Hitler's War (2001).pdf

Introduction i David Irving Hitler’s War and The War Path ‘Two books in English stand out from the vast literature of the Second World War: Chester Wilmot’s The Struggle for Europe, published in 1952, and David Irving’s Hitler’s War’ joh n k e e g a n , Times Literary Supplement F FOCAL POINT ii Hitler’s War Twenty years still to go: Wealthy benefactor Lotte Bechstein took this snapshot of Adolf Hitler, then , at the balustrade of the villa that became the Berghof, after his release from Landsberg prison in  (author’s collection) Introduction i A Doctor quotes Hitler on Biographers, in August  a foreigner, said Hitler,‘probably ﬁnds it easier to pass judgment on a statesman, provided he is familiar with the country, its people, its language, and its archives. ‘“Presumably,” I said, “Chamier didn’t know the Kaiser personally, as he was still relatively young. But his book not only shows a precise knowledge of the archives and papers, but relies on what are after all many personal items, like the Kaiser’s letters and written memoranda of conversations with friends and enemies.” ‘“Hitler then said that for some time now he has gone over to having all impor- tant discussions and military conferences recorded for posterity by shorthand writers. And perhaps one day after he is dead and buried an objective Englishman will come and give him the same kind of impartial treatment. The present generation neither can nor will.”’ – The Diary of Dr Erwin Giesing, on a discussion with Hitler about the Kaiser’s English biographer J. D. Chamier (author’s collection) David Irving is the son of a Royal Navy commander. Imperfectly educated at London’s Imperial College of Science & Technology and at University College, he subsequently spent a year in Germany working in a steel mill and perfecting his fluency in the language. Among his thirty books (including three in German), the best-known include Hitler’s War; The Trail of the Fox: The Life of Field Marshal Rommel; Accident, the Death of General Sikorski;The Rise and Fall of the Luftwaffe; Göring: a Biography, and Nuremberg, the Last Battle. He has translated several works by other authors including the autobiographies by Field-Marshal Wilhelm Keitel, General Reinhard Gehlen, and Nikki Lauda. He lives near Grosvenor Square, London, and has raised five daughters. In  he published The Destruction of Dresden. This became a best-seller in many countries. In  he issued a revised edition, Apocalypse 1945, as well as his important biography, Goebbels. Mastermind of the Third Reich. A second volume of Churchill’s War appeared in 2001 and he is now completing the third. His works are available as free downloads on our Internet website at www. fpp.co.uk/books. ii Hitler’s War for Josephine Irving in memoriam ‒ copyright ©  Parforce (UK) Ltd All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No part of this publication may be reproduced, copied, or transmitted save with written permission of the author in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright Act  (as amended). Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. Hitler’s War was first published by The Viking Press (New York) and Hodder & Stoughton (London) in ; The War Path was published by The Viking Press and Michael Joseph Ltd in . Macmillan Ltd continued to publish these volumes until . We published a revised edition of both volumes in . Hitler’s War and The War Path has been extensively revised and expanded on the basis of materials available since then. The volume is also available as a free download from our website at www.fpp.co.uk/books. F OCAL P OINT P UBLICATIONS Duke Street, London wk pe British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library isbn     Printed and bound in Great Britain by The Bath Press Introduction iii Contents Introduction vii Prologue: The Nugget  w Part I: Approach to Absolute Power Dictator by Consent  Triumph of the Will  ‘One Day, the World’  First Lady  Goddess of Fortune  ‘Green’  The Other Side of Hitler  Whetting the Blade  Munich  One Step Along a Long Path  w Part II: Toward the Promised Land In Hitler’s Chancellery  Fifty  Extreme Unction  The Major Solution  Pact with the Devil  Entr’acte: His First Silesian War  iv Hitler’s War w Part III: Hitler’s War Begins ‘White’  Overtures  Incidents  Clearing the Decks  ‘We Must Destroy Them Too!’  Hors d’Œuvre  w Part IV: ‘War of Liberation’ The Warlord at the Western Front  The Big Decision  The Dilemma  Molotov  The ‘Barbarossa’ Directive  Let Europe Hold its Breath  Behind the Door  A Bitter Victory  Hess and Bormann  Pricking the Bubble  w Part V: Crusade into Russia The Country Poacher  Kiev  Cold Harvest  A Test of Endurance  Hitler Takes Command  Hitler’s Word is Law  ‘Blue’  The Black Spot for Halder  Introduction v Africa and Stalingrad  w Part VI: Total War Trauma and Tragedy  Retreat  Silence of the Tomb  Clutching at Straws  Correcting the Front Line  ‘Axis’  Feelers to Stalin  ‘And So It Will Be, Mein Führer!’  Trouble from Providence  The Most Reviled  w Part VII: The Worms Turn Man with a Yellow Leather Briefcase  ‘Do You Recognise My Voice?’  He Who Rides a Tiger  Rommel Gets a Choice  On the Brink of a Volcano  w Part VIII: Endkampf The Gamble  Waiting for a Telegram  Hitler Goes to Ground  ‘Eclipse’  Abbreviations  Notes and sources  vi Hitler’s War Introduction vii Introduction T o historians is granted a talent that even the gods are denied – to alter what has already happened!’ I bore this scornful saying in mind when I embarked on this study of Adolf Hitler’s twelve years of absolute power. I saw myself as a stone cleaner – less concerned with architectural appraisal than with scrubbing years of grime and discoloration from the facade of a silent and forbidding monument. I set out to describe events from behind the Führer’s desk, seeing each episode through his eyes. The technique necessarily narrows the ﬁeld of view, but it does help to explain decisions that are otherwise inexplicable. Nobody that I knew of had attempted this before, but it seemed worth the eﬀort: after all, Hitler’s war left forty million dead and caused all of Europe and half of Asia to be wasted by ﬁre and explosives; it destroyed Hitler’s ‘Third Reich,’ bankrupted Britain and lost her the Empire, and it brought lasting disorder to the world’s aﬀairs; it saw the entrenchment of communism in one continent, and its emergence in another. In earlier books I had relied on the primary records of the period rather than published literature, which contained too many pitfalls for the historian. I naïvely supposed that the same primary sources technique could within ﬁve years be applied to a study of Hitler. In fact it would be thirteen years before the ﬁrst volume, Hitler’s War, was published in  and twenty years later I was still indexing and adding to my documentary ﬁles. I remember, in , driving down to Tilbury Docks to collect a crate of microﬁlms ordered from the U.S. government for this study; the liner that brought the crate has long been scrapped, the dockyard itself levelled to the ground. I suppose I took it all at a far too leisurely pace. I hope however that this biography, now updated and revised, will outlive its rivals, and that more and more future writers ﬁnd themselves compelled to consult it for vii viii Hitler’s War materials that are contained in none of the others. Travelling around the world I have found that it has split the community of academic historians from top to bottom, particularly in the controversy around ‘the Holocaust.’ In Australia alone, students from the universities of New South Wales and Western Australia have told me that there they are penalised for citing Hitler’s War; at the universities of Wollongong and Canberra students are disciplined if they don’t. The biography was required reading for oﬃcers at military academies from Sandhurst to West Point, New York, and Carlisle, Penn- sylvania, until special-interest groups applied pressure to the commanding oﬃcers of those seats of learning; in its time it attracted critical praise from the experts behind the Iron Curtain and from the denizens of the Far Right. Not everybody was content. As the author of this work I have had my home smashed into by thugs, my family terrorised, my name smeared, my printers ﬁrebombed, and myself arrested and deported by tiny, democratic Austria – an illegal act, their courts decided, for which the ministerial culprits were punished; at the behest of disaﬀected academics and inﬂuential citizens, in subsequent years, I was deported from Canada (in ), and refused entry to Australia, New Zealand, Italy, South Africa, and other civilised countries around the world (in ). In my absence, internationally aﬃliated groups circulated letters to librarians, pleading for this book to be taken oﬀ their shelves. From time to time copies of these letters were shown to me. A journalist for Time magazine dining with me in New York in  remarked, ‘Before coming over I read the clippings ﬁles on you. Until Hitler’s War you couldn’t put a foot wrong, you were the darling of the media; but after it...’ I oﬀer no apology for having revised the existing picture of the man. I have tried to accord to him the kind of hearing that he would have got in an English court of law – where the normal rules of evidence apply, but also where a measure of insight is appropriate. There have been sceptics who questioned whether the heavy reliance on – inevitably angled – private sources is any better as a method of investigation than the more traditional quarries of information. My reply is that we certainly cannot deny the value of private sources altogether. As the Washington Post noted in its review of the ﬁrst edition in , ‘British historians have always been more objective toward Hitler than either German or American writers.’ Introduction ix my conclusions on completing the manuscript startled even me. Hitler was a far less omnipotent Führer than had been believed, and his grip on his subordinates had weakened with each passing year. Three episodes – the aftermath of the Ernst Röhm aﬀair of June , , the Dollfuss assassination a month later, and the anti-Jewish outrages of November  – show how his powers had been pre-empted by men to whom he felt himself in one way or another indebted.While my Hitler’s central and guiding pre- war ambition always remains constant, his methods and tactics were profoundly opportunistic. Hitler ﬁrmly believed in grasping at ﬂeeting opportunities. ‘There is but one moment when the Goddess of Fortune wafts by,’ he lectured his adjutants in , ‘and if you don’t grab her then by the hem you won’t get a second chance!’ The manner in which he seized upon the double scandal in January  to divest himself of the over conservative army Commander in Chief,Werner von Fritsch, and to become his own Supreme Commander too, is a good example. His geographical ambitions remained unchanged. He had no ambitions against Britain or her Empire at all, and all the captured records solidly bear this out. He had certainly built the wrong air force and the wrong navy for a sustained campaign against the British Isles; and subtle indications, like his instructions to Fritz Todt (page ) to erect huge monuments on the Reich’s western frontiers, suggest that for Hitler these frontiers were of a lasting nature. There is equally solid proof of his plans to invade the east – his secret speech of February  (page ), his memorandum of August  (pages –), his June  instructions for the expansion of Pillau as a Baltic naval base (page ), and his remarks to Mussolini in May  (page ), that ‘Germany will step out along the ancient Teutonic path, toward the east.’ Not until later that month, it turns out (page ), did Hitler ﬁnally resign himself to the likelihood that Britain and France would probably not stand aside. These last pre-war years saw Hitler’s intensive reliance on psychological warfare techniques. The principle was not new: Napoleon himself had deﬁned it thus: ‘The reputation of one’s arms in war is everything, and equivalent to real forces.’ By using the records of the propaganda ministry and various editorial oﬃces I have tried to illustrate how advanced the Nazis were in these ‘cold war’ techniques. Related to this theme is my emphasis on Hitler’s foreign Intelligence sources. The Nazis’ wiretapping and code breaking agency, the Forschungsamt, which destroyed all its records in , holds the key to many of his successes.The agency eavesdropped on foreign x Hitler’s War diplomats in Berlin and – even more signiﬁcantly – it fed to Hitler hour by hour transcripts of the lurid and incautious telephone conversations conducted between an embattled Prague and the Czech diplomats in London and Paris during September  (pages –). From the time of Munich until the outbreak of war with Britain Hitler could follow virtually hourly how his enemies were reacting to each Nazi ploy, and he rightly deduced by August , , that while the western powers might well formally declare war they would not actually ﬁght – not at ﬁrst, that is. The war years saw Hitler as a powerful and relentless military commander, the inspiration behind great victories like the Battle of France in May  and the Battle of Kharkov in May ; even Marshal Zhukov later privately admitted that Hitler’s summer  strategy – rather than the general staﬀ’s frontal assault on Moscow – was unquestionably right. At the same time however Hitler became a lax and indecisive political leader, who allowed aﬀairs of state to stagnate.Though often brutal and insensitive, he lacked the ability to be ruthless where it mattered most. He refused to bomb London itself until Mr. Churchill forced the decision on him in late August . He was reluctant to impose the test of total mobilisation on the German ‘master race’ until it was too late to matter, so that with munitions factories crying out for manpower, idle German housewives were still employing half a million domestic servants to dust their homes and polish their furniture. Hitler’s military irresolution sometimes showed through, for example in his panicky vacillation at times of crisis like the battle for Narvik in . He took ineﬀectual measures against his enemies inside Germany for too long, and seems to have been unable to act eﬀectively against strong opposition at the very heart of his High Command. In fact he suﬀered incompetent ministers and generals far longer than the Allied leaders did. He failed to unite the feuding factions of Party and Wehrmacht for the common cause, and he proved incapable of stiﬂing the corrosive hatred of the War Department (OKH) for the Wehrmacht High Command (OKW). I believe that I show in this book that the more hermetically Hitler locked himself away behind the barbed wire and mineﬁelds of his remote military headquarters, the more his Germany became a Führer Staat without a Führer. Domestic policy was controlled by whoever was most powerful in each sector – by Hermann Göring as head of the powerful economics agency, the Four Year Plan; by Hans Lammers as chief of the Reich chancellery; or by Martin Bormann, the Nazi Party boss; or by Heinrich Himmler, minister of the interior and Reichsführer of the evil famed SS. Introduction xi hitler was a problem, a puzzle to even his most intimate advisers. Joachim von Ribbentrop, his foreign minister, wrote in his Nuremberg prison cell in : I got to know Adolf Hitler more closely in . If I am asked to day however whether I knew him well – how he thought as a politician and statesman, what kind of man he was – then I’m bound to confess that I know only very little about him; really, nothing at all. The fact is that although I went through so much together with him, in all the years of working with him I never came closer to him than on the ﬁrst day we met, either personally or otherwise. The sheer complexity of that character is evident from a comparison of his brutality in some respects with his almost maudlin sentimentality and stubborn adherence to military conventions that others had long abandoned. We ﬁnd him cold bloodedly ordering a hundred hostages executed for every German occupation soldier killed; dictating the massacre of Italian oﬃcers who had turned their weapons against German troops in ; ordering the liquidation of Red Army commissars, Allied commando troops, and captured Allied aircrews; in  he announced that the male populations of Stalingrad and Leningrad were to be exterminated. He justiﬁed all these orders by the expediencies of war.Yet the same Hitler indignantly exclaimed, in the last week of his life, that Soviet tanks were ﬂying the Nazi swastika as a ruse during street ﬁghting in Berlin, and he ﬂatly forbade his Wehrmacht to violate ﬂag rules. He had opposed every suggestion for the use of poison gases, as that would violate the Geneva Protocol; at that time Germany alone had manufactured the potentially war winning lethal nerve gases Sarin andTabun. In an age in which the governments of the democracies attempted, engineered, or condoned the assassinations, successfully or otherwise, of the inconvenient* – from General Sikorski, Admiral Darlan, Field Marshal Rommel, and King Boris of Bulgaria to Fidel Castro, Patrice Lumumba, and Salvador Allende – we learn that Hitler, the world’s most unscrupulous dictator, not only never resorted to the assassination of foreign opponents but ﬂatly forbade his Abwehr to attempt it. In particular he rejected Admiral Canaris’s plans to assassinate the Red Army General Staﬀ. * The CIA documents on planned assassinations and assassination techniques can now be viewed on the George Washington University website, at www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv. xii Hitler’s War The biggest problem in dealing analytically with Hitler is the aversion to him deliberately created by years of intense wartime propaganda and emotive post-war historiography. I came to the subject with almost neutral feelings. My own impression of the war was limited to snapshot memories –  summer picnics around the wreckage of a Heinkel bomber in the local Bluebell Woods; the infernal organ note of the V  ﬂying bombs passing overhead; convoys of drab army trucks rumbling past our country gate; counting the gaps in the American bomber squadrons straggling back each day from Germany; waving to the troopships sailing in June  from Southsea beach to Normandy; and of course,VE day itself, with the bonﬁres and beating of the family gong. Our knowledge of the Germans ‘responsible’ for all this was not profound. In Everybody’s magazine, long defunct, I recall ‘Ferrier’s World Searchlight’ with its weekly caricatures of a clubfooted dwarf called Goebbels and the other comic Nazi heroes. The caricatures have bedevilled the writing of modern history ever since. Confronted by the phenomenon of Hitler himself, historians cannot grasp that he was a walking, talking human weighing some  pounds with greying hair, largely false teeth, and chronic digestive ailments. He is to them the Devil incarnate: he has to be, because of the sacriﬁces that we made in destroying him. The caricaturing process became respectable at the Nuremberg war crimes trials. History has been plagued since then by the prosecution teams’ methods of selecting exhibits and by the subsequent publication of them in neatly printed and indexed volumes and the incineration of any document that might have hindered the prosecution eﬀort. At Nuremberg the blame for what happened was shifted from general to minister, from minister to Party oﬃcial, and from all of them invariably to Hitler. Under the system of ‘licensed’ publishers and newspapers established by the victors in post-war Germany the legends prospered. No story was too absurd to gain credence in the history books and memoirs. Among these creative writers the German General Staﬀ take pride of place. Without Hitler few of them would have risen above colonel. They owed him their jobs, their medals, their estates and endowments, and not infrequently their victories too. After the war those who survived – which was sometimes because they had been dismissed and thus removed from the hazards of the battleﬁeld – contrived to divert the blame for ﬁnal defeat. In the ﬁles of Nuremberg prosecutor Justice Robert H. Jackson I found a note warning about the tactics that General Franz Halder, the former chief Introduction xiii of General Staﬀ, proposed to adopt: ‘I just wanted to call your attention to the CSDIC intercepts of Halder’s conversations with other generals. He is extremely frank on what he thinks should be suppressed or distorted and in particular is very sensitive to the suggestion that the German General Staﬀ was involved in anything, especially planning for war.’ Fortunately this embarrassed oﬀsetting between conscience and memory was more than once recorded for posterity by the hidden microphones of the CSDIC (Combined Services Detailed Interrogation Centre). Thus the cavalry general Rothkirch, the III Corps commander, captured at Bitburg on March , , was overheard three days later describing how he had personally liquidated Jews in a small town near Vitebsk, Russia, and how he had been warned not to disturb mass graves near Minsk as these were about to be exhumed and incinerated so as to destroy all traces. ‘I have decided,’ he told fellow prisoners, ‘to twist every statement I make so that the oﬃcer corps is white washed – relentlessly, relentlessly!’