interaction, and collective behavior of social relationships. But so what? What does that def- inition actually mean? Why is sociology important? Why should anyone study sociology? What does sociology offer to us in our personal lives? And what does it offer to wider society? This book answers those basic questions. It introduces core concepts in sociology and illustrates how the field is dynamic and relevant. Throughout, it explains how those who engage in the study of sociology understand the rela- tionships and interactions that make up our social worlds, worlds that include “everything that constitutes the collective life of groups of people... their eco- nomics, their politics, their shared mental lives, their cultures, and more” (Lemert 2001, 5–6). The study of sociology encompasses the diversity of these social worlds, ranging from intimate, one-to-one exchanges to impersonal gatherings of large The Basics of Sociology numbers of people. The focus can be as small as couples, or it can be much larger. It can include families, communities, entire cities, and even nations, or relation- ships and interactions among nations. Additionally, “virtual” social worlds such as those existing on the Internet are also included in sociological studies. People who practice sociology are called sociologists. In his classic work Invitation to Sociology, Peter Berger describes a sociologist as someone who is “intensively, endlessly, shamelessly interested” in the doings of humans (1963, 18). To the sociologist, the social world is “a living laboratory [and] a moving picture that never stops” (Rebach and Bruhn 2001, 7). Because any as- pect of the social world is fair game for sociological study, the potential topics of study are limitless. Simply put, “being a sociologist means never having to be bored” (Kimmel 1998, 8). A series of brief biographical profiles throughout the book introduces notable social scientists. These biographies provide some insight into the lives and work of many sociologists who have been, and continue to be, influential in shaping the field. However, many important contributions have been made by people who are not known as sociologists. Several of the biographies profile in- dividuals who have made important contributions to the field of sociology but were trained in, or claim, other disciplines. Additionally, each chapter contains a section that includes the types of jobs available for those interested in sociology. Training in sociology provides an excellent background for a variety of careers. Chapter 11 describes in more detail how to prepare for a career in sociology and career opportunities for soci- ologists. Each chapter concludes with a section that suggests additional re- sources (both print and online) for those interested in further information. WHAT SOCIOLOGY OFFERS A sociological look at the world provides a number of unique benefits and perspectives. Sociology provides an understanding of social issues and patterns of be- havior. It helps us identify the social rules that govern our lives. Sociologists study how these rules are created, maintained, changed, passed between genera- tions, and shared between people living in various parts of the world. They also study what happens when these rules are broken. Sociology helps us understand the workings of the social systems within which we live our lives. Sociologists put our interactions with others into a so- cial context. This means they look not only at behaviors and relationships, but also how the larger world we live in influences these things. Social structures (the way society is organized around the regulated ways people interrelate and organize social life) and social processes (the way society operates) are at work shaping our lives in ways that often go unrecognized. Because of this perspec- tive, sociologists will often say that, as individuals, we are social products. Even though we recognize their existence, these structures and pro- cesses may “appear to people in the course of daily life as through a mysterious 2 Introduction fog” (Lemert 2001, 6). Sociologists strive to bring these things out of the fog, to reveal and study them, and to examine and explain their interrelationships and their impacts on individuals and groups. By describing and explaining these so- cial arrangements and how they shape our lives, sociologists help us to make sense of the world around us and better understand ourselves. Sociology helps us understand why we perceive the world the way we do. We are inundated with messages in a variety of forms about how we, and the world around us, both are and should be. These messages come in forms as di- verse as guidance from parents and teachers, laws handed down by religious and political entities, and advertisements ranging from pitches for athletic shoes to feeding hungry children. Sociology helps us examine the types of messages we are constantly receiving, their source, how and why they influence us, and our own roles in producing, perpetuating, and changing them. Sociology helps us identify what we have in common within, and be- tween, cultures and societies. Sociologists know that, although people in differ- ent parts of the city, country, or world dress differently, speak differently, and have many different beliefs and customs, many of the same types of social forces are at work shaping their lives. This is an especially important perspective in a world where media headlines are often accused of focusing on divisive issues. Sociologists look for what social structure and processes mean for various groups. They look at how various groups shape, and are impacted, by society. Sociologists can help groups find common concerns, understand other groups’ perspectives, and find ways to work together rather than work at odds with each other. Sociology helps us understand why and how society changes. Obviously, the social world is constantly changing. This change has been a major interest to sociologists from the beginning of the discipline. However, many sociologists believe that sociology should not stop with only explaining society and how and why the world changes. They argue that sociologists also have an obligation to act, using their unique skills and perspectives to work to improve the world. So- ciology, they argue, is a “field of inquiry simultaneously concerned with under- standing, explaining, criticizing, and improving (italics mine) the human condition” (Restivo 1991, 4). Armed with a sociological perspective, we can more effectively take action if we don’t like what is happening. We can better participate in shaping the future for ourselves and for others. Sociology provides us theoretical perspectives within which to frame these understandings and research methods that allow us to study social life sci- entifically. Sociology is a social science. That means sociologists work to un- derstand society in very structured, disciplined ways. Like scientists who study the physical world, sociologists follow scientific guidelines that incorporate an assortment of theories and methods that provide for accuracy in gathering, pro- cessing, and making sense of information. In the case of sociology, theories focus on how social relationships op- erate. They provide a way of explaining these relationships. Scientific methods provide ways of generating accurate research results. The major theoretical per- 3 The Basics of Sociology spectives sociologists utilize are discussed in detail in chapter 2. The ways that sociologists conduct scientific research are discussed in chapter 10. Sociology is not just common sense. Results of sociological research may be unexpected. They often show that things are not always, or even usually, what they initially seem. “People who like to avoid shocking discoveries, who prefer to believe that society is just what they were taught in Sunday School, who like the safety of the rules and maxims of what Alfred Schultz... has called ‘the world-taken-for-granted’, should stay away from sociology” (Berger 1963, 24). This challenge means that sociological