Gluckman Bridge Essay (1) PDF

Gluckman, Max Analysis ofa Social Situayion in Modern Zululand’, i Bantu Studies 14 1940 ss. 1-30 Copyright (C) 1940 Routledge Kopiert med hjemmel i Kopinor-avtalen  ANALYSIS OF A SOCIAL SITUATION IN MODERN ZULULAND...

Gluckman, Max Analysis ofa Social Situayion in Modern Zululand’, i Bantu Studies 14 1940 ss. 1-30 Copyright (C) 1940 Routledge Kopiert med hjemmel i Kopinor-avtalen  ANALYSIS OF A SOCIAL SITUATION IN MODERN ZULULAND By MAX GLUCKMAN A. TRE SOCIAL ORGANISATION OF MODERNZULULÅ4ND 1. Introduction The Union of South Africa is a national state inhabited by 2,003,512 Whites, 6,597,241 Blacks, and various other cotour-groups.’ They do not form a homogeneous community, for the State is constituted basically by its divisjon into colour-groups of varying status. The social system of the Union therefore largely consists of inter-dependent relations between and with~n colour-groups as colour-groups. In this articie I deal with White-Black relations in Northern Zulu land,where I worked for sixteen monthsin 1936to 1938.8 Ahouttwo-flfths ofthe Union’s Blacks live in areas reserved for them, which are distributed throughout the Union. Only certain types of Europeans (administrators, technical officials, missionaries, traders, recruiters) live in these reserves. From the reserves the Black men migrate for short periods to work for White farmers, industrialists and householders, then they return to their homes. Each reserve community of Blacks has close economic, political and other relations with the rest of the Union Black-White community. The structural problems in any reserve therefore largely consist in analysing how, and how far, the reserve is interlocked in the Union’s social system, what within the reserve are Black-White relations, and how these relations are affected by, and affect, the structure of each colour group. In Northern Zululand I studied one territorial seetion of the Union’s social system and traced its relationships with the whole system, but its dominant pattern probably resembies that of any other reserve in the 2767,984 Einfricans-Eurasiana (Coloured); 219,928 Asiatici. Figures acc.rding toti 1936 Cenius, Preliminary Report U.G. 5011936. ‘Finanoed by ti National Bureau st Education md Social Resesrch of dit Union Department of Educition (Carnegie Pund), whom I tank for their grant. I workcd hi thc dåsnicta et Nongoma, Mablabatina Hiabima, Ubombo, Ingwavuma, Ngotsbc aud Vryheid (ses map of South Åfrica). 2 MÅK GLUCKMÅN tJnion.1 Further, it passibly presents analogies with other areas within heterogeneous States where socially inferior groups (racial, political and economic) live separately fram, but interrelated with, dominant groups. I am not making in this articie any comparative study, but here note the wider setting of the problems with which I am concerned. As a starting paint for my analysis I describe a series of events as I recorded them on a single day. Social situations are a Iarge part of the raw material of the anthropologist. rrhey are the events he observes and fram them and their inter-relationships in a particular saciety he abstracts the social structure, relationships, institutions, etc., of that society. By them, and by new situations, he must check the validity of his generali sations. As ny approach ta dit sociological prablems af madern Africa has not previously been made in the study of what is called “culture contact,” I am presenting this detailed material by which it can be criti cised.’ I have deliberately chosen these particular events from my note-books because they illustrate admirably the points I an at present trying ta make, but I might equaliy well have seleeted many other events or cited day to day accurrences in madern Zululand life. I deseribe thc events as I recarded them, instead of importing the form of the situa tion as I knew it from the whole structure of modern Zululand inta my descriptian, so that the force af my argument may be better appreciated. 2. The Socùsl Situations. In 1938 I w&s living in the homestead of Chief’s Deputy Matalana Ndwandwe,’ thirteen miles from the European magistracy and village of Nongoma and two miles fram Mapopama store. On January 7th I awoke at sunrise and with Matolana and my servant Richard Ntombela, who lives in a homestead about half-a-mile away, prepared to leave for Nongoma, to attend the opening of a bridge in the neighbouring district of Mahiabatini in the morning, and a magisterial district meeting at Nongoma magistracy in the afternaon. Richard, a Christian living with I may note ber. tbat Mr.. HUd. Kupefl rescarches in Swaziland, dit neigb bouring tenitory under British protectian, show many et dit.. simliaridei. I gratetully scknowlcdgc my debt to Mrs. Kurt witb whom I have discusaed ourresultaindetail. Icsnnotpointbypointindicstewhatlowetobet. My general debt is greatest to Drs. Evans-Pritebard and Fortes. Mr. Godfrey Wilson. Mm. Å. W. Hoernlé md Professor Scbapera have oriticised dit first drift et dii. paper for mc. ‘Tbe tedwique et couree ha. been widely used by otber anthropologiati; ses below p. ‘He is dit Zulu King’s (who was dien legally only chiet of dit smal1 Usutbu tribe) representative in dit Kwad.bazi (Mapopoma) sub-distriet; bli portion is recognized by Government md be i. entitied to ny clvii cises. His deci. sions, atter being recorded at dit magistracy. wiII if necessary be enforced by the Government’s Court Messenger. lit is ene of dit King’s minst important advisers.  SOCIAL SITUATION IN MODERN ZULULAND 3 three pagan brotbers, came dressed in his best European clothes. He is “son “ to Matolana, for his father’s mother was Matolana’s father’s sister, and he prepared Matolana’s attire for state occasions—khaki uniform jacket, riding breeches, boots ancl leather gaiters. When we were about to leave the homestead we were delayed by the arrival of a Zulu Government policeman, in uniform and pushing his bicycle, with a handcuffed prisoner, a stranger in our district who was aceused of sheep stealing elsewhere. The policeman and prisoner greeted Matolana and mc, and we gave the policeman, who is a member of a collateral braneb of the Zulu Royal family, th. salutes due to a prince (zsmtwana). Be then reported to Matolana how he, assisted by one of Matolana’s private policemen,’ bad arrested the prisoner. Matolana upbraided the prisoner, saying he would have no izige&ngu (scoundrels) in his district, then turned to the policeman aud criticised Government which expected him aud his private police to assist it in arresting dangerous people, but paid them nothing for this work and would not compensate their dependants if they were killed. He then pointed out that he, who worked many hours administering the law for Government, had no salary; lit had a good mmd to stop doing this work and go back to the mines where he used