* And when General Heinz Guderian and the arrogant, supercilious General Leo Geyr von Schweppen- burg were asked by their American captors to write their own history of the war, they ﬁrst sought Field Marshal Wilhelm Leeb’s permission as senior oﬃcer at the Seventh Army’s CSDIC. Again hidden microphones recorded their talk: leeb: Well, I can only give you my personal opinion....You will have to weigh your answers carefully when they pertain to objectives, causes, and the progress of operations, in order to see where they may impinge on the interests of our Fatherland. On the one hand we have to admit that the Americans know the course of operations quite accurately; they even know which units were employed on our side. However they are not quite so familiar with our motives. And there is one point where it would be advisable to proceed with caution, so that we do not become the laughingstock of the world. I do not know what your relations were with Hitler, but I do know his military capacity.... You will have to consider your answers a bit carefully when approached on this subject so that you say nothing that might embarrass our Fatherland.... geyr von schweppenburg: The types of madness known to psychologists cannot be compared with the one the Führer suﬀered from. * CSDIC (UK) report SRGG., March , , in Public Record Oﬃce, London, ﬁle WO./. xiv Hitler’s War He was a madman surrounded by serfs. I do not think we should express ourselves quite as strongly as that in our statements. Mention of this fact will have to be made, however, in order to exonerate a few persons. After agonising over which German generals, if any, advocated war in 1939, Leeb suggested: ‘The question is now whether we should not just admit openly everything we know.’ geyr: Any objective observer will admit that National Socialism did raise the social status of the worker, and in some respects even his standard of living. leeb: This is one of the great achievements of National Socialism.The excesses of National Socialism were in the ﬁrst and ﬁnal analysis due to the Führer’s personality. guderian: The fundamental principles were ﬁne. leeb: That is true. In writing this biography I therefore adopted strict criteria in selecting my source material. I have used not only the military records and archives; I have burrowed deep into the contemporary writings of his closest personal staﬀ, seeking clues to the real truth in diaries and private letters written to wives and friends. For the few autobiographical works I have used I preferred to rely on their original manuscripts rather than the printed texts, as in the early post-war years apprehensive publishers (especially the ‘licensed’ ones in Germany) made drastic changes in them – for example in the memoirs of Karl Wilhelm Krause, Hitler’s manservant. Thus I relied on the original handwritten memoirs of Walter Schellenberg, Himmler’s Intelligence chief, rather than on the mutilated and ghost-written version subsequently published by André Deutsch. I would go so far as to warn against several works hitherto accepted as ‘standard’ sources on Hitler – particularly those by Konrad Heiden, the Abwehr/OSS double agent Hans Bernd Gisevius, Erich Kordt, and Hitler’s dismissed adjutant Fritz Wiedemann. (The latter unashamedly explained in a private  letter to a friend,‘It makes no diﬀerence if exaggerations and even falsehoods do creep in.’) Professor Carl Jakob Burckhardt’s ‘diary’ quoted in his memoir, Meine Danziger Mission 1937–1939, is impossible to reconcile with Hitler’s actual movements; while Hermann Rauschning’s Introduction xv Conversations with Hitler (Zürich, ) has bedevilled analysis of Hitler’s policies ever since it was published by the evil propagandist Emery Reves (Imre Revész) along with a host of other fables. Rauschning, a former Nazi Danzig politician, met Hitler on only a couple of formal occasions. It was being republished in Vienna as recently as , although even the otherwise uncriticalWest German historian Professor Eberhard Jäckel – who carelessly included  forgeries in a serious volume of Hitler’s manuscripts, and then dismissed this poisonous injection as making up less than  percent of the total volume! – emphasised in a learned article in Geschichte in Wissenschaft und Unterricht (No. , ) that Rauschning’s volume has no claim to credibility at all. Reves was also publisher of that other famous ‘source’ on early Nazi history, Fritz Thyssen’s ‘memoirs,’ I Paid Hitler (London, ). Henry Ashby Turner, Jr., has pointed out in a paper in Vierteljahrsheft für Zeitgeschichte (No. , ) that the luckless Thyssen never even saw eight of the book’s nineteen chapters, while the rest were drafted in French! The list of such spurious volumes is endless. The anonymous ‘memoirs’ of the late Christa Schroeder, Hitler Privat (Düsseldorf, ), were penned by Albert Zoller, a French army liaison oﬃcer to the U.S. Seventh Army. Martin Bormann’s alleged notes on Hitler’s ﬁnal bunker conversations, published with an introduction by Professor HughTrevor-Roper in  as TheTestament of Adolf Hitler and – regrettably – published by Albrecht Knaus Verlag in German as Hitlers Politisches Testament: Die Bormann-Diktate (Hamburg, ), are in my view quite spurious: a copy of the partly typed, partly handwritten original is in my possession, and this leaves no doubt. Historians are however quite incorrigible, and will quote any apparently primary source no matter how convincingly its false pedigree is exposed. Albert Speer’s memoirs Inside the Third Reich made him a personal fortune after the West Berlin ﬁrm of Propyläen published the book in . The volume earned him wide respect for his disavowal of Hitler. Some critics were however puzzled that the American edition diﬀered substantially from the German original Erinnerungen and the British edition. I learned the truth from the horse’s mouth, being one of the ﬁrst writers to interview Speer after his release from Spandau prison in . The former Reichsminister spent an afternoon reading out loud to me from his draft memoirs. The book subsequently published was very diﬀerent, having been written, he explained, by my own in house editor at the Ullstein publishing house (Annette Engel née Etienne), by their chief editor Wolf Jobst Siedler, and by historian Joachim Fest, editor of the prestigious Frankfurter Allgemeine xvi Hitler’s War Zeitung. Miss Etienne conﬁrmed this. When I challenged Speer in private at a Frankfurt publishing dinner in October  to publish his original memoirs, he replied rather wistfully that he wished he could: ‘That would be impossible. That manuscript was quite out of keeping with the modern nuances. Even the captions to the chapters would have caused diﬃculties.’ A courageous Berlin author, Matthias Schmidt, later published a book* exposing the Speer legend and the ‘memoirs’; but it is the latter volume which the lazy gentlemen of my profession have in their libraries, not Schmidt’s, thus proving the opening words of this introduction to be true. It was symptomatic of Speer’s truthfulness to history that while he was in Spandau he paid for the entire wartime diaries of his oﬃce (Dienststelle) to be retyped omitting the more unfortunate passages, and donated these faked documents to the Bundesarchiv in Koblenz. My comparison of the  volume, housed in the original in British Cabinet Oﬃce archives, with the Bundesarchiv copy made this plain, and Matthias Schmidt also reveals the forgery. In fact I have been startled by the number of such ‘diaries’ which close scrutiny proves to have been faked or tampered with – invariably to Hitler’s disadvantage. Two diﬀerent men claimed to possess the entire diaries of Vice Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, the legendary Abwehr chief hanged by Hitler in April . The ﬁrst, Klaus Benzing, produced ‘documents of the post-war German Intelligence Service (BND)’ and original papers ‘signed by Canaris’ in his support; the second, the German High Court judge Fabian von Schlabrendorﬀ, announced that his set of the diaries had recently been returned by Generalísimo Francisco Franco to the West German govern- ment. Forensic tests on the paper and ink of a ‘Canaris document’ supplied by the ﬁrst man, conducted for me by the London laboratory of Hehner & Cox Ltd., proved them to be forgeries. An interview with Franco’s chef de bureau – his brother in law Don Felipe Polo Valdes – in Madrid disposed of the German judge’s equally improbable claim. Similarly the Eva Braun diaries published by the ﬁlm actor Luis Trenker were largely forged from the memoirs written decades earlier by Countess Irma Larisch-Wallersee; the forgery was established by the Munich courts in October . Eva Braun’s genuine diaries and voluminous intimate correspondence with Hitler were acquired by the CIC team of Colonel Robert A. Gutierrez, based in Stuttgart Backnang in the summer of ; * Matthias Schmidt, Albert Speer:The End of a Myth (New York, ). Introduction xvii after a brief sifting by Frau Ursula Göhler on their behalf, these papers have not been seen since. I visited Gutierrez twice in New Mexico – he subsequently released Eva Braun’s wedding dress and silver ﬂatware (which he admitted having retained) to my researcher colleague Willi Korte, but he has not conceded an inch over the missing papers and diaries. The oft quoted diaries of Himmler’s and Ribbentrop’s Berlin masseur Felix Kersten are equally ﬁctitious – as for example the ‘twenty six page medical dossier on Hitler’ described in chapter xxiii (pp. – of the English edition) shows when compared with the genuine diaries of Hitler’s doctor, Theo Morell, which I found and published in . The genuine Kersten diaries which Professor Hugh Trevor Roper saw in Sweden were never published, perhaps because of the political dynamite they contained on Sweden’s elite including publisher Albert Bonnier, alleged to have oﬀered Himmler the addresses of every Jew in Sweden in return for concessions in the event of a Nazi invasion. Similarly the ‘diaries’ published by Rudolf Semler in Goebbels – the Man Next to Hitler (London, ) are phoney too, as the entry for January , , proves; it has Hitler as Goebbels’s guest in Berlin, when the Führer was in fact still ﬁghting the Battle of the Bulge from his headquarters in western Germany. There are too obvious anachronisms in Count Galeazzo Ciano’s extensively quoted ‘diaries’: for example Marshal Rodolfo Graziani’s ‘complaints about Rommel’ on December ,  – two full months before Rommel was appointed to Italy’s North Africa theatre! In fact Ciano spent the months after his dismissal in February  rewriting and ‘improving’ the diaries himself, which makes them readable but useless for the purposes of history. Ribbentrop warned about the forgery in his prison memoirs – he claimed to have seen Ciano’s real diaries in September  – and the Nazi interpreter Eugen Dollmann described in his memoirs how the fraud was actually admitted to him by a British oﬃcer at a prison camp. The OSS ﬁles on this are in the Allen W. Dulles papers (unfortunately still closed) at the Mudd Library, Princeton University; but even the most superﬁcial examination of the handwritten original volumes reveals the extent to which Ciano (or others) doctored them and interpolated material – yet historians of the highest repute have quoted them without question as they have Ciano’s so called ‘Lisbon Papers,’ although the latter too bear all the hallmarks of subsequent editing. (They have all been retyped on the same typewriter although ostensibly originating over the six years –.) xviii Hitler’s War Some diaries have been amended in relatively harmless ways: the Luftwaﬀe Chief of Staﬀ Karl Koller’s real shorthand diary often bears no resemblance to the version he published as Der letzte Monat (Mannheim, ). And Helmuth Greiner, keeper of the oﬃcial OKW operations staﬀ war diary until , seized the opportunity in , when asked by the Americans to retranscribe his original notes for the lost volumes from August  to March , to excise passages which reﬂected unfavourably on fellow prisoners like General Adolf Heusinger – or too favourably on Hitler; and no doubt to curry favour with the Americans, he added lengthy paragraphs charged with pungent criticism of Hitler’s