findings are often at odds with so-called common sense, or those things that “everybody knows.” What we think of as common sense, or something that everybody knows, is actually based on our own experiences and the ideas and stereotypes we hold. This gives us a very limited view of how the larger world actually is. Taking a sociological perspec- tive requires that we look beyond our individual experiences to better understand everyday life (Straus 1994). It allows us to look for the social forces that impact our lives and form those experiences. Once we have a solid understanding of these forces, we can better address them. For example, a common perception is that suicide is an act of those with individual psychological problems. However, an early sociological study of sui- cide by Emile Durkheim (1858–1917) revealed the importance of social factors, including relationships within church and family, in suicide (Durkheim 1966). (Durkheim is profiled in chapter 10, and his research on suicide is covered in more detail there as well.) Another common perception is that crimes are always committed by some “criminal element,” identifiable as troublemakers. In his textbook on social problems, Thomas Sullivan (1973, 296) introduces the chap- ter on crime by arguing that this is a far too simplistic view of criminality. He notes a study (Zimbardo 1973) in which researchers abandoned a car on a New York City street and watched from a hidden position to see if it was vandalized and by whom. The vandals discovered by the researchers included a family, a person with a toddler in a stroller, and many people who were well dressed and interacted with people who passed by during their activities. HISTORY OF SOCIOLOGY Sociology is rooted in the works of philosophers, including Plato (427–347 B.C.), Aristotle (384–322 B.C.), and Confucius (551–479 B.C.). Some other early scholars also took perspectives that were sociological. Chinese his- torian Ma Tuan-Lin developed, in the thirteenth century, a sociological history by looking at the social factors influencing history in his general-knowledge ency- clopedia Wen Hsien T’ung K’ao (General Study of the Literary Remains). Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406), profiled below, conducted studies of Arab society (Restivo 1991, 18–19). Enlightenment thinkers also helped set the stage for the sociologists that would follow. The Enlightenment “was the first time in history that thinkers tried to provide general explanations of the social world. They were able to detach 4 Introduction themselves, at least in principle, from expounding some existing ideology and to attempt to lay down general principles that explained social life” (Collins 1994, 17). Writers of this period included a range of well-known philosophers, such as John Locke; David Hume; Voltaire (the pseudonym of François-Marie Arouet); Immanuel Kant; Charles-Louis de Secondat, Baron de La Brède et de Mon- tesquieu; Thomas Hobbes; and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. As Macionis (1995, 12) explains to introductory students, scholars have been interested in the nature of society throughout history. They typically fo- cused on what the ideal society would be like. During the 1800s, however, schol- ars began studying how society actually is and how social arrangements actually operate (how society “works”). Armed with this knowledge, they felt they could better attack social problems and bring about social change (Collins 1994, 42). These scholars became the first sociologists. The term sociology was coined by French philosopher Auguste Comte (1798–1857), who would become known as the “Father of Sociology.” Comte is profiled below. He first publicly used the term in his work Positive Philosophy (1896, orig. 1838; Abercrombie, Hill, and Turner 2000, 67). Originally an engi- neering student, Comte became secretary and pupil to French social philosopher Claude Henri de Rouvroy Comte de Saint-Simon (1760–1825). Saint-Simon was an advocate for scientific and social reform. He advocated applying scien- tific principles to learn how society is organized. Armed with this knowledge, he believed he could ascertain how best to change, and govern, society to ad- dress social problems such as poverty. Comte saw history as divided into three intellectual stages. The first, or theological, stage included the medieval period in which society was seen as re- flecting the will of a deity. The second, or metaphysical, stage arose during the Enlightenment and focused on forces of “nature,” rather than God, to explain so- cial events. Comte considered his own time period the third stage, which he termed the positivistic, or scientific, stage. During Comte’s lifetime, scientists were learning more about the laws that govern the physical world. For example, in the area of physics, Sir Isaac Newton (1641–1727) had developed the law of gravity. Advances were also being made in other natural sciences, such as biology. Comte felt that science could also be used to study the social world. Just as there are testable facts re- garding gravity and other natural laws, Comte thought that scientific analyses could also discover the laws governing our social lives. It was in this context that Comte introduced the concept of positivism to sociology—a way to understand the social world based on scientific facts. He believed that, with this new un- derstanding, people could build a better future. He envisioned a process of social change in which sociologists played crucial roles in guiding society. Other events of that time period also influenced the development of so- ciology. The nineteenth and twentieth centuries were times of many social up- heavals and changes in the social order that interested the early sociologists. As George Ritzer (1988, 6–12) notes, the political revolutions sweeping Europe during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries led to a focus on social change 5 The Basics of Sociology and the establishment of social order that still concerns sociologists today. Many early sociologists were also concerned with the Industrial Revolution and rise of capitalism and socialism. Additionally, the growth of cities and religious trans- formations were causing many changes in people’s lives. These “early founders of sociology all had a vision of using sociology” (Turner 1998, 250). Sharing Comte’s belief, many early sociologists came from other disciplines and made significant efforts to call attention to social concerns and bring about social change. In Europe, for example, economist and philoso- pher Karl Marx (1818–83), profiled in chapter 2, teamed with wealthy industri- alist Friedrich Engels (1820–95), profiled in chapter 7, to address class inequality. Writing during the Industrial Revolution, when many factory owners were lavishly wealthy and many factory workers despairingly poor, they attacked the rampant inequalities of the day and focused on the role of capitalist eco- nomic structures in perpetuating these inequalities. In Germany, Max Weber (1864–1920), profiled in chapter 2, was active in politics. In France, Emile Durkheim advocated for educational reforms. In the United States, social worker and sociologist Jane Addams (1860–1935), profiled in chapter 11, became an activist on behalf of poor im- migrants. Addams established Chicago’s Hull House, a settlement house that provided community services such as kindergarten and day care, an employment bureau, and libraries. It also provided cultural activities, including an art gallery, music and art classes, and America’s first Little Theater. Louis Wirth (1897– 1952), profiled in chapter 8, built child-guidance clinics. He applied sociology to understand how social influences impacted children’s behavioral problems and how children could be helped by using this knowledge. During World War II, sociologists worked to improve the lives of soldiers by studying soldiers’ morale and attitudes as well as the effectiveness of training materials (Kallen 1995). Sociologists are also responsible for some of the now familiar aspects