to earn ten pounds a month as a” boss-boy.” The policeman went on with his prisoner. We drove in my car to Nongoma, stopping on the way to pick up an old man who is the head of his own small Christian sect with a church building in his homestead; he regards himseif 28 supreme in his church but his congregation, which is not recognised by Government, is referred to by the people as part of the Zionists, a large separatist Native church.2 He was going to Nongoma to attend Ute afternoon meeting ss a representative from Mapopoma district, a role he always fluls partly because of his age, partly because he is the head of one of the local kinship-groups. Anyone inay attend and speak at these meetings, but there are representatives recognised as such by the small districts. At the hotel in Nongoma we separated, the three Zulu to breakfast in Ute kitchen at my expense, aud I to a bath, aud then breakfast. I sat at a table with L. W. Rossiter, Government Veterinary Officer (infra G.V.O.) for the fin dzstracts of Northern Zululand? We diseussed, the condition of roads aud local Native cattie sales. He also was going to titt opening of the bridge as, like myseif, he had a personal interest in it since it was bulit under Ute direction of J. Lentzner of tbe ‘Appointed by Matolana with the approval of magistrate aud Zulu King. Tbey ga a small part of court (en. ‘Fowid in Zululand, ?4atal, Swaziland aud perhapa elsewhere. ‘Ha is an official of Ute Departinent of Agriculture, Dot of Nitive MIairs, aud i independent of Ute Halve Affairs OffiCISIS. 4 MAX GLUCKMAN Native Affairs Department Engineering Stall, a ciose friend and old schoolfellow of both of Us. The G.V.O. suggested tbat Matolana, Riehard and I should travel to the bridge in his car; he was taking only one of his Native stall with him. He atready, through mc, bad friendly relations with both Matolana and Richard. I went to the kitchen to tell them we were going with the G.V.O. and stayed a while tallcing with them and the Zulu hotel servants. When we came aut and met tbe G.V.O., they exchanged greetings and polite questions about each other’s health and Matolana had a number of complaints (for which he is noted among officials) about the cattle dipping. Most of the complaints were technically unjustified. The G.V.O. and I sat in the front of’ the car, the three Zulu at the back.’ The signiflcance of a ceremonial opening of the bridge was fint it was the first bridge built in Zululand by the Native Affairs Department under the new schemes of Native development. It was opened by H. C. Lugg, Chief Native Commissioner for Zululand and Natal (infra C.N.C.)2. li is built across the Black Umfolosi River at Malungwana Drift, in Mahlabatini magisterial district, on a branch road to Ceza Swedish Mission Hospital, a few miles upstream from where the main Durban Nongoma road crosses the river on 5 concrete causeway. The Black Umfolosi rises rapidly in heavy rains (sometimes twenty feet) and be comes impassable; the rnain purpose of the bridge which is a Iow levet (flve foot) bridge is to enable the Mahlabatini magistrate to communicate with part of his district which lies across dit river, during slight rises of the river. It also makes possible access to the (Den Hospital which is famous among Zulu for its skill in midwifery; women often ga up to seventy miles to be conflned thcre. We drove along discussing, in Zulu, the various places we passed. I noted of our conversation only that the G.V.O. asked Matolana what the Zulu law of punishment for adultery is, as one of his Zulu stall was being prosecuted by the police for living with.auother man’s wife, though be bad not known she was married. Where the road forks to Ceza, the Mahlabatini magistrate had posted a Zulu in full warrior’s dreas to direct visitors. On the branch road we passed the car of Chief Mshiyeni, Regent of the Zulu Royal House, who was driving fram his home in ‘Tbe G. V. 0. was bom in Swesiland; be speaka a rapid, md satber pidgin, Zulu witb a strong tecdency to Swni pronunciation. ‘For bl, status att Roger. Nativ. Admiaisiration In Saab Africa. Under the Secretary of Native Affsirs for ihe Union be is bad of tbe Nativt AflLrs Deparsment in Zululand md Natal. Under him art Native Coanmnsioners (who art aho Magistratto) in eacb.1 dit districts into whieh Natal md Zulu land is divided.  SOCIAL SITUATION IN MODERN ZULULAND 5 Nongoma distriet to the bridge. The ZuIu in the car gave him the royal salute and we greeted him. His chauffeur was driving the car and 1w was attended by an armed and uniformed aide-de-camp and another courtier. — ~cifl ufl.,fl*. R4 I. IIONGO.* ~.~ia~q (q..tI.s) ~Ia t’kA frn 1sek) i ~ R..d I. NAWLAifl.,, ~ ‘satt. i i L MAWIJMTUG i —— — —— - -.,_\ \ ~tf.tt.Cfl. 6 (SAacA — ts st.’.) w..s$.. 5½.ØSt The bridge lies in a drift, between fairly steep banks. When we arrived, a large nurnber of Zulu was assembied on both banks (at A and li in sketch map) ; on the southern bank, on one side of the road (at C) was a shelter where stood most of the Luropeans. They had been invited by tRe local magistrate, and included the Mahiabatini office staff ; tRe magis trate, assistant magistrate and ceurt messenger from Nongoma; the district surgeon; missionaries and hospital staff; traders and recruiting agents; police and technical officials; and several Europeans interested in the district, among them C. Adams, who is auctioneer at the cattle sales in Nongoma and Hiabisa districts. Many were accompanied by their wives. TRe Chief Native Commissioner and Lentzner arrived later, and also a representative of tRe Natal Provincial Roads Department. TRe Zulu present included local chiefs and headmen and their representa tives ; the men who Rad built tRe bridge; Government police ; tRe Native Cierk of Mahiabatini magistracy, Gilbert Mkhize; and Zulu fron tRe surrounding district. Altogcther there were about twenty-four Euro peans and abont four hundred ZuIu present. Arches of hrancbes had been erected at each end of the bridge and across the one at tRe southern end a tape was to be stretched which the Chief Native Commissioner would breal~ with Ris car. At thia arch staod a warrior in war-dress, on guard. TRe G.V.O. spoke to him, for Re 6 MAX GLUCKMAN is a local induna,1 about affairs at tItt local dip, and then introduced ute to him, so that 1 could tell him about my work and request his assistance. The G.V.O. and I were caught up in conversation with various Europeans whlle our Zulu joined the general body of Natives. Matolana was welcomed with the respect duc to an important adviser of titt Regent. When the Regent arrived, 1w was given thc royal saMe and joined his subjects, quickly collecting about himself a small court of important people. TItt Chief Native Commissioner was the next to arrive: he greeted Mshiyeni and Matolana, enquired about the latter’s gout, md diseussed (I gathered) some Zulu affairs with them. He then ~vent round greeting the Europeans. The opening was delayed for Lentzner, who was late. About 11.30 a.m. a party of the Zulu who built the bridge assembied at the north end of the bridge. They were not in full wardress but carried sticks and shields. The important Zulu were nearly all dressed in European riding clothes, though the King wore a loungc suit common people were in motley combinations of Luropean and Zulu drcss.2 Thc body of armed warriors marched across the bridge till they stood behind titt tape at the southern arch: they saluted the Chief Native Commissioner with the Royal Zulu salute, Bayete, then they turned to the Regent and saluted him. Both acknowledged the salute by raising their right arms. The men began to sing the ihubo (clan.song) of the Butelezi cian (the claii of the local chief, who is chief adviser of the ZuIu Regent), but were silenced by titt Regent. Proceedings now opened with a hymn in English, led by a missionary from Ceza Swedish mission. All the Zulu, including the pagans, stood for it and removed their hats. Mr. Phipson, Mahlabatini magistrate, then made a speech in English, which was translated into Zulu, sentence by sentente, by his ZuIu clerk, Mkhize? He welcomed everybody and specially thanked the Zulu for assembling for the opening; be congratulated the engineers and Zulu worknten on the bridge and pointed out the value i t would be to titt district. Then he introduced titt C.N.C. The C.N.C. (who knows the Zulu language and customs well) spoke first in English to titt Europeans, then in Zulu to the Zulu, on the theme of titt great value of the bridge; be pointed out that it was but one example of all that Government was dcing to develop titt Zulu reserves. Titt representative of the Provineial Ruads Depart ment spoke shortly and said that his Departnient bad never believed a low ‘i.e. a minor potitical officer; I mc dit tenn as it is med in Government legis lition md is being accepted ni n word in South Africa. Chnstirnis wnr full Luropenn dress, pagans usually shirts md perbsps conte over shm girdles (i bnhu=sldn girdie, pagan). I cannot reproduce dii. speech, er sny otber, in detail, ss I could not make notei of titein all liter in the day, md mention hete only salient points.  EOCTAL SITUATION IN MODERN ZULULM4D 7 levet bridge would stand up to the Umfolosi fioods, though they bad been pressed to build one; be congratulated the Native Affairs engineers on the present bridge which though budt at linje cost bad already stood under five feet of flood water; and added that the Provincial Department was going to buitd a high-tevel bridge on the main read? Adams, an oM Zululander, was the next speaker, in English aud in Zulu, but be said little of interest. The final speech was by the Regent Mshiyeni, in Zulu, translated sentence by sentence into English by Mkhize. Mshiyeni thanlced the Government for the work it was doing in Zululand, said the bridge would enable them to cross the river in floodtime and would make it possible for their wives to go freely to Ute Ceza Hospital to have their children; he appealed to the Government, however, not to torget the main road where the river bad often held him up and to build a bridge there. He announced that the Govemment was giving a bent to the people and that the C.N.C. bad said that they must pour the gall over the feet of the bridge according to Zulu custom,2 for good luck and safety for their children when crossing the bridge. The Zulu laughed and ciapped this. The Regent ended and was given the royal salute by Ute Zulu who, following the Europeans’ lead, had ciapped tbe other speeches. The C.N.C. entered his car aud, led by warriors singing the Butelezi iksæbo, drove across the bridge; he was followed by the cars of a number of otber Europeans and of the Regent, in haphazard order. TItt Regent called on the Zulu for three cheers (hurrahs, ZuIu hule). The cars tumed on tItt further bank, and stilt led by the warriors, returned; on the way they were stopped by the European magisterial clerk who wanted to photograph them. All Zulu present sang the Butelezi ihubo. The Europeans went into Ute shelter aud had tea and cake. A woman missionary took some outside to the Regent. In the shelter Ute Europeans were discussing current Zululand aud general afl~irs; I did not follow this as I went to Ute northern bank where the Zulu were assembling. The local Zulu had presentecl the Regent with three beasts and these, as well as titt Government bent, were shot on the northern bank by him and his aide-de-camp amid great excitement. The Regent ordered Matolana to select men to skin and cut up the cattle for distribu tion. The Regent withdrew to a nearby copse (D on the sketch) to talk with his people aud drink Zulu beer of which large quantities were brought for hint. He sent four pots, carried by girls, to the C.N.C. who drank front one pot and kept it; be told the carriers to drink from the others 1~4~fr~ ro.ds, and bridges on titem, art cand for by titt Province, brandt midt in Native Territories by titt Union Native Affairs Departnient. M.biyeni is i Christian. 8 MAX OLUCKMM4— and then give them to the people.’ This is proper according to ZuIu etiquette. Titt C.N.C. and nearly all titt Europcans went away; most ot the Zulu had assembied on the northern bank. There they were divided, roughly, into three groups. At the copse (sketch map, 0) was titt Regent with his own and local indunas, sitting togetber, while further off were the common people. They tvert drinking beer and talking while they waited for meat. Just ahove the river bank at A (sketch map) were groups of men rapidly cutting up three beasts under Matolana’s super— vision ; thty were making a great noise, chattering and shouting. Titt G.V.O., Lentzner and the district Enropean Agricultural Officer were watching them. Behind them, further up the bank, the Swedish mission ary had collected a number of Christians who were lined up 8iflgiflg hymns under his direction. In their ranks I noticed a few pagans. Lentzner got two warriors to post on either side of him for a photograpli on his bridge. Singing, chattering, talking and cooking continued till we left ; I passed (rom group to group except for titt hymn-singers, but most of the time I talked with Matolana and Matole, the Butelegi chief, whom I met that day for the first time. Matolana hatt to stay to attend on the Regent and we arranged that titt latter should bring him to the Nongoma meeting. We left with Richard and titt veterinary ofre-boy. Titt gatbering at the bridge was to last all day. We lunehed, again apart from the Zulu, in Nongoma and went to titt magistracy for the meeting. About 200-30() Zulu were present, chiefs, indunas and commoners. Titt start of titt meeting was delayed some time as Mshiyeni had not t’et arrived hut