conduct of the war which I found to be missing from his original handwritten notes. This tendency – to pillory Hitler after the war – was also strongly evident in the ‘diaries’ of the late General Gerhard Engel, who served as his army adjutant from March  to October . Historiographical evidence alone – e.g., comparison with the  private diaries of Reichsminister Fritz Todt or the wife of General Rudolf Schmundt, or with the records of Field Marshal von Manstein’s Army Group Don at the time of Stalingrad – indicates that whatever they are, they are not contemporaneous diaries; tests on the age of the paper conﬁrmed it. Regrettably, the well known Institut für Zeitgeschichte in Munich nonetheless published them in a volume, Heeresadjutant bei Hitler – (Stuttgart, ), rather feebly drawing attention to inconsistencies in the ‘diaries’ in a short introduction. With the brilliant exception of Hugh Trevor Roper (now Lord Dacre), whose book The Last Days of Hitler was based on the records of the era and is therefore virtually unassailable even today, each successive biographer repeated or embraced the legends created by his predecessors, or at best consulted only the most readily available works of reference themselves. In the s and s a wave of weak, repetitive, and unrevealing Hitler biographies had washed through the bookstores.The most widely publicised was that written by a German television personality and historian, Joachim Fest; but he later told a questioner that he had not even visited the magniﬁcent National Archives in Washington, which houses by far the largest collection of records relating to recent European history. Stylistically, Fest’s German was good; but the old legends were trotted out afresh, polished to an impressive gleam of authority. The same Berlin company also published my Hitler biography shortly after, under the title Hitler und seine Feldherren; their chief editor, Siedler, found many of my arguments distasteful, even dangerous, and without Introduction xix informing me suppressed or even reversed them. In their printed text Hitler had not told Himmler (on November , ) that there was to be ‘no liquidation’ of a consignment of Jews from Berlin; he had told him not to use the word ‘liquidate’ publicly in connection with their extermination programme.Thus history is falsiﬁed! For this and similar reasons I prohibited further printing of the book, two days after its appearance in Germany, and litigated for ten years to regain the right to publish it in its original form.To explain their actions, the Berlin publishers argued that my manuscript expressed some views that were ‘an aﬀront to established historical opinion’ in their country. My idle predecessors had gratefully lamented that most of the documents had been destroyed. They had not – they survived in embarrassing superabundance.The oﬃcial papers of Luftwaﬀe Field Marshal Erhard Milch, Göring’s deputy, were captured by the British and total over , pages; the entire war diary of the German naval staﬀ, of immense value far beyond purely naval matters, survived; it took many months to read the  volumes of main text, some over  pages long, in Washington and to examine the most promising of the , microﬁlm records of German naval records held in Washington. After the ﬁrst edition of this book appeared in Berlin in  further volumes of the diaries of Joseph Goebbels were released in the West; I had some qualms that they might reveal some of my more dangerous hypotheses to have been hollow. (Neither those ﬁrst volumes, nor the missing Goebbels diaries ﬁrst exploited by me in the Moscow archives in , nor the rest of them, have yielded any evidence that I was wrong.) Many sources of prime importance are still missing. That diplomatic historians never once bothered in thirty years to visit the widow of Joachim von Ribbentrop’s state-secretary Ernst von Weizsäcker, father of the subsequent West German president, was a baﬄing mystery to me. Had they looked for the widow of Walther Hewel, Ribbentrop’s liaison oﬃcer to Hitler, they would have learned about his diaries too. And who are these over-emotional historians of the Jewish tragedy who, until I did so, never troubled themselves even to open a readily available ﬁle of the SS chief Heinrich Himmler’s own handwritten telephone notes, or to read his memoranda for his secret meetings with Adolf Hitler? Alas, apart from pocket diaries for  and , of which I have donated copies to the Bundesarchiv, the diaries of Himmler have largely vanished – partly carried oﬀ as trophies to Moscow, from where most of the pages for – have xx Hitler’s War only recently been retrieved,* and partly removed to Tel Aviv, Israel; Chaim Rosenthal, a former attaché at the Israeli Consulate in New York, obtained some Himmler diaries by the most questionable means and donated them to the University of Tel Aviv in , but following extensive litigation against Rosenthal – now non grata in the U.S.A. – the university returned the volumes to him. Other diaries are also sorely missed.Those of former Gestapo executive Werner Best were last seen in the Royal Danish Archives in Copenhagen in ; those of Karl Wolﬀ were last seen at Nuremberg. The diaries of Hans Lammers,Wilhelm Brückner, and Karl Bodenschatz vanished into American or French hands; those of Professor Theo Morell vanished too, to turn up miraculously in my presence in Washington in  (I published a full edited transcript two years later). Nicolaus von Below’s are probably in Moscow. Alfred Rosenberg’s remaining unpublished diaries were illicitly held by the late Dr. Robert M. W. Kempner, an American lawyer based in Frankfurt; his papers, salvaged in Lansdowne, Pennsylvania, are now the object of an unseemly dispute between Jewish archives and his family.The rest of Milch’s diaries, of which I obtained and placed on microﬁlm some ﬁve thousand pages in , have vanished, as have General Alfred Jodl’s diaries covering the years  to ; they were looted along with his private property by the British th Armoured Division at Flensburg in May . Only a brief fragment of Benito Mussolini’s diary survives: the SS copied the originals and returned them to him in January , but both the originals and the copy placed in Ribbentrop’s ﬁles are missing now. The important diaries of Rudolf Schmundt were, unhappily, burned at his request by his fellow adjutant Admiral Karl Jesco von Puttkamer in April , along with Puttkamer’s own diaries. The Hoover Institution, Stanford, California, holds the diary of SS Obergruppenführer FriedrichWilhelm Krüger – another item wilfully overlooked by West Germany’s historians. My search for sources that might throw light on Hitler’s character was sometimes successful, sometimes not. Weeks of searching with a proton magnetometer – a kind of supersensitive mine detector – in a forest in East Germany failed to unearth a glass jar containing stenograms of Goebbels’s very last diaries, although at times, according to the map in my possession, * Der Dienstkalender Heinrich Himmlers ⁄, ed. Peter Witte, with foreword by Uwe Lohalm and Wolfgang Scheﬄer (Hamburg, ). No praise is too high for this edition. Introduction xxi we must have stood right over it. In writing this biography however I did obtain a signiﬁcant number of authentic, little known diaries of the people around Hitler, including an unpublished segment of Jodl’s diary; the oﬃcial diary kept for OKW chief Wilhelm Keitel by his adjutant Wolf Eberhard, and Eberhard’s own diary for the years  through ; the diary of Nikolaus von Vormann, army liaison oﬃcer to Hitler during August and September ; and the diaries kept by Martin Bormann and by Hitler’s personal adjutant Max Wünsche relating to Hitler’s movements. In addition I have used the unpublished diaries of Fedor von Bock, Erhard Milch, Erich von Manstein, Wilhelm Leeb, Erwin Lahousen, and Eduard Wagner – whose widow allowed me to copy some two thousand pages of his private letters. Christa Schroeder, one of Hitler’s private secretaries, made available exclusively to me her important contemporary papers. Julius Schaub’s family let me copy all his manuscripts about his twenty years as Hitler’s senior aide, as did Wilhelm Brückner’s son. I am the ﬁrst biographer to have used the private papers of Staatssekretär Herbert Backe and his minister, Richard Walter Darré, and the diaries, notebooks, and papers of Fritz Todt. The British government kindly made available to me precious fragments of the diary of Admiral Canaris. Scattered across Germany and America I found the shorthand and typed pages of Erwin Rommel’s diaries, and the elusive diaries and notebooks that Reichsmarschall Hermann Göring had kept from his childhood on. Among the most revealing documents used in this biography are the manuscripts written by Generaloberst (Colonel-General) Werner Freiherr von Fritsch in  and ; these I obtained from a Soviet source. Jutta Freifrau von Richthofen allowed me access to the voluminous unpublished diaries of her husband, the late ﬁeld marshal. In short, every member of Hitler’s staﬀ or High Command whom I located seemed to have carefully hoarded diaries or papers which were eventually produced for my exploitation here.They were mostly in German, but the research papers on the fringe of my work came in a Babel of other languages: Italian, Russian, French, Spanish, Hungarian, Romanian, and Czech. Some cryptic references to Hitler and Ribbentrop in the Hewel diaries deﬁed all my puny code breaking eﬀorts, and then proved to have been written in Indonesian! All of these records I have now donated to the Institute of Contemporary History in Munich, where they are available as the Author’s collection to other writers. Second World War researchers will ﬁnd microﬁlms of all the xxii Hitler’s War materials that I collected while researching this and other books available from Microform Academic Publishers Ltd., Main Street, East Ardsley, Wakeﬁeld, Yorkshire,  , England (e-mail: [email protected]; phone + – , fax – ). of the now available collections of records four are worthy of note – the formerly Top Secret CSDIC-series interrogation reports in Class WO at the Public Records Office, Kew, London; the coded radio messages of the SS and German police units, intercepted and decoded by the British at Bletchley Park, and now archived in the same place as Classes HW, HW, and HW; the ‘Adolf Hitler Collection,’ housed in three file boxes at the Seeley G. Mudd Library, Princeton University, New Jersey; and some five hundred pages of Joachim von Ribbentrop’s pre ministerial letters and memoranda to Hitler, ‒, found in the ruins of the Reich chancellery and now in the Louis Lochner papers at the Hoover Institution’s archives, Stanford, California. The ‘Hitler Collection’ was purloined by Private Eric Hamm of the U.S. Army’s war crimes branch from Hitler’s residence in Munich, and eventually sold by a Chicago auction house. It reﬂects Hitler’s career well – archive photographs of his sketches and paintings, ambassadors’ dispatches, reports on the shooting of ‘professional criminals’ while ‘resisting arrest,’ a  hotel registration ﬁlled out by Hitler (who entered himself as ‘stateless’), documents on the Spanish civil war, Röhm’s preparations for the  beer hall putsch, an instruction by Martin Bormann that Hitler had agreed to cover bills run up by the peripatetic Princess Hohenlohe but would pay no more, extensive documentation on the Party’s relations with the Church; on December , , Pierre Laval wrote to Hitler ‘desiring from the bottom of my heart that my country shall not suﬀer,’ and assuring him:‘The policy of collaboration with Germany is supported by the vast majority of the French.’ Hjalmar Schacht several times protested to Hitler about the economic damage caused by anti-Jewish strictures; on August , , he wrote that Robert Ley’s instruction that Woolworth & Co. was not to buy from Jewish suppliers would result in the company’s head oﬃce cancelling ten million marks of orders from Germany annually: ‘It is not clear to me, and never has been, how I am supposed to bring in foreign currency in the face of such policies.’ On March , , Schacht asked Hitler to receive a certain American silk manufacturer who had been requested by President Roosevelt to ‘convey personal greetings to the Führer.’ Introduction xxiii On June , , Count Helldorﬀ, police chief of Berlin, sent to Hitler a report on organised anti Jewish razzias in Berlin. Later that year the police sent to Hitler a ﬁle on the Jewish assassin Herschel Grynszpan, conﬁrming that his parents had been dumped back over the Polish border at Neu Bentschen on October  – a few days before he gunned down a German diplomat in Paris – pursuant to the Reich’s drive against Polish Jews who had settled in Germany. In February  Hitler endorsed the refusal of his embassy in Washington to pay Danegeld to Kurt Lüdecke, a former Nazi who had invited the Party publishing house or some other Reich agency to buy up all rights in his scurrilous memoirs to prevent their publication.The same ﬁle shows Hitler acting to stop the Nazi heavyweight Max Schmeling staging a return ﬁght against the Negro Joe Louis. (‘As you know,’ Julius Schaub wrote to the sports minister on March , , ‘the Führer was against the ﬁght in the ﬁrst place.’) Most enigmatic of these documents is one evidently originated by the Gestapo after , typed on the special ‘Führer typewriter,’ reporting ugly rumours about Hitler’s ancestry – ‘that the Führer was an illegitimate child, adoptive son of Alois, that the Führer’s mother’s name was Schickl- gruber* before the adoption and that the Schicklgruber line has produced a string of idiots.’ Among the latter was a tax oﬃcial, Joseph Veit, deceased in  in Klagenfurt, Austria. One of his sons had committed suicide, a daughter had died in an asylum, a surviving daughter was half mad, and a third daughter was feebleminded.The Gestapo established that the family of Konrad Pracher of Graz had a dossier of photographs and certiﬁcates on all this. Himmler had them seized ‘to prevent their misuse.’ The Ribbentrop ﬁles reﬂect his tortuous relations as ‘ambassador extraordinary’ with Hitler and his rivals. He had established his inﬂuence by making good contacts with Englishmen of inﬂuence – among them not only industrialists like E. W. D. Tennant and newspaper barons like Lord Rothermere, Lord Astor, and Lord Camrose, but also the Cabinet ministers of the day, including Lord Hailsham, Lord Lloyd, Lord Londonderry, and * In fact Hitler’s father was the illegitimate son of Maria Anna Schicklgruber. Nazi newspapers were repeatedly, e.g., on December , , forbidden to speculate on his ancestry. Werner Maser states in Die Frühgeschichte der NSDAP (Bonn, ) that on August , , Heinrich Himmler instructed the Gestapo to investigate the Führer’s parentage; their bland ﬁndings were graded merely geheim (secret). The document quoted above is, however, stamped with the highest classiﬁcation, Geheime Reichssache. xxiv Hitler’s War young Anthony Eden, in whom Ribbentrop saw the rising star of the Conservative party.The ﬁles contain records of Ribbentrop’s meetings with Stanley Baldwin and Ramsay MacDonald in  and .They also reﬂect the tenuous links established between Sir Oswald Mosley and his lieutenants with the Nazi Party leadership in Berlin. Typical of the many handwritten letters from Ribbentrop to Hitler was one dated January , , thanking him for the show of conﬁdence betokened by his new appointment to Reichsleiter – ‘Not only does this clearly deﬁne my status in the Party, removing any doubts as to your views on me and my activities, but the appointment also gives me a diﬀerent position vis à vis the foreign ministry both externally and internally.’ He signed it ‘your trusty Ribbentrop.’ nothing created such agony when this biography was ﬁrst published as my analysis of Hitler’s role in the Jewish tragedy. Pure vitriol spilled from the pens of my critics, but I see no reason to revise my central hypothesis, which is based on the records of the day: that Hitler grasped quite early on that antisemitism would be a powerful vote catching force in Germany; that he had no compunction against riding that evil steed right up to the portals of the chancellery in ; but that once inside and in power, he dismounted and paid only lip service to that part of his Party creed. The Nazi gangsters under him continued to ride to hounds, however, even when Hitler dictated diﬀerently, e.g., in November . As for the concentration camps he comfortably left that dark side of the Nazi rule to Himmler. He never visited one; those senior oﬃcials and foreigners who did obtain privileged access to Dachau, like Ernst Udet or General Erhard Milch or British Members of Parliament in  and  were favourably impressed (but those were early days). Himmler is known to have visited Auschwitz in  and . Hitler never did. The scale of Germany’s Jewish problem is revealed by an unpublished manuscript by Hitler’s predecessor as chancellor, Dr. Heinrich Brüning. Writing in American exile in  he stated that after the inﬂation there was only one major German bank not controlled by Jews, some of them ‘utterly corrupt.’ In  he had brought the banks under government supervision, and had had to keep the government’s ﬁndings of dishonesty in the banks secret ‘for fear of provoking antisemitic riots.’ Brüning blamed foreign correspondents for exaggerating the ‘occasional ill treatment of Jews’ at the beginning of the Nazi regime: Introduction xxv In the spring of  foreign correspondents reported that the River Spree [in Berlin] was covered with the corpses of murdered Jews. At that time hardly any Jews except for leaders of the Communist party... had been attacked.... If,’ he pointedly added, ‘the Jews had been treated so badly from the beginning of the regime, it could not be explained that so very few of them left the country before .’ In  Brüning would write to the editors of Life forbidding them to publish an August  letter he had written to Winston Churchill revealing that ‘from October  the two largest regular contributors to the Nazi Party were the general managers of two of the largest Berlin banks, both of Jewish faith, and one of them the leader of Zionism in Germany.’* I had approached the Nazi maltreatment of the Jews from the traditional viewpoint prevailing in the s. Supposing Hitler was a capable statesman and a gifted commander, the argument ran, how does one explain his ‘murder of six million Jews’? If this book were simply a history of the rise and fall of Hitler’s Reich it would be legitimate to conclude: ‘Hitler killed the Jews.’ He after all had created the atmosphere of hatred with his speeches in the s; he and Himmler had created the SS; his speeches, though never explicit, left the clear impression that ‘liquidate’ was what he meant. For a full length war biography of Hitler, I felt that a more analytical approach to the key questions was necessary. Remarkably, I found that Hitler’s own role in the ‘Final Solution’ had never been examined. German historians, otherwise the epitome of painstaking essaying, had developed monumental blind spots when Hitler himself cropped up: bald statements were made without a shadow of evidence in support. British and American historians willingly conformed. Others quoted them. For thirty years our knowledge of Hitler’s part in the atrocity had rested on inter historian incest. Many people, particularly in Germany and Austria, had an interest in propagating the version that the order of one madman originated the entire tragedy. Precisely when this order was given was, admittedly, left vague. Every document actually linking Hitler with the treatment of German Jews takes the form of an embargo, from the  beer hall putsch (when * Brüning’s  manuscript is in the Dorothy Thompson collection of the George Arents Research Library, Syracuse University, NewYork. His letter to Daniel Longwell, editor of Life, dated February , , is in Longwell’s papers in the Butler Library, Columbia University, New York. xxvi Hitler’s War he purportedly disciplined a Nazi squad lieutenant for having looted a Jewish delicatessen) right through to  and . In the newly discovered Goebbels diaries we ﬁnd that Hitler lectured the gauleiters in September  that ‘above all’ there were to be no excesses against the Jews and no persecution of ‘non-Aryans.’ Goebbels tried to talk him out of this soft line, but noted: ‘Jewish problem not resolved even now.We debated it for a long time but the Führer still can’t make his mind up.’ And what are we to make of the edict issued ‘to all Gau directorates for immediate action’ by Hitler’s deputy, Rudolf Hess, during the Night of Broken Glass in November , ordering an immediate stop to arson attacks on Jewish premises ‘on orders from the very highest level’? Every other historian has shut his eyes and hoped that this horrid, inconvenient document would somehow go away. It has been joined by others, like the extraordinary note dictated by Staatssekretär Franz Schlegelberger in the Reich Ministry of Justice in the spring of : ‘Reich Minister Lammers,’ this states, ‘informed me that the Führer has repeatedly pronounced that he wants the solution of the Jewish Question put oﬀ until after the war is over.’ Whatever way one reads this document, it is incompatible with the notion that Hitler had ordered an urgent liquidation programme. (The document’s original is in justice ministry ﬁle R/ in the archives at Koblenz.) Göring himself is on record as stressing at a Berlin conference on July , , how much Hitler deprecated the harassment of Jewish scientists, for example: I have discussed this with the Führer himself now; we have been able to use one Jew two years longer in Vienna, and another in photographic research, because they have certain things that we need and that can be of the utmost beneﬁt to us at the present. It would be utter madness for us to say now: ‘He’ll have to go. He was a magniﬁcent researcher, a fantastic brain, but his wife is Jewish, and he can’t be allowed to stay at the University,’ etc. The Führer has made similar exceptions in the arts all the way down to operetta level; he is all the more likely to make exceptions where really great projects or researchers are concerned.* Of course from  on Hitler uttered several harsh statements in public; * First session of the newly formed Reich Research Council, July , ; a stenographic record is in the Milch documents, vol. , pp.  