of our everyday lives. For example, sociologist William Foote Whyte (1914– 2000), profiled in chapter 11, improved restaurant service by developing the spindles that waitstaff in many diners use to submit food orders to the kitchen (Porter 1962). Robert K. Merton (1910–2003), profiled in chapter 2, developed the concept of what would become the focus group, now widely used in the business world. Sociological perspectives are also the basis of many concepts and terms we use on a daily basis. Lawyers plead “extenuating circumstances” on their clients’ behalf, an acknowledgment of the sociological position that so- cial forces influence human behavior; to talk about “fighting the system” ac- knowledges that social structures exist and influence our lives (Babbie 1996). Sociologists have also been actively involved throughout the civil rights movement. Ida B. Wells-Barnett (1862–1931) who is profiled below, published and spoke out against lynching. W.E.B. Du Bois (1868–1963), profiled in chap- ter 7, was involved for most of a century in studying race and social activism. Gunnar Myrdal’s An American Dilemma (1944) focused public attention on race. The voter-rights efforts of Charles G. Gomillion in the 1940s and 1950s were in- 6 Introduction strumental in the U.S. Supreme Court decision that defeated gerrymandering that had excluded almost all Macon County blacks from voting (Smith and Kil- lian 1990, 113). Although they have not traditionally received the recognition of their white male counterparts, women and sociologists of color have made significant contributions to the discipline since its founding. In recent years, efforts have been undertaken to reinvigorate the voices of these “lost” sociologists. What we know about their lives and works shows some truly outstanding accomplish- ments. For example, Comte’s Positive Philosophy (1896, orig. 1838) was trans- lated into English by Harriet Martineau (1802–76), who is profiled below. Comte was so pleased with the results of her translation that he had her abridg- ment retranslated back into French. Martineau was a prolific writer and best- selling author in her own right on a variety of social issues. Her work earned her recognition as the first female sociologist and “Mother of Sociology.” These early women and scholars of color were working in a social con- text in which women and blacks were often denied education and faced other types of discrimination. Most were trained outside the field. The first Ph.D. in sociology was not awarded to a person of color until 1911, when Richard Robert Wright received his doctorate at the University of Pennsylvania. Many of these early sociologists were active in fighting for a number of social causes. For example, many supported the suffragist movement. Also, black sociologists often “sought not simply to investigate and interpret social life, but to redress the conditions affecting the lives of African Americans” (Young and Deskins 2001, 447). Today, women and persons of color continue to make important contri- butions to the discipline and beyond. Just among those individuals profiled in this book are Dorothy Smith (profiled in chapter 10) who has changed the way sociologists think about the world and the way they conduct research. Rosabeth Moss Kanter (profiled in chapter 5) has become an internationally renowned name in studying and improving organizations. Coramae Richey Mann (profiled in chapter 6) has challenged the criminal-justice system and its treatment of mi- norities, youth, and women. William Julius Wilson (profiled in chapter 7) has challenged thinking on class, race, and poverty. Patricia Hill Collins (profiled in chapter 2) has increased our understanding of how race, class, and gender to- gether all have social consequences in our world. SOCIOLOGISTS IN SOCIETY Contemporary sociologists are continuing the early sociologists’ tradi- tion of using sociology to make differences in diverse areas of society. Many so- ciologists are, of course, teachers and researchers. However, sociologists are actively using their skills throughout society in ways that extend well beyond ac- ademics and the classroom. Some sociologists, called applied or clinical sociol- ogists, use their skills to find answers to practical problems. For example, they apply their unique perspectives on conflict and social life to finding new ways to 7 The Basics of Sociology assist in mediation and dispute resolution (Diaz 2001; Rebach 2001), improving community services (e.g., finding ways to extend phone service to the speech- disabled [Segalman 1998]), improving help for victims of violence (Kilpatrick, Resick, and Williams 2001), or even in designing more effective social settings for human interactions from child-care centers to offices to night clubs (DuBois 2001). Some sociologists are also starting to work in high-tech fields (Guice 1999). Sociologists are even working with scholars in a variety of disciplines on future studies (Bell 1997; Masini 2000; Shostak 2003). People trained in sociology are found across society, even though they are not always famous for being sociologists. Peter Dreier (2001) has put together a “Sociology All-Star Team” to demonstrate the widely varied activities of a num- ber of well-known people who majored in sociology. His list includes entertain- ment personalities Regis Philbin, Robin Williams, Dan Aykroyd, and Debra Winger, and sex therapist Dr. Ruth Westheimer. Well-known sociology majors in the world of sports include NBA all-star Alonzo Mourning, NFL Hall of Fame quarterback Joe Theismann, and sportscaster Ahmad Rashad. Olympic track and field gold medalist Gail Devers also holds a sociology degree (Gail Devers). Beyond their accomplishments in the entertainment and sports arenas, so- ciologists have made many world-changing contributions to society. Saul Bellow won the 1976 Nobel Prize in Literature, and Jane Addams and Emily Balch both won the Nobel Peace Prize. The civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. and the Reverend Jesse Jackson studied sociology. So did Frances Perkins, an industrial sociologist who fought to improve conditions in early-twentieth-century textile mills. Perkins became the first female member of a presidential cabinet, serving as secretary of labor under President Franklin Roosevelt. Ronald Reagan, 40th president of the United States, also had a sociology degree (Dreier 2001). A num- ber of other notable politicians, including Shirley Chisolm and Maxine Waters, studied sociology. The range of careers for sociologists, the job skills sociologists have, and the training they receive is discussed in more detail in chapter 11. THE SOCIOLOGICAL IMAGINATION Sociologists talk about the connection between learning to understand and then change society as being the sociological imagination. C. Wright Mills (1916–62), a colorful and controversial professor at New York’s Columbia Uni- versity who is profiled below, coined this term. The sociological imagination is the ability to see the interrelationships between biography and history, or the connections between our individual lives and larger social forces at work shap- ing our lives (e.g., racism or political agendas). Mills urged us to understand that our own personal fortunes or troubles (e.g., gain/loss of a job, divorce) must be understood in terms of larger public issues (e.g., the health of the economy, so- cietal changes in the institution of marriage). They cannot be fully understood outside of this social context. Mills opens his well-known classic The Sociological Imagination by noting how intertwined social forces and personal lives are: 8 Introduction When a society is industrialized, a peasant becomes a worker; a feudal lord is liq- uidated or becomes a businessman. When classes rise or fall, a man is employed or unemployed; when the rate of investment goes up or down, a man takes a new heart or goes broke. When wars happen, an insurance salesman becomes a rocket launcher; a store clerk, a radar man; a wife lives alone; a child grows up without a father. Neither the life of an