finally the magistrate started it without him. Aker a general discussion of distriet affairs (cattle sales, tocusts, breeding (rom good hulls), titt members of two of the tribes in the district were sent out of tite meeting. There art three tribes, the Usuthu, tite tribe of tite Royal House, who are the personal followers of titt Zulu King (to-day titt Regent) and over titem only has lit Iegaljurisdiction, though nearly every trihe in Zululand and Natal acknow— ledges his authority ; (2) titt Amateni, which is ruled by one of the King’s ciassificatory fathers, and which is nnc of the Royal tribes; and (3) titt Mandlakazi, witich is ruled by a prince of a collatcral Zulu House and which split from titt Zulu nation in civil wars witich followed on titt Anglo-Zulu War of 187~)-8O. This tribe was told to remain as titt ‘I observed ahis frem acro’s the river. ‘These meetings art beld at lavt once a quarter and all matters affectang the å,. eriet art dkcussed by officials, dikt. md peaple. Speciel niteting. art also called when necamnry.  socist SITUATION IN MODERN ZULULAND 9 magistrate wantecl to diseuss with them faction fights which were occur ing between two of their tribal sections; the Amateni chief and his chief induna were told they could remain (Mshiyeni, the Usuthu chief was not yet there), but the magistrate did not want the common people of other tribes to hear him reprimand the Mandlakazi.’ This he did in a long speech, reproaching them for spoiling the homestead of Zibebu (umzi kaZibebu, i.e. the tribe of the great prince, Zibebu), and for putting themselves in a position where they had to seil their cattle to pay court fines instead of to feed, clothe and educate their wives and children. While he was speaking Mshiyeni, attended by Matolana, came in, and all the Mandlakazi rose to salute him, interrupting the magistrate’s speech. Mshiyeni apologised for being late, then sat down with the other chiefs. When the magistrate had spoken at some Iength in this stram he asked the Mandlakazi chief to speak, which the latter did. He upbraided his indunas and the princes of the quarrelling tribal sections, then sat down. Various indunas spoke justifying themselves and blaming the others; one, a man who according to other Zulu is currying favour with the magistrate for political promotion, spent his spcech praising the wisdom and kindliness of the magistrate. A prince of the Mandlakazi house, who is a member of one of the fighting sections and who is also a Government policeman, complained that the other section was being assisted in the flghts by mernbers of dxc Usuthu tribe who live in Matola na’s ward near them. Finally Mshiyeni spoke. He cross-examined the MandIakazi indunas fiercely, told them it was their duty to see who started dxc fights and arrest them, and not allow the blame to be borne by everybody who fought. Be exhorted the Mandlakazi not to ruin the “homestead of Zibebu” and said that if the indunas could not watch over the country better they should be deposed. Be denied the charge that his people were participating in the flghts.3 Tbe magistrate endorsed all the Regent bad said and dismissed the meeting. 3. Analysù of the Social Situations I have presented a typical sample of my field-data. It consists of several events which were linked by my presence aB an observer, but which occurred in different parts of Northern Zululand and involved different groups of people. Through these situations, and by contrasting them with otber situations not described, I shall try to trace dxc social ‘Ha told mc tbia privateJy. t’fl,e quarrel was about soine sbgbt insult. Later ha forbade his people to attend Mandlakaz. weddmgs where titt fighn started md also mmdc a Iaw that sto one ahould dance with sticks, so that jr i fight did start no harm would be done. 10 MAX GLUCKMAW structure of modern Zululand. I call them social situations since I am analysing them in their relationship with other situations in the social system at Zululand. All events which involve ar affect human beings art socialised, fram the falling at rain and earthquakes to birth and dcath, cating and defoeca tion. IF the mortuary ceremonies are performed for a man that man is sacially dead; initiation makes a youth socially a man, whatever his physical age. Events invalving human beings are studied by many sciences. Thus eating is the s’ibjcct of physiological, psychological and socialogical analysis. Analysed in relation to defoecation, blaod circula tion, etc., cating is a physiological situation; in relarion to a man’s mental ity it is a psychological situation ; iii relation to the community’s systems of production and distribution, its tabaos and religions values, its sacial groupings, eating is a sociological situation. Where an event is studied as part of the field ut sociology, it is therefore convenient to speak at it as a social situation. A~ social situation is thus the hehaviour on same occasion ut members at a community as such, analysed and compared with thcir hehaviour on other oceasions, so that the analysis reveals the underlying system ut relationships between the social structure of the community, the parts of the social structure, the physical environment, and the physialogical lite of the cammunity’s members? At the autset i must note that the chief situation was one arising in a particular tonn in Zululand for the first time.2 That Zulu and Euro peans could co-operate in the celebration at the bridge shuws that they form togetber a eammunitv with specific modes of hehaviour to ane anotber. Only by insisting an this point can ane begin to understand the behaviour at the peuple as i have described it. I make the point specifi cally, though it may seem unnecessary, because li has been criticised recently by Malinowski in his introduction to the theoretical essays of seven field-workers an “culture contact.” He attacks Schapera and Fortes for adopting an approach which I bad forced on mc by my material.’ tSee Fortes. M. “Communal Fisbing and Fishing Msgic in dit Nortbe,n Teni terje. of dit Gold Ceast,” Jounwl of dit Royal Anthropologicci Institutt, Vol. LXVIT (1937) pp. 131 if. ; md especially Evans-Pritchard, lE., Witchcraft Mo.gw and Oraclss among tk. Azande, Ciarendon Press 1937, and forthcoming baok on dit Nuer. Mao Malinowski, B. Argonauts of dit Western Pacific, for be sociological significance of social situationa. Nevertheles. it is similar to dit opening of bridge, etc. in Eurcipeans aras and to dit opening of schools mcd agricultural shows in Zululand. ‘MetIso& of Study el’ Cultur. Contaet in Africa. (Oxford University Press, 1938), Memorandum XV of dit International Institutt of African Languages mcd Culture., passim. I believe that dit fallure to realise dit d.eoretical import.nce of tlii. point ham wakened, enn distorted, some recent studie. of social chsnge in Mrica, diough of course.11 workers have recognised many of dit fscts.  