ﬀ. Introduction xxvii but on many occasions in  and  he made – in private – statements which are incompatible with the notion that he knew that an all-out liquidation programme had begun. In October , even as Himmler was disclosing to privileged audiences of SS generals and gauleiters that Europe’s Jews had been systematically murdered, Hitler was still forbidding liquidations – e.g., of the Italian Jews in Rome – and ordering their internment instead. (This order his SS also disobeyed.) In July , overriding Himmler’s objections, he ordered that Jews be bartered for foreign currency or supplies; there is some evidence that like contemporary terrorists he saw these captives as a potential asset, a means whereby he could blackmail his enemies. Wholly in keeping with his character, when Hitler was confronted with the facts he took no action to rebuke the guilty; he would not dismiss Himmler as Reichsführer SS until the last day of his life. It is plausible to impute to him that not uncommon characteristic of heads of state who are over-reliant on powerful advisers: a conscious desire ‘not to know.’The proof of this is however beyond the powers of an historian. For the want of hard evidence – and in  I oﬀered a thousand pounds to any person who could produce even one wartime document showing explicitly that Hitler knew, for example, of Auschwitz – my critics resorted to arguments ranging from the subtle to the sledgehammer (in one instance, literally).They postulated the existence of Führer orders without the slightest written evidence of their existence. John Toland, Pulitzer prize winning author of a Hitler biography published in the United States, appealed emotionally in Der Spiegel for historians to refute my hypothesis, and they tried by fair means and foul. Perplexed by Himmler’s handwritten note about a phone conversation with Heydrich from Hitler’s bunker on Novem- ber ,  – ‘Arrest [of] Dr. Jekelius. Alleged son Molotov. Consignment [Transport] of Jews from Berlin. No liquidation.’ – these wizards of modern history scoﬀed that probably Molotov’s son was believed to be aboard a trainload of Jews from Berlin concealed as ‘Dr. Jekelius’ and was on no account to be liquidated. In fact Molotov had no son; Dr. Jekelius was probably Erwin Jekelius, the Viennese neurologist involved in the Euthanasia programme;* and the trainload of Jews from Berlin had that morning arrived * Cf. Benno Müller Hill, Tödliche Wissenschaft. Die Aussonderung von Juden, Zigeunern und Geisteskranken ‒ (Rowohlt, Hamburg), p. .The editors of Der Dienstkalender Heinrich Himmlers, ⁄ (Christians Verlag, Hamburg, ), p., have belatedly come to the same conclusion. – We reproduce relevant documents on page . xxviii Hitler’s War at Riga and had already been liquidated by the local SS commander by the time that Himmler scribbled down what seems clearly to have been Hitler’s injunction.* Why else communicate by telephone with Heydrich ‘from the bunker’ at the Wolf’s Lair unless Hitler himself was behind it? So far the conformist historians have been unable to help Mr. Toland, apart from suggesting that the project was so secret that only oral orders were issued. Why however should Hitler have become so squeamish in this instance, while he had shown no compunction about signing a blanket order for the liquidation of tens of thousands of fellow Germans (Philipp Bouhler’s T- euthanasia programme); his insistence on the execution of hostages on a one hundred to one basis, his orders for the liquidation of enemy prisoners (the Commando Order), of Allied airmen (the Lynch Order), and Russian functionaries (the Commissar Order) are documented all the way from the Führer’s headquarters right down the line to the executioners. Most of my critics relied on weak and unprofessional evidence. For example, they oﬀered alternative and often specious translations of words in Hitler’s speeches (apparently the Final Solution was too secret for him to sign an order, but simultaneously not so secret that he could not brag about it in public speeches); and quotations from isolated documents that have however long been discarded by serious historians as worthless or fakes, like the Gerstein Report† or the ‘Bunker conversations’ mentioned earlier. Of explicit, written, wartime evidence, the kind of evidence that could hang a man, they have produced not one line.Thus, in his otherwise fastidious * See page . The most spine chilling account of the plundering and methodical mass murder of these Jews at Riga in November  is in CSDIC (UK) report srgg. (in ﬁle wo./ of the Public Record Oﬃce): the -year-old Major General Walther Bruns, an eye-witness, describes it to fellow generals in British captivity in a German prison camp on April , , unaware that hidden microphones are recording every word. Of particular signiﬁcance: his qualms about bringing what he had seen to the Führer’s attention, and the latter’s orders that such public massacres were to stop forthwith. With HM Stationery Oﬃce permission, I shall shortly publish a volume of these extraordinarily revealing CSDIC transcripts. † On which see the dissertation by Henri Roques: ‘Les “confessions” de Kurt Gerstein. Etude comparative des diﬀérentes versions,’ submitted at the University of Nantes, France, in June . This reveals the extent to which conformist historians had been deceived by the various versions of the ‘report.’ Such was the outcry aroused that Roques was stripped of his doctoral degree. I have ensured that his  page thesis is freely available in the Author’s collection at the Institute of Contemporary History, Munich. Introduction xxix analysis of Hitler and the Final Solution (London, ) Professor Gerald Fleming relied on war crimes trial testimonies, which are anything but safe; reviewing that book, Professor Gordon Craig concluded that even Fleming had failed to refute my hypothesis. Professor Martin Broszat, director of the Institute of Contemporary History in Munich, crudely assailed my biography in a  page review in the institute’s journal, then refused space for a reply. Unfamiliar with my sources, and unaware that I had in several cases used original ﬁles which he and other historians had read only in English translation, he accused me of distorting and even inventing quotations.* Amidst such libels and calumnies, which are easily uttered, Broszat was, however, forced to concede:‘David Irving has perceived one thing correctly when he writes that in his view the killing of the Jews was partly a Verlegenheitslösung, “the way out of an awkward dilemma.”’ Broszat’s corollary, that there was no central Hitler Order for what happened, caused an uproar among the world’s historians, a Historikerstreit which is not politically limited to Left versus Right. My own conclusion went one logical stage further: that in wartime, dictatorships are funda- mentally weak – the dictator himself, however alert, is unable to oversee all the functions of his executives acting within the conﬁnes of his far ﬂung empire; and in this particular case, I concluded, the burden of guilt for the bloody and mindless massacres of the Jews rests on a large number of Germans (and non Germans), many of them alive today, and not just on one ‘mad dictator,’ whose order had to be obeyed without question.   found it necessary to set very diﬀerent historical accents on the doctrinaire foreign policies which Hitler enforced – from his apparent unwillingness to humiliate Britain when she lay prostrate in , to his damaging and emotional hatred of the Serbs, his illogical and over loyal admiration of Benito Mussolini, and his irrational mixtures of emotions toward Joseph Stalin. Being a modern English historian there was a certain morbid fascination * ‘Hitler and the Genesis of the Final Solution, an Assessment of David Irving’s Thesis,’ Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, No. , , pp. –; republished without correction in Aspects of the Third Reich (ed. H.W. Koch, Macmillan, NewYork, ) pp. –, and in Yad Vashem Studies, No. , , pp. –, and yet again, still uncorrected, in Nach Hitler: der schwierige Umgang mit unserer Geschichte (Oldenburg, ); and extensively quoted by Charles W. Sydnor in ‘The Selling of Adolf Hitler,’ in Central European History, No. , , pp. –, –. xxx Hitler’s War for me in inquiring how far Adolf Hitler really was bent on the destruction of Britain and her Empire – a major raison d’être for our ruinous ﬁght, which in  imperceptibly replaced the more implausible reason proﬀered in August , the rescue of Poland from outside oppression. Since in the chapters that follow evidence extracted again and again from the most intimate sources – like Hitler’s private conversations with his women secretaries in June  – indicates that he originally had neither the intention nor the desire to harm Britain or destroy the Empire, surely British readers at least must ask themselves: what, then, were we really ﬁghting for? Given that the British people bankrupted themselves (by December ) and lost their Empire in defeating Hitler, was the Führer right after all when he noted that Britain’s attitude was essentially one of ‘Après moi le déluge – if only we can get rid of the hated National Socialist Germany’? Unburdened by ideological idealism, the Duke of Windsor suspected in July  that the war was continuing solely in order to allow certain British statesmen (he meant Mr. Churchill and his friends) to save face, even if it meant dragging their country and Empire into ﬁnancial ruin. Others pragmatically argued that there could be no compromise with Adolf Hitler and the Nazis. Did Britain’s leaders in fact believe this, however? Dr. Bernd Martin of Freiburg University has revealed the extent to which secret negotiations on peace continued between Britain and Germany in October  and long after – negotiations on which, curiously, Mr. Churchill’s ﬁles have oﬃcially been sealed until the twenty ﬁrst century, and the Cabinet records blanked out. Similar negotiations were carried on in June , when even Mr. Churchill showed himself momentarily willing in Cabinet meetings to deal with Hitler if the price was right. Of course, in assessing the real value of such negotiations and of Hitler’s publicly stated intentions it is salutary to know that on June , , he admitted to Walther Hewel: ‘For myself personally I would never tell a lie; but there is no falsehood I would not perpetrate for Germany’s sake!’ Nevertheless one wonders how much suﬀering might have been spared if both sides had pursued the negotiations – might all that happened after , the saturation bombing, the population movements, the epidemics, even the Holocaust itself, have been avoided? Great are the questions, yet modern historiography has chosen to ignore the possibility, calling it heresy. The facts revealed here concerning Hitler’s recorded actions, motivations, and opinions should provide a basis for fresh debate. Americans will ﬁnd much that is new about the months leading up to Pearl Harbor. The French Introduction xxxi will ﬁnd additional evidence that Hitler’s treatment of their defeated nation was more inﬂuenced by memories of France’s treatment of Germany after World War I than by his respect for Mussolini’s desires. Russians can try to visualise the prospect that could conceivably have unfolded if Stalin had accepted Hitler’s oﬀer in November  of inclusion in the Axis Pact; or if, having achieved his ‘second Brest Litovsk’ peace treaty (as momentarily proposed on June , ), Stalin had accepted Hitler’s condition that he rebuild Soviet military power only beyond the Urals; or if Hitler had taken seriously Stalin’s alleged peace oﬀer of September . What is the result of these twenty years’ toiling in the archives? Hitler will remain an enigma, however hard we burrow. Even his intimates realised that they hardly knew him. I have already quoted Ribbentrop’s puzzlement; but General Alfred Jodl, his closest strategic adviser, also wrote in his Nuremberg cell on March , : Then however I ask myself, did you ever really know this man at whose side you led such a thorny and ascetic existence? Did he perhaps just triﬂe with your idealism too, abusing it for dark purposes which he kept hidden deep within himself? Dare you claim to know a man, if he has not opened up the deepest recesses of his heart to you – in sorrow as well as in ecstasy? To this very day I do not know what he thought or knew or really wanted. I only knew my own thoughts and suspicions. And if, now that the shrouds fall away from a sculpture we fondly hoped would be a work of art, only to reveal nothing but a degenerate gargoyle – then let future historians argue among themselves whether it was like that from the start, or changed with circumstances. I keep making the same mistake: I blame his humble origins. Then however I remember how many peasants’ sons have been blessed by History with the name, The Great. ‘Hitler the Great’? No, contemporary History is unlikely to swallow such an epithet. From the ﬁrst day that he ‘seized power,’ January , , Hitler knew that only sudden death awaited him if he failed to restore pride and empire to post Versailles Germany. His close friend and adjutant Julius Schaub recorded Hitler’s jubilant boast to his staﬀ on that evening, as the last celebrating guests left the Berlin chancellery building: ‘No power on earth will get me out of this building alive!’ History saw this prophecy fulﬁlled, as the handful of remaining Nazi xxxii Hitler’s War Party faithfuls trooped uneasily into his underground study on April , , surveyed his still warm remains – slouched on a couch, with blood trickling from the sagging lower jaw, and a gunshot wound in the right temple – and sniﬀed the bitter almonds smell hanging in the air. Wrapped in a grey army blanket, he was carried up to the shell blasted chancellery garden. Gasoline was slopped over him in a reeking crater and ignited while his staﬀ hurriedly saluted and backed down into the shelter. Thus ended the six years of Hitler’s War. We shall now see how they began. David Irving London, January  and January  A Note on the Millennium Edition the millennium edition of Hitler’s War brings the narrative up to date with the latest documents discovered, primarily in American and former Soviet archives, since the  edition was published. I was in  the ﬁrst author permitted by the Moscow authorities to exploit the microﬁched diaries of Dr. Joseph Goebbels, which contain further vital information about Hitler’s role in the Röhm Purge, the Kristallnacht of , the Final Solution, and other matters of high historical importance. From a Californian source I obtained the original Gestapo interrogations of Rudolf Hess’s staﬀ, conducted in the ﬁrst few days after his ﬂight to Scotland.The British secret service has now released to the public domain the intercepts of top secret messages sent in code by Himmler and other SS commanders. These are just a few examples of the new materials woven into the fabric of this story. I am glad to say I have not had to revise my views as originally expressed: I was always confident that if one adheres to original documents, one will not stray far from Real History. The new archival material has however made it possible to refine the narrative, and to upgrade the documentary basis of my former assertions. David Irving London, January ,  The Nugget  Prologue: The Nugget H ow can we ever learn what Hitler’s real ambitions were? One of the men closest to him, who served him as air force adjutant from  to the very end, has emphasised that even when we read of some startling outburst from Hitler to his henchmen, and we feel we are getting closer to the truth, we must always ask ourselves: was that the real Hitler, or was even that just an image that he wished to impose on that particular audience of the moment? Was he just seeking to jolt his com- placent satraps out of a dangerous lethargy? So we must go prospecting deep down into the bedrock of history before we can locate the black nug- get of ambition of which the last six years of his life were just the violent expression. Excellent sources survive, even before Mein Kampf. The conﬁdential po- lice reports on twenty of Hitler’s early speeches, delivered in smoky, crowded halls in the revolutionary Soviet Munich of  and , pro- vide a series of glimpses at the outer shell of his beliefs. Here Adolf Hitler, just turned thirty years of age, expressed no grand geopolitical ideas. His agitation pivoted on the terms dictated to Berlin’s ‘craven and corrupt’ representatives at Versailles; he tried to convince his audience that defeat in the World War had been inﬂicted on them not by their enemies abroad, but by the revolutionaries within – the Jew-ridden politicians in Berlin. Stripped of their demagogic element, the speeches are signiﬁcant only for Hitler’s ceaseless reiteration that a Germany disarmed was prey to the lawless demands of her predatory neighbours. He demanded that Germany become a nation without class diﬀerences, in which manual labourer and intellectual each respected the contribution of the other. On one occasion, in April , he even proclaimed, ‘We need a dictator who is a genius, if we are to arise again.’   p rol o g u e His targets were not modest even then: he was going to restore the German Reich, extending from Memel in the east to Strasbourg in the west, and from Königsberg to Bratislava. In another secret speech, deliv- ered to an audience in Salzburg – evidently on August  or ,  – Hitler roused his Austrian compatriots with the same two ideals:‘Firstly, Deutschland über alles in derWelt. And secondly, our German domain extends as far as the German tongue is spoken.’ This Salzburg speech, of which only one faded, fragile, and hitherto unpublished shorthand transcript has survived, comes closest to revealing his early mind and attitudes: This is the ﬁrst demand that we must raise and do raise: that our people be set free, that these chains be burst asunder, and that Germany be once again captain of her soul and master of her destinies, together with all those who want to join Germany. (Applause). The fulﬁlment of this ﬁrst demand will then open up the way for all the other reforms. And here is one thing that perhaps distinguishes us from you as far as our program is concerned, although it is very much in the spirit of things: our attitude to the Jewish problem. For us, this is not a problem we can turn a blind eye to – one to be solved by small concessions. For us, it is a problem of whether our na- tion can ever recover its health, whether the Jewish spirit can ever really be eradicated. Don’t be misled into thinking you can ﬁght a disease with- out killing the carrier, without destroying the bacillus. Don’t think you can ﬁght racial tuberculosis without taking care to rid the nation of the carrier of that racial tuberculosis. This Jewish contamination will not subside, this poisoning of the nation will not end, until the carrier him- self, the Jew, has been banished from our midst. (Applause). Oratory like that went down well. Hitler however soon found that it was not the language that the mobs wanted to hear. He called for the hang- ing of war proﬁteers, and he identiﬁed them as Jews. On August , , the police reports show, he devoted a speech for the ﬁrst time solely to the Jews. He accused them of responsibility for the war and of proﬁteering.The Nazi Party, he declared, must open a crusade against the Jews. ‘We do not want to whip up a pogrom atmosphere,’ he warned. ‘We must however be ﬁred with a remorseless determination to grasp this evil at its roots and to The Nugget  exterminate it, root and branch.’ A few weeks later he stated explicitly, ‘We cannot skirt around the Jewish problem. It has got to be solved.’ between  and his seizure of power in , the events need only be sketched in. It will be useful to reproduce here, however, part of a hitherto unpublished record of a secret meeting between Hitler and two of his Par- ty’s ﬁnancial backers, Prince Wrede and Consul General Scharrer, in the plush Regina Palace hotel in Munich, on December , . The latter brought a stenographer with him, who took a note of Hitler’s remarks as he mapped out his political views and intentions, which were often expressed with a startling frankness. ‘I know for a fact that if Bolshevism got the upper hand in Germany,’ he said, ‘I should either be hanging from the nearest lamppost or locked up in some cellar or other. So the question for me is not whether or not I want to undertake this or that, but whether or not we succeed in preventing a Bol- shevik take-over. I myself have the blind faith that our movement will win through. We began three and a half years ago with six men,’ he said. ‘Today I can say with conﬁdence that our cause will prevail.’ By their recent prohibitions against the Nazi Party, he continued, the diﬀerent provincial governments had only helped further the spread of his movement, far beyond the borders of Bavaria. The Communists were, however, digging in around Hamburg, in north- ern Germany. ‘I do not believe,’ he admitted, ‘that we shall be able to put together anything signiﬁcant in the north in time, before the catastrophe occurs. If some incident should now trigger the major conﬂict, then we shall lose the north, it will be beyond salvation.The most we shall be able to do from down here is to organise a counterstroke. All talk about nationalist organisations in the north is pure bluﬀ... They have no suitably forceful personality. The cities which ought to be the centres of organisation are in the hands of our political enemies.’ After examining the feebleness of the Soldiers’ Councils (‘I am con- vinced that Bolshevism in Munich is an Utopia,’ he said), Hitler continued: ‘There is no reason for us to resort to force in Bavaria, as our strength is growing from day to day anyway. Every week sees an increment of one or two Hundertschaften [brigades of Nazi stormtroopers], and an increase of several thousand members. So long as our strength is growing we shall have no cause to opt for the path of violence.’ He would resort to force, he said conﬁdentially, only if he felt that the Party could expand no further and  p rol o g u e that ‘we shall have nothing further to gain by holding back.’ He hoped that when that time came the Bavarian army would supply him with the weap- ons.‘I have seventeen Hundertschaften,’ he bragged.‘With the help of these I can sweep anything oﬀ the streets that I don’t like the look of.’ He re- minded his two wealthy listeners of how, with only ,  Fascists, Mussolini had smashed the Italian general strike. ‘If I throw in these men of mine, as a dynamic and coherent force, at the critical moment, there is nothing I won’t be able to suppress.’ Hitler then set out how he envisaged the new German state developing: ‘First there will be civil war, with a lengthy struggle for power. The Euro- pean countries that have an interest in Germany’s rebirth will back us – above all Britain. France, on the other hand, will be on the side of the Bolsheviks, as she has the greatest interest in keeping Germany destabilised as long as possible so as to have a free hand for herself in the Rhineland and the Ruhr.’ Hitler expected Britain to back a future German government – pro- vided it generated the requisite impression of reliability – because Germany’s destruction would lead to a French hegemony in Europe, and Britain would ﬁnd herself relegated to the position of a ‘third-rate world power.’ He expected Italy to share the British – and American – interest in stop- ping the spread of Bolshevism. ‘We have to keep Italy’s interest in this alive, and we must not put her nose out of joint by making propaganda for our union [Zusammenschluß] with German-speaking Austria, or the regaining of the [Italian] South Tyrol. I have not,’ Hitler emphasised, developing this theme, ‘the slightest time for those who want our foreign policy shackled to the liberation of the South Tyrol... We should ﬁnd ourselves on bad terms with Italy; and remember, if ﬁghting began [with France] we should not get any coal and raw materials by any other route than via Italy. I have not the slightest intention of shedding German blood for the South Tyrol. We shall have no trouble persuading Germans to ﬁght on the Rhine, but never for Merano or Bolzano... For the time being,’ he stressed, ‘there must be no collision with the Latin peoples.’ And then he said: ‘I believe that we shall be on the march against France before two or three decades are out.’ His remarks about Britain were characterised by benevolence, but he did not expect her to permit Germany to rise above second place. ‘However well inclined Britain may be toward us she will never again allow us to become a great power – not now that she has had a taste of our The Nugget  talents, that is of our scientiﬁc prowess before the World War [–] and of our military prowess during it.... As soon as stability has returned to Germany, more or less, we shall have to undo all the damage that has been done. We can pursue either a global strategy [Weltpolitik] or a Continental strategy. A prerequisite for a global strategy is a broad base here on the Continent. If we go for a global strategy, then we shall always collide with Britain. We could have pursued a global strategy before the World War but then we should have struck an alliance with Russia. If however Britain had ended up in ruins Germany would not have proﬁted thereby: Russia would have gained India...’ Therefore, Hitler concluded, ‘It will prob- ably be better to adopt a Continental strategy. We should have allied ourselves in ’ with Britain. Then we could have defeated Russia and had a free hand against France. With Germany master in her own house on the Continent, things would never have come to a war with Britain.’ Turning to the Soviet Union, he addressed these remarkable words to his privileged little audience:‘The present national [Bolshevik] government in Russia is a danger to us. As soon as the Russians can, they slit the throats of those who have helped them to attain power.That’s why it will be vital to splinter the Russian empire and to divide up her territories and soil, to be settled by German settlers and tilled by the German plough. Then... if we were on good terms with Britain we could solve the French problem with- out interference from Britain.’ Without using the word itself as yet, he addressed the question of Ger- many’s Lebensraum: ‘First,’ he said, ‘we must see to it that we get elbow room – that is our top priority... Only then can our government again begin working in the national interest toward a nationalist war. This would certainly be brought to a victorious conclusion. We can take steps to see that the necessary secrets are kept. Before the World War the secrets of things like the -centimetre mortar and the ﬂame-thrower were rigor- ously kept.’ While he believed the British to be too ‘canny’ to guarantee Germany outright, he expected their support in the long run against France, provided each country deﬁned its mutual interests. Addressing the growing ﬁnancial crisis in Germany, Hitler told the prince and the consul general:‘I believe that the Reichsmark’s decline in value will be halted on the day they stop printing money. The government however  p rol o g u e just keeps printing masses of fresh paper money to camouﬂage its own bank- ruptcy... Everywhere in government agencies where there used to be just one man there are now three or four. That’s got to stop. Only a brutal government can make any headway against this paradise for parasites and hangers-on – a dictator to whom personal popularity means nothing.’ Ger- many needed a new Bismarck, said Hitler. He himself would make short shrift of his enemies if he came to power: ‘The dictator can reckon with a general strike the moment he makes his appearance,’ he explained. ‘This general strike will give him the ideal op- portunity to purge the government agencies. Anybody who refuses to work on the terms that the dictator lays down ﬁnds himself ﬁred. Only the best men get hired. The men who got into the government agencies because of the party they belonged to will be out on their ears.’ He repeated that he believed that the German people needed ‘a monarch-like idol’ – but not some mild-mannered king, so much as a ‘full-blooded and ruthless ruler,’ a dictator who would rule with an iron hand, like Oliver Cromwell. There was no such man among their present Royal pretenders. ‘When, after years of this iron rule, the people yearn for moderate leadership – then is the time for a mild and benevolent monarch whom they can idolise. It is some- thing like training a dog: ﬁrst it is given to a tough handler, and then, when it has been put through the hoops, it is turned over to a friendly owner whom it will serve with all the greater loyalty and devotion.’ Thus spoke Adolf Hitler, aged thirty-three, in December . Touch- ing upon religion, he said simply that Christianity was the only possible ethical foundation for Germany, and that religious strife was the worst mis- fortune that could befall her. On the law, he said: ‘I consider the properly sworn professional judge to be the only acceptable arbiter for a legal sys- tem’ – he opposed lay courts and judges of any hue. The Jewish Question obviously preoccupied him, as he dwelt on this lastly and at length in this remarkable discourse. He admired Frederick the Great’s solution:‘He eliminated [ausgeschaltet] the Jews from anywhere they were bound to have a noxious eﬀect, but continued to employ them where use could be made of them. In our political life,’ Hitler continued, ‘the Jews are unquestionably noxious. They are methodically poisoning our people. I always used to regard antisemitism as inhumane, but now my own experi- ences have converted me into the most fanatical enemy of Judaism: apropos of which, I combat Jewry not as a religion, but as a race.’ He described the Jews as born destroyers, not rulers at all; they had neither culture, nor art, The Nugget  nor architecture of their own, ‘the surest expression of a people’s culture.’ ‘Peoples have a soul,’ said Hitler, ‘while the Jews have none. They are just calculators.That explains why only Jews could have founded Marxism, which negates and destroys the very basis of all culture. With their Marxism, the Jews hoped to create a broad mindless mass of plebs without any real intel- ligence, a gormless instrument in their hands.’ Was Germany, he asked, obliged to bear the Jewish yoke any longer? ‘The lion is a predatory animal,’ he said by way of answer. ‘It can’t help it – it’s in its nature. Man is not bound however to let himself be mauled by the lion. He must save his skin as best he can, even if the lion comes to harm. A solution of the Jewish problem must be arrived at. If the problem can be solved by common sense, then so much the better all around. If not, then there are two possibilities – either a bloody conﬂict, or an Armenianization.’ (Was Hitler referring to the secret liquidation of ,, Armenians by the Turks at the beginning of the century? He was maddeningly vague.) ‘Tactically and politically,’ he explained, ‘I adopt the standpoint that I have to instil in my people the conviction that those who are against us are our mortal enemies.’ A few weeks later, on February , , the Munich branch of the Nazi Party received a one-million-Reichsmark donation from Consul General Scharrer. a few months after that, in November , Hitler launched an abortive revolution in Munich; he was tried, imprisoned in Landsberg fortress, and eventually released. He published Mein Kampf and rebuilt the Party over the next years into a disciplined and authoritarian force with its own Party courts, its brownshirt SA guards and its black-uniformed ‘Praetorian Guard,’ the SS, until at the head of a swollen army of a million Party members he arrived at the chancellery in Berlin in January . It was no mean feat for an unknown, penniless, gas-blinded acting corporal to achieve by no other means than his power of oratory and a driving, dark ambition. During those years before , Hitler had fashioned his plans into their ﬁnal form. He had repeated them more coherently in a  manuscript which he never published. Of brutal simplicity, his foreign policies involved enlarging Germany’s dominion from her present , square miles to over half a million, at Russia and Poland’s expense. His contemporaries were more modest, desiring only to restore Germany’s  frontiers. For Hitler this was the ‘dumbest foreign aim imaginable,’ it was ‘inadequate from the patriotic, and unsatisfactory from the military point of view.’ No,  p rol o g u e Germany must renounce her obsolete aspirations to overseas colonial mar- kets, and revert instead to ‘a clear, unambiguous Raumpolitik.’ First Germany must ‘create a powerful land force,’ so that foreigners would take her seri- ously. Then, he wrote in , there must be an alliance with Britain and her empire, so that ‘together we may dictate the rest of world history.’ His oratory during these years had developed most powerfully. His speeches were long and ex tempore, but logical.The suggestive force gripped each man in his audience. As Robespierre once said of Marat, ‘The man was dangerous: he believed in what he said.’ Hitler’s power after  would be founded, as David Lloyd George wrote in , on having kept his promises. In oﬃce, he would abolish the class war of the nineteenth century, and create a Germany of equal oppor- tunity for manual and intellectual workers, for rich and poor. ‘He doesn’t care a straw for the intelligentsia,’ Walther Hewel, his Landsberg prison companion,

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