individual nor the history of a society can be under- stood without understanding both. (1959, 3; italics mine) Without a sociological perspective, we might tend to think of these personal ex- periences primarily in individual terms. We might locate both the source of a problem and the solution to that problem as lying within individuals. Unem- ployment, for example, is an individual problem for the unemployed person that may be due to his or her characteristics such as work ethic, job skills, or oppor- tunities. If this person is one of few unemployed in a city, then employment might be secured if these factors change at the individual level: the person de- cides to get up when the alarm rings and work hard enough to keep a job, gain job training, or move to a different town where there is a demand for their exist- ing skills. However, when the unemployment rate soars and large numbers of people are unemployed, something is clearly amiss in the structure of the soci- ety that results in inadequate employment opportunities. Although there will cer- tainly still be lazy or unskilled people among the unemployed, millions of cases of unemployment cannot be explained at these individual levels, and individual solutions will not solve the problem. Working harder, getting more training, or seeking different work venues will not produce jobs when the economy is poor and there are no jobs to be had. As Mills puts it, “The very structure of oppor- tunities has collapsed” (1959, 9). Finding solutions to these large-scale problems requires examining the structure of society (Mills 1959). Mills felt that developing a sociological imagination will help us to avoid becoming “victims” of social forces and better control our own lives. By understanding how social mechanisms operate, we can better work to bring about change and influence history. SOCIOLOGY AS AN ACADEMIC DISCIPLINE Economics was the first social science. It grew out of the practical ap- plication of gathering factual information for business and taxation during the 1700s. In the early 1800s, history developed as an academic discipline. Psy- chology then grew out of medicine, philosophy, and pedagogy. Anthropology de- veloped from the European discoveries of the Americas, Africa, and Asia. Sociology is one of the youngest academic disciplines, established as a distinct field of study in Europe only during the 1800s. It was at first indistinguishable from political science, and most early sociologists wrote about political issues outside of academics (Collins 1994, 30–32). The earliest sociologists discussed throughout this book came to sociol- ogy from a variety of disciplines. Emile Durkheim and Max Weber had studied law. Charles Horton Cooley (1864–1929), profiled in chapter 4, was an econo- 9 The Basics of Sociology mist. Lester Ward (1841–1913), profiled in chapter 10, was a biologist. Georg Simmel (1858–1918), profiled in chapter 5, was a philosopher. Even today, so- ciologists come to the discipline from varying backgrounds, such as Andrew M. Greeley (1928–), a Catholic priest turned sociologist profiled in chapter 10. The U.S. growth of academic sociology coincided with the establish- ment and upgrading of many universities that were including a new focus on graduate departments and curricula on “modern subjects” (Collins 1994, 41). In 1876, Yale University’s William Graham Sumner (1840–1910), profiled in chap- ter 3, taught the first course identified as “sociology” in the United States. The University of Chicago established the first graduate department of sociology in the United States in 1892. By 1910, most colleges and universities were offering sociology courses, although not in separate departments. Thirty years later, most of these schools had established sociology departments (Bloom 2002, 25–37). Sociology was first taught in high schools in 1911–12 (Grier 1971; cited in DeCesare 2002, 303). Sociology was also growing in Germany and France during this period. Britain was later in developing sociology as core academic area. However, the discipline in Europe suffered great setbacks as a result of World Wars I and II. The “Nazis hated sociology,” and many sociologists were killed or fled Germany and France between 1933 and the end of World War II (Collins 1994, 46). As Erwin Scheuch notes, it is “easier to name sociologists who did not emigrate as the Nazi regime came to power than to list the émigrés” (2000, 1075). After World War II, sociologists returned to Germany influenced by their studies in America. The result was that American sociologists became the world leaders in theory and research for many years. The 1970s saw a “vigorous expansion” in British and European aca- demic circles (Collins 1994), as well as in sociology around the world. For ex- ample, most German universities now offer sociology degrees up to doctorate level, and there are a variety of institutes for academic, market, and social re- search (Scheuch 2000). Sociology in Japan was first taught in the late 1800s, largely as a German import. Since the 1960s, American sociology has been in- fluential there (Sasaki 2000). Indian sociology derives from work of British civil servants and missionaries that were interested in understanding people to better conduct business and evangelization activities. Predating sociology, Thomas Robert Malthus (1766–1834), a clergyman and political economist profiled in chapter 8, was a professor at the East India Company’s college. Formal teaching of sociology started in India in the early 1900s. Sociology is now a core subject at many colleges and universities there, and several Indian research institutes now exist (Shah 2000). Sociology has grown into a diverse and dynamic discipline, experienc- ing a proliferation of specialty areas. The American Sociological Association (ASA) was formed as the American Sociological Society in 1905 with 115 members (Rhoades 1981). By the end of 2004, it had grown to almost 14,000 members and more than 40 “sections” covering specific areas of interest. Many other countries also have large national sociology organizations. The Interna- 10 Introduction Table 1.1 The Sociological Focus as Compared with Other Social Sciences Source: Henslin (2001c, 11–12). tional Sociological Association (ISA) boasted more than 3,300 members in 2004 from 91 different countries. The ISA sponsored research committees covering more than 50 different areas of interest, covering topics as diverse as children, aging, families, law, emotions, sexuality, religion, mental health, peace and war, and work (see chapter 11). There is even a fast-growing subfield of sociology that focuses on the relationships between humans and other animals (e.g., Alger and Alger 2003, Arluke and Sanders, 1996, Irvine, 2004). Additionally, courses on animals and society are increasingly being included in college and university offerings. Sociology grew out of, and overlaps with, many disciplines. However, it also extends the boundaries of many traditional disciplines. As shown in table 1.1, sociologist James M. Henslin (2001c: 11–12) contrasts sociology with the other social sciences. Many concepts that originated in sociology have been adopted by other disciplines. Sociologists have, likewise, adopted concepts from other disciplines. For example, Herbert Spencer (1820–1903), one of the earliest sociologists, pro- filed in chapter 2, used the concept of structure that is now used in anthropology and political science (Dogan 2000). Sociologists also work with specialists in other disciplines. Sociology provides much of the theory and research applied by social workers in their practice. The field of social psychology has even de- veloped that combines the individualistic perspective of psychology and the focus on interaction and social influence of sociology. 