SOCIAL SITUATLON IN MODERN ZULULM4D 11. In the second hall of this articie I shall examine the value of this approach for thc study of social change in Africa ; here I note only that the existence of a single Black-White community in Zululand must be the starting point of my analysis. The events at Malungwana bridge—which was planned by European engineers and built by Zulu labourers, which would be used by a Luropean magistrate ruling over Zulu and by Zulu women going to a European hospital, which was opened by European officials and the Zulu Regent in a ceremony which ineluded not only Europeans and Zulu but also actions historically derived from European and Zulu cultures—must be related to a system at least part of which consists of Zulu-European relations. Those relations can be studied as social norms, as is shown by the way in which Blacks and Whites, without constraint, adapt their behaviour to one another. Therefore I can speak at” Zululand” and Zululanders” to cover Whites and Blacks, while “ Zulu connotes Blacks alone. “ It would be possible to deseribe many different inotives and interests which brought various people to the spot. The local magistrate and his staff attended in duty and organised the ceremony because they were proud of the valuable addition of the bridge to the district. The C.N.C. (aceording to his speech) agreed to open the bridge in order to show his personal interest in) and to emphasise, the schemes at development undertaken by tbe Native Affairs Department. A reference to the hat of Europeans present at the ceremony shows that those in Mahiabatini district attended because they bad an official or personal interest in the district or bridge. Moreover, in the monotonous lik of Europeans on a reserve station any event is a recreation. Most Europeans also feel a sense of duty to attend these events. These last two reasons probably apphied to the visitors from Nongoma. The G.V.O. and I had the pull of friendship, ss welI ss of our work, to bring us there. It may be noted that several Europeans brougbt their wives, which only a few Christian (Ses e.g. Huntar, M. Rec.ction to Conquest, Oxford University Press 1936, on dit Pondo el South Atricn; Mair L. An Africanpeoøie in the Twenticth Cenlury, Routcledge, London 1934, on dit Ganda; Meek, C.K. Line and Authority in a Nigerùzn TySk, Oxford University Press 1937, on the Ibo.) It is aurprising that anthropologists should suffer fram a (sult which cauld not occur to his torians (ses e.g. works 01 W. M. Macmillan aud J. 8. Marais), ecanomista (ses e.g. 8. H. Frankel), psychologists (ses e.g. I. I). Macrone) or enn same Gavernment Commissions Lsee e.g. Native Economic Commission, Union Government Printer, Pretoria, 22/1932). Possibly is is because nnthropologists have not rid themselves ss tbey claim of dit arcbaeological bias. However, Malinowski does elsewbere in the same introduction show the absurdity of not adopting tbe point cl new he cratic,ses cheoretically. “I would like to mest dit ethnogtapher who couhd accomplish tbe task at sorting oss a Westemized Afråcan inso his component parts.” lot eie at p. xxii. 12 MÅX GLUCKMÅN— Zulu (like Mshiyeni) would do in similar situations.’ Among the Zulu, the Regent, honoured by being invited (as he need not have been), doubt lese came to show his prestige and to meet some of his people whom be rarely sees. The Zulu cierk and Government police were there in the way of duty, and Chief Matole and bent indunas because it was an important event in their district. The Zulu labourers who had built the bridge werc 8pecially honoured, and probably many local Zulu were attracted by the feast, excitement and the Regent ‘s presence.t We have seen that it was their unusual relationship with me that hrought Matolana and Richard to the bridge; they and the G.V.O.’s Zulu were the only Zulu besides the Regent’s party coming (rom a distance. For the Zulu, it was a more localized event than for Europeans. This is an mdcx of the greater mobility of, and intercommunication betwecn, Europeans whose scattered groups in Native reserves have a strong sense of tom munity. Most Nongoma Europeans kncw ahout the opening, few Nongoma Zulu knew about the bridge at all. The total magistrate desired to make a show of the completing of the bridge, and therefore invited important Europeans and Zulu and called on total Zulu to attend on an appointed day. Thus he focussed all these interests in the ceremony. fl was also the local magistrate who determined the form of the ceremony after the tradition at similar ceremonies in Luropean com munities, and added Zulu elements wherc possible to enable the Zulu to participate and probably to give a touch of colaur and excitement to the celebrations (e.g. the Zulu warrior to point the way to the bridge and not a policeman). Similarly, the C.N.C. suggested, after a hymn had been sung, that the bridge be blessed in Zulu fashion. Thus the main pattern of the ceremony itseif (ZuIu warriors marching over the bridge, hymn, speeches, breaking of the tape, tca-party) was determined by the fact that it was organised by an ofticial with a background et European culture but living in ciose contact with Zulu culture. However, the magistrate only bad power to do this as representative of Government, and it was Govern ment whn built the bridge. Apart from the Regent, only Gnvernment in Zululand can make an event of general public importance to Zulu and Europeans, and therefore we may say that it is the organising power of Government in the distriet which gave a particular struetural form to the many diverse elements present. So too Government’s power gave structural form to the meeting in Nongoma. On the other hand, when Mshiyeni held a meeting of 6,000 ZuIu in the town of Vryheid to discuss The only Zulu women present were fram the neighbourhood; but Mshiyeni is aften acconipanied by hit wife to similar celebrations. I have never heard of a pagan chief taking hit wife to pubhc meetings. I did not enquire carefully enough mto tbese points.  