11 The Basics of Sociology SOCIOLOGY IN A CHANGING WORLD Changes in our social world have required sociologists to focus atten- tion in new ways. Among these changes are the growth of internationally con- nected systems and the technologies that increasingly allow our interactions to be conducted in ways other than face to face (e.g., the Internet and e-mail). Al- though more than 6 billion people now live on Earth, many sociologists and oth- ers have argued that the advent of jet airliners, telephones, the Internet, and around-the-clock news services beamed by satellite around the world have made the world a smaller place, at least in a social sense. They often argue that a process of globalization is at work. With glob- alization, geographical constraints on social and cultural patterns are dimin- ishing, and people are becoming increasingly aware of those changes (M. Waters 2001). Globalization is demonstrated through events as diverse as the growing popularity of soccer in the United States—a sport largely imported from outside—the demand for American movies, blue jeans, and athletic shoes around the world, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and even the attacks of September 11, 2001. Other terms that refer to forms of glob- alization include the world-economy, world-market, and world-system. These terms are often used to refer to the economic aspects of globalization. Sociolo- gists have been studying these networks at least since the early 1970s (Chase- Dunn and Grimes 1995, 387–88). The world-systems perspective is discussed in more detail in chapter 7. Globalization is a controversial issue. The literature on the topic is steadily growing, and a range of diverse perspectives abound. Debates even sur- round when the process began. The dawn of history? Trade routes centuries ago? When Europeans traveled to the Americas? Colonialism? The post–World War II era? Whether the ultimate impact of globalization is positive, negative, or both is also a matter of contention (e.g., Barber 1996; Guillen 2001; Gros 2003). However, regardless of their position on these issues, globalization requires that sociologists expand their traditional purviews across societies, cultures, and na- tional borders by examining these interrelationships that make the social world increasingly complex (e.g., Giddens 2000). Sociologist Anthony Giddens, well known for his work on globalization, is profiled below. The ways in which technologies change social interaction has long been an interest for researchers. Communication and information technologies con- tribute to globalization and increase the complexity of our social lives. They also often lead to unanticipated effects. For example, the telephone started its “social life” as a business tool and only later became a tool for other types of social in- teraction (Fischer 1992). In recent years, sociologists have given much attention to the innumer- able implications of the Internet to society. From its initial use by a relatively small, computer-literate population of users, the Internet grew rapidly beginning in the 1990s (Abbate 1999; Castells 2001). It is now used for social interaction, business and commerce (legitimate and illegitimate), education, research, news, propaganda, entertainment, and more. There is widespread agreement among so- 12 Introduction ciologists and others that the Internet and other communication technologies are vastly changing society. There is, however, less agreement about whether those changes are positive, negative, or a combination of both (DiMaggio et al. 2001, 308). Sociologists have now expanded their interests to include the myriad on- line social activities and behaviors to which these technologies have given rise. The following chapters give attention to these areas. BIOGRAPHIES Auguste Comte Auguste Comte (1798–1857) was born in the French city of Montpel- lier. Comte, described as “small, delicate, and subject to many illnesses” (Coser 1977, 18) was an excellent student and exhibited an early proficiency in mathe- matics. He even planned to teach mathematics, but found that the income was unsatisfactory (Marvin 1965, 35). Comte was considered a leader among his classmates. However, his usual behavior was “insubordinate and insolent behavior toward the school au- thorities,” and he was constantly revolting against authority (Coser 1977, 15). Comte was also involved in revolutionary activities while a student, which ulti- mately resulted in his dismissal, and he never completed a university degree. He did, however, lecture for a period at the prestigious Ecole Polytechnique in Paris, eventually losing that position after criticizing the institution. Comte’s intellectual life can be divided into three periods (Marvin 1965, 43–46). The first period encompassed six years he spent with the much older Claude Henri de Rouvroy Comte de Saint-Simon. Starting as Saint-Simon’s sec- retary and later his collaborator, Comte worked with Saint-Simon even during periods when the elder mentor could not pay him. Their collaboration ended in 1824 due to a quarrel over whose name would appear on a major publication and developing intellectual differences. The rift between the two men was never re- paired (Coser 1977, 15). It was during the second period that Comte produced most of his intel- lectual writings. It is also the period during which he became known for devel- oping the scientific view of positivism. He thought sociology could draw on the same resources as the natural sciences, namely observation, experimentation, and comparison (Coser 1977, 5). In the third period of Comte’s intellectual life, he did not add to his sci- entific material. Rather, he became head of a new religious organization, which he foresaw as someday being led by sociologist-priests. He also practiced “cere- bral hygiene,” which “consisted in abstention from the reading of current litera- ture, especially of periodicals, and the exclusive study of a few masterpieces of the past” (Marvin 1965, 45). The result was that he became increasingly out of touch with scientific and intellectual developments. In 1826, in the midst of a lecture series, Comte suffered from a mental breakdown. He spent time in an asylum and was then treated at home. He con- 13 The Basics of Sociology tinued to suffer from mental problems throughout his life. Comte died in 1857. He was 60 years old. Anthony Giddens Anthony Giddens (1938–), director of the London School of Economics from 1997–2003, names globalization and information technology as two of the key issues facing sociologists at the turn of the twenty-first century. He adds that a lessening of tradition in our everyday lives is a third important and conse- quential change that should interest sociologists (Giddens, “An Interview”). Giddens’s early publications were largely based on his reinterpretation of “classical” European sociologists (Clark 1990, 21; Poggi 1990). He credits Max Weber, one of sociology’s “founding fathers,” who is profiled in chapter 2, with having the most “pervasive and enduring” impact on the nature of sociol- ogy today (Giddens, “An Interview”). When asked why he thinks people should study sociology, Giddens says, “Sociology is a genuinely enlightening subject. Most people who study sociology are changed by the experience. The reason is that sociology offers a different perspective on the world from that which most people have when they start out in the subject. Sociology helps us look beyond the immediate contexts of our lives and so helps us understand the causes of our own actions better. Sociology also can help us change the world for the better” (“An Interview”). Giddens’s own theoretical work is largely a theory of “structuration.” It aims to “provide a conceptual framework for analyzing how human beings make their own history, how society is produced, reproduced and changed (or, in his own shorthand, how it is ‘constituted’)” (Clark 1990, 23). A prolific writer, Gid- dens has authored more than 30 books and over 200 articles and reviews. His books have been translated into 30 languages. Giddens himself is the subject of a dozen more books and recipient of 15 honorary degrees and awards. As 1999 BBC Reith Lecturer, his lectures were published as Runaway World: How Glob- alization Is Reshaping Our Lives (2000). Abu Zaid Abdal Rahman Ibn Khaldun Abu Zaid Abdal