SØCIAL SITUATION IN MODERN ZULULAND 13 the debates of the first meeting of the Union Native Representative Council, though European officials, police and spectators were present aud the matters discussed were mostly concerned with Zulu-European relations, it was the power and individual caprice of the Regent, within the inherited pattern of Zululand culture, which organised the meeting. That is, the political power of both Government or Zulu King are important organising forces to-day. But European police were present at the “ Regent’s meeting to heip keep it in order If necessary, though “ they were not needed. In fact, at the bridge the Regent (as he often does on similar occasions) stole the celebration from the Luropeans and organised a feast of his own. Though the magistrate planned, and had power to organise, the ceremony within the limits of certain social traditions, aud make innova tions to meet local conditions, the organisation of groupings, and many of the actions, were, of course, not planned. The subsidiary, unplanned patterning of the day’s events took form according to the structure of modern Zululand society. Many of the incidents I recorded occurred spontaneously and haphazardly (e.g. the G.V.O. discussing dipping affairs with the induna on guard at the bridge, the missionary organising the hymn-singing) but they fitted easily into the general pattern, as similar situations involving individuals lit into funeral or wedding ceremonies. Thus the most significant part of the day’s situations—the appearances aud inter-relationships of certain social groups and persona lities and cultural elements—crystallised some of the social structure and institutions of present-day Zululand. Those present were divided into two colour-groups, Zulu and Luropean, whose direct relationships were most marked by separation and reserve. As groups, they assembied at different places aud it is impossible for them to meet on equal terms. I was living in ciose intimacy with Matolana’s family in his homestead, but in the cultural milieu of the Nongoma hotel we had to separate for our meals: I could no more eat with ZuIu in the kitchen than they could with mc in the dining-room. Separation appears throughout Zulu-T!uropean behaviour patterns. However, socially enforced aud accepted separation can be a form of association, indeed co-operation, even where carried to the extreme of avoidance, as witness the silent trade in West Africa in ancient times. This separation implies more than distinction which is axiomatically present in all social relationships. Black aud White are two categories which must not mix, like castes in India, or the categories of men and women in many communities. On the otber hand, though a son is distinct from his fathcr in tlieir social rclationship, be in his turn becomes 14 MAX GLUCKMAN— a father. In Zululand a Black can never become a White.1 To the Whites the maintenance of this separation is a dominant value which emerges in the policy of so-called segregation and parallel develop “ “ “ ment,” terms whose lack at real content is indicated by the following analysis. Nevertheless, though Zulu and Europeans are organised in two groups at the bridge, their presence there implies that they are united in celebrating a matter of mutual interest. Even then their behaviour to ane anotber is awkward in a way that behaviour within colour-groups is not. ‘rheir relations indeed art more often marked by hostility and conflict which emerged slightly, during the day, in Matolana’s complaints against dipping and in the existence ol the dissident Zulu church sect. The schism hetween the two colour-groups is itself the pattern of their main integration into one comniunity. They do not separate into groups of equal status; the Europeans are dominant. The Zulu could not, save by permissinn as domestic servants making tea, enter the White group’s reserves, but Europeans could more ut less freely move among the Zulu, watching them and taking photographs, though few chose to do so. Even the cup of tea given to dit Regent as tribute to his royalty was brought to him across the road. The dominant position of Europeans appears whenever individuals of the two groups meet on the ground of common interest, breaking down the separation, as, for example, the G.V.O’s. discussion of dipping with the two indunas, nr dit way in which the Regent, meeting Europeans even without official rank, addresses them as nkosi(chief), nkosana(little chief,ifyoung), or numsana (important man.) The two groups are distinguished in their interrelationsbips in the social structure at the South African community of which Zululand is a part, and in this inter-relationship one can trace separation and conflict, and co-operation, in socially defined modes of behaviour. In addition, they are distinguished by differences of colour and race, of language, beliefa, knowledge, traditions, and material possessions. These differ ences art also, in dit co-operation at dit two groups, balanced by customs of communication. The two sets of problems involved art closely inter-connected, but may to a certain extent be handled separately. The functioning of the social structure of Zululand is to be seen in political, ecologicalt and other activities. Politically, it is clear that ‘There have been, aud possibly still art, caaes at White men “goiag Native “ they cannat then mix with dit White group. I use dii. term to cover nU activitica directly related to the physical enviroment —agriculture, mining, etc.—or to the physiology of peop)e—hcalth, death, etc. As stated above, all dine reaourcea ad events art soc~ahsed.  SOCIAL SITUATION IN MODERN ZULULAND 15 dominant power is vested in Government of the White group under whom the chiefs, in one of their social roles, are subordinate officials. Government holds the ultimate sanction of force, of fining and imprison ment, which can stop the faction fights in the Mandlakazi tribe, though Government’s representative, the magistrate, tries to keep the peace through Zulu political officers. Though the vociferous welcome given by the Mandlakazi to Mshiyeni showed that they recognised his social superiority, it was the power of Government which enabled him to inter fere in the internal affairs of a tribe which has broken away from his, the Royal Zuhz House.’ Government is the dominant factor in all political affairs to-day. Though a chief appoints his indunas, one indwsa is said to strive for political power by currying favour with the magistrate. Zulu political officers are an important part of Government’s judicial and administrative maehinery. Their duty to Government is to keep order, to assist the Government police, to take cases, to heip at dips and in many other routine matters. However, they have no right to ny major criminal offences aud only Government can trace wrongdoers (e.g. the sheep stealer) from district to district. Nevertheless, as a result of the schism between the two colour-groups, there is a difference in the relation ship of Zulu people to European aud Zulu officials. Both the C.N.C. aud the Regent were given the Zulu royal salute by the warriors, but titt former’s presence called for three cheers, the Regent’s and local chief’s for the singing of ZuIu tribal songs. The C.N.C. spoke with important Zulu he knew, by the way ; he was sent beer but drank tea with the White group. The Regent sat with the Blacks, drinking heer with, aud talking to, them, long after the Europeans had dispersed. Government provided one beast for the people; the Regent was presented by the people with three beasts and beer which he had distrihuted among them. Government has not only judicial and administrative functions; it plays an important part in ecological activities. Even (rom tItt data hefore us, we see that it built the bridge which was paid for by taxes it collected from the Zulu ; it employs district surgeons, agricultural officers, and engineers; it organises dipping and cattle sales, aud builds roads. In this part of’ Goverument work chiefs and indunas, where they have any part, do not enter as simply as they do into the administrative aud judicial machinery. Though titt chiefs might sympathise with the Mandlakazi faction fighters in a way tite magistrate could not, they felt, with Ehe magistrate, that peace within a tribe is to be valued. But Matolona was full of unscientific complaints against dipping which he evaluates in a ‘Et may be noted that it was thc British Government’. posidon in Zulu politios in 1878-1888 which ecabled tbe Mandlakazi to become independent of die Roy.1 Honse. 16 MAI GLUCKMAN different cultural idiom from the Government Veterinary Officer’s.1 Though the Zulu welcomed the bridge and Mshiyeni on behalf of his people thanked Government for what it does for the Zulu, on many occasions the people consider it to be the duty of their chiefs to oppose Government projects.t In the wider economic aspect of Zululand life, Zulu and Europeans art equatly interrelated. I have noted that Zulu domestic servants were allowed into tbe Luropeans’ shelter and that the bridge was planned by Enropeans but built by Zulu. Present at the opening was the Iabour recniiter for the Rand Goid Mines. These facts are indices of the role which Zululand Natives, in common with Natives from other areas, play as unskilied Iabour in the economic activities of South Africa. At the bridge were Zulu Government police and (more skilled) a ZuIu cierk. On the money Zulu carn working for Europeans, they art dependent to pay their taxes (which pald for the bridge and technical officials) and to buy goods from Enropean traders, or to get money they can elect to seil cattie to Luropeans through Government cattle sales, whose auctioneer was at the bridge. For a large part of their subsistence they depend on farming which Government is trying to improve through agricultural officers. This economic integration of Zululand into the South African industrial and agricultural system dominates the social structure. The labour fiow includes practically all able-bodied Zulu; at any moment about one-third of the men in Nongoma district are away at work. There they are organised by their employment into working groups such as are known in all industrial countries. There is a tendency for kinsmen and fellow-tribessnen to go to work together, and to live togetber in municipal barracks or locations.’ Some employers, at the Rand Mines, deliberately house their workers according to tribes. Nevertheless, in the labour centres the Zulu rub shouiders with Bantu from all over Southern Africa, and, though their Zulu nationality involves them in fights with men of other tribes, they come to participate in groupings whose basis is wider. They scarcely fall under the authority of their chiefs, though ZuIu princes art employed as compound indunas and police by the Rand mines and Durban barracks. Chiefs visit their followers in towns to collect money and speak to them. However, it is significant that even demonstrations of loyalty to the Zulu king at town meetings have been marked by some l~jj~pnj~ farmers similarly do not sppreciate scientific necessities in farnilng ss tecbnicisns do. Se my article on the ZuIu in African Political Organisation, edited by Evans Pritchsrd and Fortes, Ozford University Press, 1940. ‘On tett se Phillips, IL E. lise Bantu in ihe City. Lovedsie Press, pauim.  SOCIAL SITUATION IN MODERN ZULULANI3 17 show of hostility to bim. At the Iabour centres the chiefs have no legal status over the people: the legal authorities are White magistrates, loca tion superintendents, police, cornpound managers and employers, though Zulu chiefs do assert themselves on their visits. Nevertheless, it is only White oflicials who maintain order and control conditions of work, enforcing contracts, pass Iaws, etc. The chief may voice protests, no more. Even in the reserves, where the ZuIu Iiye by subsistence agricul ture, thougli the White group rules through Zulu organisations, those who work for Europeans come, in this particular relationship, directly under White officials. Tbe Zulu chief has no say in matters involving his tribesmen and Europeans. Government and the Native Recruiting Corporation of the Rand mines work through the chiefs so that Zulu claims are expressed by, and occasionally appear to be satisfied througb, the chiefs. The chiefs constantly plead for better treatment and higher wages for ZuIu workers, yet at dit same time they (and especially Mshi yeni) art as constantly urging their men to go out to work. The political task of Government is primarily to maintain and control the Iabour-fiow, so as to satisfy, if possible, the Iahour needs of the Whites and yet to prevent that labour flow resulting in large numbers of Blacks settting in the towns. The Zuiu migrant labourer leaves his farnily in the reserves and returns to them. This inevitably involves the Govern ment in a number of contradictions from which it struggies to eseape. In the reserves, the primary task of Government is to maintain Iaw and order, and secondarily (since 1931)’ il has begun to develop the reserves. To this they have been forced by the denudation of the reserves caused by bad husbandry and overstocking on inadequate land, and these are partly due to the Iabour flow which provides the Zulu with money to make ap for technical deficiencies, and it is possible that ultimately the need for labour may stuItif~ developmental work. I cannot here enlarge on these important points. As evidence that development is secondary to the labour fiow and natural demands, I cite the wish of the Rand mines that they should themselves develop dit Transkei where impoverishment of the reserves has undermined heakh in one of their largest Iabour reservoirs. Second, the Nongoma magistrate started cattie sales through which the Zulu could selJ their beasts in the open market. The sales were very successful and about 10,000 beasts were sold in a year for £27,000. In 1937 there was a shortage of Native labour in South Africa and a Government Commission was appointed to enquire into it, as il affected European farms. Letters in dit Natal ‘Though health, veterinary and a few otber services started very carty. 