Rahman Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406) was a historian, philosopher, and founder of Arab social science. Born in Tunis, North Africa, Ibn Khaldun worked for a variety of North African princes as an emissary and in administrative positions. He was active in politics during a period of intense rivalries among the leaders in the Arab world, and even spent time in prison for his activities. Ibn Khaldun lived the last years of his life in Egypt as a scholar, teacher, and magistrate. He wrote a lengthy history of world that laid groundwork for sociology. In seven volumes, he covered the history of Arabs and Berbers, the nature of civ- ilization, and the meaning of historical events (Baali 1988). He advocated em- 14 Introduction pirical research and has been called an excellent deductive sociologist who was “more positivistic than Durkheim” (Gellner 1975, 203). After the attacks on New York and the Pentagon on September 11, 2001, interest in Ibn Khaldun’s work and his analysis of civilizations was revived (e.g., Ahmed 2002). Today, the Ibn Khaldun Center for Development (ICDS), an in- dependent applied-social-science research institution in Egypt that applies so- cial science perspectives to serve Egypt and Arab development, bears his name. Harriet Martineau British-born Harriet Martineau (1802–76) is sometimes called the “Mother of Sociology” and the first female sociologist. She is perhaps most re- membered for translating Auguste Comte’s Positive Philosophy (1896, orig. 1838) into English. However, Martineau was an important sociologist in her own right. She sought “to create a science of society that would be systematic, grounded in empirical observation, and accessible to a general readership, en- abling people to make personal and political decisions guided by a scientific un- derstanding of the principles governing social life” (Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley 1998, 31). William Graham Sumner, profiled in chapter 3, took on some of her ideas about rights (Healy 1972, 65). Because her parents were Unitarians, Martineau received more edu- cation than most females of her day. She spent much of her time with books and writing after losing most of her hearing at age 12 (Pichanick 1980). Martineau was never, however, allowed to pursue a university education. Always a prolific writer, Martineau began to sell her writing to help sup- port her family after her father’s death in 1826. She authored hundreds of books, articles, and editorials on topics including literature, children’s literature, poli- tics, history, religion, economics, and sociology. In 1830 alone, she wrote 52 ar- ticles for a Unitarian journal, one novel, a book-length manuscript on religious history, and three essays for writing contests. Martineau’s 25-volume series on economics (written in 24 months) outsold numerous other popular authors of the time, including John Stuart Mill and even Charles Dickens (Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley 1998, 26). Martineau saw her writing talent as a way she could educate the public on social issues. She spent two years in America (1834–36). Society in America (1836), How to Observe Morals and Manners (1838), and Retrospect of Western Travel (1838) were all results of that trip. In Society in America, she tackled a sociological analysis of the issues of slavery abolition, race, and women’s rights. How to Observe Morals and Manners discussed the methods of fieldwork. Her other sociological works include Eastern Life: Past and Present (1848), a book about the social construction of religion she wrote after a trip to the Middle East, and Household Education (1849), a work on childhood socialization. Overall, her works laid the groundwork for both the interpretive and feminist paradigms of modern sociologists (Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley 1998, 239). 15 The Basics of Sociology C. Wright Mills C. Wright Mills (1916–62) was a colorful, contentious, and influential figure in American sociology. He was a tall man (6´2˝), originally from Texas, de- scribed as speaking with a “thundering drawl” (Horowitz 1983, 4). Mills culti- vated a renegade image with his motorcycle and leather jacket. After riding to work, he would deposit “his paratroop boots on the podium before lecturing to his enthralled students” (Tilman 1984, 9). He reportedly bragged about his prowess with women, married three times, and fathered a child during each marriage. As a student at the University of Texas–Austin, Mills excelled in soci- ology and other subjects he liked with professors he respected. His work in other areas was only average. Yet several of his professors recognized his abilities even as an undergraduate and his talent for presenting interesting lectures (Horowitz 1983, 19–21; Tilman 1984, 6–7). Always one to do things his own way rather than bow to conformity, Mills received both a baccalaureate and master’s degree from the University of Texas on the same date in 1939 (Horowitz 1983, 19). He went to the University of Wisconsin to obtain his doctorate. By most accounts, Mills was a controversial figure, and not particularly well liked in academic circles. His career was marked with estrangement, fric- tion, and acerbic relationships with many other academics. Even his oral disser- tation defense proved contentious. As Horowitz reports in his biography of Mills, “Mills was unwilling to make the small changes asked of him and in turn had a dissertation committee unwilling to acknowledge his achievements. The defense became a standoff, and the dissertation was quietly accepted without ever being formally approved” (1983, 53). Mills took a position at the University of Maryland and later moved to Columbia University, where he stayed until his death. He gained public notori- ety at Columbia as a social critic. Unlike many academics, he was an excellent writer who addressed his topics in straightforward and readable language. As El- well explains, Mills “writes about issues and problems that matter to people, not just to other sociologists, and he writes about them in a way to further our un- derstanding” (“Sociology of C. Wright Mills”). Mills’s topics included white-collar jobs, bureaucracy, power and author- ity, the social elite, rationalization, social problems, communism, the cold war, ide- ology, the social sciences, and sociology itself. During his time at Columbia, Mills published some of his most important works, including The Power Elite (1956), addressing the organization of power in the United States; The Causes of World War III (1958), decrying the U.S.-Russian arms race; The Sociological Imagination (1959), addressing social science itself; and Listen, Yankee: The Revolution in Cuba (1960), a comment on the Cuban Revolution and U.S.–Latin American relations. He died in his sleep of a heart attack, his fourth, when he was only 45 years old. Albion Small Albion Woodbury Small (1854–1926) was born in Buckfield, Maine. He received his bachelor’s degree from Colby College in 1876. Small then con- 16 Introduction tinued his studies at the Newton Theological Seminary, and in Europe at the Uni- versity of Berlin and the University of Leipzig. Upon his return to the United States, he took a position as professor of history and economics at Colby, later becoming president of the school. Small was appointed professor of sociology at the University of Chicago in 1892. At that time, “the university was less than two years old and not yet open to students” (Bannister 1987, 37). Small’s appointment was the first pro- fessorship in sociology in the United States. His annual salary was $7,000. That was not an extraordinary amount for Chicago professors. It was, however, high for even the most well-known professors elsewhere. For three decades, Small chaired Chicago’s sociology department and edited the prestigious American Journal of Sociology. He coauthored the first American textbook on sociology, Introduction to the Study of Sociology, in 1894 with his pupil George E. Vincent. Small served two terms as president of the American Sociological Society (the organization that would become today’s American Sociological Association) and was elected a member of the Interna- tional Institute of Sociology in 1913 (Bannister 1987, 33; Hayes 1927, 160). “The characteristic thing about Small is that he was almost universally well-liked. As a scholar, he was creative and serious; as a teacher, devoted and helpful; for tedious administrative tasks, willing and industrious; as a colleague, friendly, warm, indulgent; as a person, ethical, spiritual” (Becker 1971, 3–4). Another biographer portrayed Small and his sociological perspective by de- scribing Small as “a man of distinct personality. Of all his traits the most funda- mental is that he is earnest about life” (Hayes 1927, 184). Small was also interested in “moral” society and social reform. As his biographer continues, “Sociology he regards as a study of life with a view to understanding it in order that its values may be realized by men. His interest is primarily ethical; that is, it is an interest in the values of human experience and the method of their reali- zation. He became and remained a sociologist because he believed that this re- alization of values could be promoted by understanding.” Ida B. Wells-Barnett Ida B. Wells-Barnett (1862–1931) was born the daughter of Mississippi slaves. It is her parents that Wells-Barnett says gave her “the interest in politics, the clear sense of justice, and the confidence for independent thought which are hallmarks of her sociology” (Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley 1998, 151). She attended Rust College until her parents’ death from yellow fever in 1876 re- quired that she go to work to support her five younger siblings. Wells-Barnett took a job teaching school in Memphis. She also worked as a journalist and became and part-owner of the Free Speech and Headlight of Memphis. She gained quite a bit of notoriety among the black community by re- fusing to move to the segregated section of a railroad car and a subsequent law- suit she brought against the railroad. Although her case was won in circuit court, it was lost on appeal. 17 The Basics of Sociology Wells-Barnett worked nationally and internationally for a variety of civil rights causes. She was a founding member of the National Association for Ad- vancement of Colored People (NAACP) and a number of other organizations, including a neighborhood center and the first kindergarten in a black neighbor- hood. She was also a suffragist. It was lynching, however, that became Wells-Barnett’s lifelong cause. She wrote of her crusade against lynching, “I felt that one had better die fight- ing against injustice than to die like a dog or a rat in a trap” (1970, 62). In The Red Record: Tabulated Statistics and Alleged Causes of Lynching in the United States (1895), Wells-Barnett used newspaper statistics from the white press to systematically analyze lynching. Her antilynching campaign would result in the offices of the Free Speech being burned to the ground, more extensive writing opportunities, a public-speaking career, an opportunity to take her cause inter- nationally, and an eventual move to Chicago. Wells-Barnett’s contributions to sociology include the creation of social theory viewed through race relations, her part in the long-overlooked social analyses by African Americans, a focus on justice and morality, and a focus on the intersection of race, class, and gender that has been central to modern femi- nist theory (Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley 1998, 171–72). Among the numerous acknowledgments of her work across society, Wells-Barnett’s likeness was placed on a 1990 U.S. postage stamp. CAREERS IN SOCIOLOGY For those interested in the social world, sociology provides career prepa- ration for a variety of career opportunities, as noted throughout the following chapters. Those with an overall interest and training in the basics of sociological study have backgrounds that prepare them for careers including administrator advocate applied sociologist clinical sociologist consultant development officer executive director graduate work in sociology and other fields, such as medicine and law outreach coordinator professional periodicals staff professional sociologist researcher social historian social-research assistant 18 Introduction social-science analyst teacher writer/publisher/editor Additional Resources Abercrombie, Nicholas, Stephen Hill, and Bryan S. Turner. 2000. The Penguin Dictio- nary of Sociology. 4th ed. London: Penguin Books. This dictionary is an excel- lent quick reference covering many of the important classical concepts and evolving, contemporary issues in sociology. American Sociological Association (ASA). http://www.asanet.org/. The ASA is the largest professional organization representing sociology in the United States. Its site contains a wealth of information for anyone interested in the field, including professional sociologists, students, and the public. Berger, Peter L. 1973. Invitation to Sociology: A Humanistic Perspective. Woodstock, N.Y.: Overlook Press. This classic work enthusiastically explains what sociology is, the sociological quest to understand society, and the unique contribution so- ciologists can make to shaping the world. Collins, Randall. 1992. Sociological Insight: An Introduction to Non-Obvious Sociology. 2nd ed. New York: Oxford University Press. This textbook introduces many basic sociological concepts and explains what is unique about a sociological perspective. Electronic Journal of Sociology. http://www.sociology.org/. This is a free international online refereed journal that publishes a broad range of sociological works. International Sociological Association (ISA). http://www.ucm.es/info/isa/. This organiza- tion has members who are sociologists and social scientists from around the world. Internet Scout Report. http://scout.cs.wisc.edu/report/sr/current/. A team of professional librarians and subject-matter experts compile high-quality Internet resources into an excellent resource for online information. Kearl, Michael C. A Sociological Tour through Cyberspace. http://www.trinity.edu/ ~mkearl/index.html. Michael C. Kearl at Trinity University provides an interest- ing and informative online “tour” exercising the sociological imagination. Mills, C. Wright. 1959. The Sociological Imagination. New York: Oxford University Press. This book critiques sociological thinking and shows the ways that our per- sonal lives are inevitably linked with social issues. SocioSite. http://www2.fmg.uva.nl/sociosite/index.html. Under chief editor Albert Ben- schop, this site provides an extensive set of links to topics of interest to social scientists internationally. Steele, Stephen F., AnneMarie Scarisbrick-Hauser, and William J. Hauser. 1999. Solution-Centered Sociology: Addressing Problems through Applied Sociology. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage. This book shows how to apply a range of socio- logical tools to solve real-life problems. Stephan, Ed. A Sociology Timeline from 1600. http://www.ac.wwu.edu/~stephan/ timeline.html. This extensive timeline contains a wealth of events including births, deaths, and publications of many influential sociologists (and others). There are also links to additional online information for some entries and a cal- endar that allows users to see what happened in sociological history, by date. 19 CHAPTER 2 Sociological Theory Sociologists depend on theories to help them explain the social world and orga- nize their ideas about how it operates. A theory is the analysis and statement of how and why a set of facts relates to each other. In sociology, theories help us un- derstand how social phenomena relate to each other. Theories help sociologists explain why and how society works. Through the use of theory, they work to answer such questions as “why are things as they are, what conditions produce them, and what conditions change them into some- thing else? If we have such a theory, we will at last be in a position to know what we really can do about the shape of our society” (Collins 1988, 119). By under- standing the real causes of how and why things operate as they do, we can find ways to address the things that need improvement. Sociologists use scientific research methods to test these theories. The- ories can then be refined or rejected after they are evaluated. Chapter 10 dis- cusses how sociologists do research in more detail. SOCIOLOGICAL PARADIGMS Like scientists in all disciplines, sociologists develop theories based on paradigms, broad assumptions about how the world works. These paradigms guide the way social scientists develop theories, conduct research, and evaluate evidence. An important work in understanding paradigms is Thomas Kuhn’s book The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (1970). Kuhn was able to show that scientific assumptions come in and out of favor at different times. Since these paradigms encompass assumptions about how various parts of the world are connected, they guide responses to perceived situations and solutions to any problems that are identified. The Basics of Sociology An example from the field of medicine illustrates this concept (Weiss and Lonnquist 1994, 19–40). Very early theories of disease causation were based on the supernatural. Ancient peoples believed diseases were caused by deities or magic. Based on this theory, their treatments often involved rituals designed to remove the evil spirits from the body such as bloodletting (draining blood from the body) or a procedure called trephination in which holes were made in the skull using sharp stones. Hippocrates (460–377 B.C.) popularized the theoretical paradigm that disease was a natural process. He developed a humoral theory of disease that ex- plained illness as an imbalance of four humors (hot, cold, dry, and wet) within the body. Based on his theory, treatments were designed to rebalance these hu- mors (e.g., cool someone with a heat-related illness). This remained the domi- nant theory for centuries. The germ theory of disease that guides today’s medical paradigm was not developed until French chemist Louis Pasteur (1822–95) turned his attention to human diseases in the late 1800s. After his research, treatments began to focus on fighting bacteria. Sometimes all of these treatments worked, regardless of whether evil spirits were actually released, humors were rebalanced, germs were killed, or some other mechanism was the actual cause of the recovery. Results, however, tend to be interpreted according to the prevailing paradigm of the time. In sociology, theoretical paradigms differ in how much of society or what aspects of society they focus on at one time. In other words, they differ on how “big” their look at society is. Macro perspectives are “big” perspectives that look at social processes throughout society. Social theorists who take macro perspectives examine the interrelationships of large-scale social structures and interrelationships (e.g., the economy, the government, and the health-care sys- tem). They look at how these facets of society fit together and any troubles or stress within these interrelationships. They are also interested in why and how society changes as a result of these relationships. Conversely, micro perspectives focus on patterns of individual interac- tions. Social theorists who take a micro perspective focus on the daily interac- tions we have on an individual level. They are interested in why and how individuals relate to each other, how our day-to-day interactions with each other are shaped by larger society, and how these day-to-day interactions can, in turn, shape larger society. MAJOR SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES There is no clearly identifiable date when sociological theory began. However, the mid-to-late 1800s marks the period when social thought turned to what we today call sociology (Ritzer 1988, 4). There are currently three major theoretical paradigms in sociology: the structural-functionalist paradigm, the social-conflict paradigm, and the symbolic-interactionist paradigm (Babbie 1994). No one of these three perspec- tives is singularly “right” or “wrong.” Each provides a different way to view and 22 Sociological Theory analyze society. They can reveal different issues and suggest different answers to tackling any problems they identify. Two of the major paradigms, the structural- functionalist and the social-conflict perspective, take a macro perspective on so- ciety. The third perspective, symbolic-interactionism, takes a micro perspective. Structural-Functionalism Structural-functionalism is the earliest sociological paradigm. It is rooted in the scientific advances of the physical sciences occurring in the nine- teenth century. Based on these advances, Herbert Spencer (1820–1903) ap- proached the study of social structures through an “organic analogy” that emphasized evolutionary laws (Spencer 1898). In this model, Spencer viewed society as being similar to a body. In the most simplistic terms, just as the vari- ous organs in the body work together to keep the entire system functioning and regulated, the various parts of society (the economy, the polity, health care, edu- cation, etc.) work together to keep the entire society functioning and regulated. Spencer also saw similarities in the way physical bodies and societies evolve. Spencer actually coined the term survival of the fittest, which is often incorrectly attributed to evolutionary biologist Charles Darwin. Spencer influenced early French sociologist Emile Durkheim (1858– 1917), who is profiled in chapter 10. Durkheim took this organic analogy and refined it into a perspective that would become structural-functionalism. The perspective is also called functionalism, or the functionalist paradigm. This par- adigm views society as a complex system of interrelated parts working together to maintain stability (Parsons 1951; Turner and Maryanski 1979). According to this perspective; (1) a social system’s parts are interdependent; (2) the system has a “normal” healthy state of equilibrium, analogous to a healthy body; and (3) when disturbed, the system parts reorganize and readjust to bring the system back to a state of equilibrium (Wallace and Wolf 1999, 18). Any changes in so- ciety occur in structured, evolutionary ways. Durkheim realized that society influences our human actions but that society is also something that exists beyond individuals. He felt that society must be studied and understood in terms of what he called social facts. These social facts include laws, morals, values, religious beliefs, customs, fashions, rituals, and the myriad cultural and social rules governing social life. Durkheim (1964b) saw this system of social facts as making up the structure of society. He was interested in how these social facts are related to each other. He was also interested in the function each of the parts of a social system fulfill as well as how societies manage to remain stable or change. In other words, how do social facts fit together? What needs do the various parts of society serve? What part does each segment of society play in keeping the system operating and bal- anced? How and why do systems change? Functionalism has been very influential in sociology. It was especially popular in the United States when championed by Harvard sociologist Talcott Parsons (1902–79) during the 1940s and 1950s. Parsons, profiled below, is 23 The Basics of Sociology known for his grand theory, an abstract level of theorizing that tried to explain the entire social structure at once and was difficult, if not impossible, to test through research. Robert K. Merton (1910–2003), Parsons’s student, who is also profiled below, turned away from these grand theories in favor of what he called theories of the middle-range. These middle-range theories are theories that are more limited and can be tested through research. They explain, for example, deviant behavior (further discussed in chapter 6), public opinion, or how power is trans- mitted between generations.

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