18 MAK GJ.UCKMAN— newspapers ascribed the shortage to the faet that the Zuiu, instead of going out to work, sat at bome and sold their cattie. (In fact, there were sales in three districts only.) The magistrate was very proud of the success of his saies and apparently thought they were endangered, for in his evidence to the Commis8ion he repeatedly stressed that the sales had in no way affected the Ilow of iabour. However, one oid Zulu, complaining to mc of Iow wages, said: “One day we wiii teach the Recruiting Corporation a lesson. We wiii sit at home, seil our cattie ancl not go to work.” I Iack space to examine the other contradictions in the South African structure as they appear in Zuiuland. The chiefs have littie political inftuence in these fundamental economic aspects of Zuiuiand life. They are not present to control communal ilfe at labour centres, and here there have developed location boards, sociai groups, and trade unions in which Zuiu associate with Bantu of other tribes and nations, and even of other White States. I shall not deal with these in detaii as I only made brief enquiries about them on the spot, though I heard about them in Zuluiand. As regards the trade unions, in Durban there are 750 Native members of four Indian Trade Unions, and it is estimated that about 75% have their homes in reserves. In Johannesburg there are 16,400 Native Trade Unionists, of whom the secretary of the Joint Committee of African Trade Unions estimates that 50% are from reserves.’ The numbers are very smaii in reiation to the total number of African workers. At a meeting of some 6000 Zulu in Durban, in addition to the Regent, princes, chiefs, mission aries, and teachers, a Native industrial organiser spoke from the platform ss one of the nation’s leaders. He was ioudly applauded. Bantu trade unions are bargaining for better terms for their workers but are not yet an effeetive political forcc. Nevertheiess Black opposition to European domination, by capitatist and I suspect skilled labour, is beginning to be expressed in industrial te~ms. There is however a little co-operation between Black and White trade unionists.2 This form of groupings in the iabour centres is on an entireiy different basis from the tribal groups which accord ailegiance to chiefs, but it does not appear to conflict radicaiiy with that atlegiance, even where it depends an opposition to the Whites. The Zuiu migrant labourers’ lives art Pigures kindly supplied tomt Mr. Lynn Saffery, secretary of the Institutt of Race Relatians, Johannesburg. Tbey were piven to Mm by orpnisers of African Trade Uniona. I cannot asy how many art Zulu but probably mest of iii. Durban men art affihiated to ibe ZuIu naton. Se. PhiIlips, op cit, Chapter 1.  SOCIAL SITUATION IN MODERN ZULULAND 19 aharply divided, and organisations in which lit associates in the towns with otber Bantu, and Coloured and Indian, even White, workers, function in situations distinet from those which demand tribal loyalty. The two wilI probably conflict and the result will depend on how the chiefs react to trade union organisation. Today the two forms of grouping develop under different conditions? Later I shall examine how Zulu opposition to European rute is expressed in religious organisations. All this opposition—through chieft, churches and trade unions—is not effective and at present gives psychological satisfaction only, since the severity of European domination is increasing.2 Therefore the opposition occasionally breaks om in not and assaults on police and officials,3 which art forcibly repressed. Thcae events provoke violent reaction from the White group and, without apparent basis but in line with modern witchcraft-thought, the iznmediate accusation without enquiry that they ane due to Communist propaganda. The political and economic ascendancy of Europeans over Zulu, ss capitalists ancl skilled workers on tise one hand, and unskilled peasants and labourers on the othen, may be paralleled in some respects in other countnies. In all these countnies the stnscture can be analysed in similar terms of differentiation ad co-operation between economie and political groups. In Zululand, the structure has in addition distinctive features which on the whole enhance the separation of titt two groups and compli cate their co-operation. The distinction between the two groups in political and ecological activities, which is patently made on the basis of race and colour,’ coincides with other differences detailed above. In descnibing the situation I did not draw particular attention to these differ ences and do not intend here to enlarge upon tbeir details. We may note that the two groups speak different languages. fCnow tedge by members of each group of the other group’s language, enables The same argument applies to otber urban grospings. On this question ei titt reiadonship at reserve ad urban organisations, I owe mudi to a stimulating letter frem Dr. Jack Sisnona, whose reaearches in urban ann seem to have led 1dm tom shnilar point of view to dit one I reached by researcbes at titt other end of titt labour flow. Ses Marala, J. 5. “Titt Imposition ad Nature of European Control” in Bimgu. spazking Tribes of South Africa, ed. I. Schapera. ‘e.g. at Vereeneging in 1937 wben several constables were killed. ZuIu art aaid to have rioted in Durban in 1930. ‘It is bardly necesury to flott tbat titt term “race” is used completely unacien. tifically in South Africa. There is a vest deal of pseudo-scientifie writing ad talking on race. (Ses e.g. Heaton.Nicholls, G. M. The Natwe Problem in.Çouth Af,ica, published by titt Entitnological Section of titt Native Affain Department. cS. Haddon, Huzley ad Carr-Saunders, We »tropeans). I use titt tenn to indicate titt basis ni social grouping’,, not titt scientik deaarcation at races. 20 MAX GLUCKMAN— them to communicate, and the post of interpreter is a social institution which overcomes the language barrier. In the ceremony both mechanism enabled the two groups to co-operate. Within its separate sphere each group uses its own language though words of the other language are commonly used. Pidgin Zulu-English-Afrikaans has developed as another mode of communication. The two groups have on the whole different modes of life, customs and beliefs. AJI Luropeans in the Reserves have specialised activities; the ZuIu, though they also work for Europeans, art unskilled peasants, allowed to farm only in the areas reserved for them. There tbey live under a type of social organisation, by values and customs, which are different fram those of the Luropean graup, though at every point affected by its presence. However, even where the differences between Zulu and Europeans are marked, they adapt their behaviour to each other in socially determined ways when they associate with one another. Thus Luropean officials aften make a deliberate effort to meet the Zulu groups, US sten in the use of Zulu warriors in the ceremony and the pouring of gal1. Further, in situations at association, there is a regular mode of reaction of each group to certain of the customary practices of the other graup, even where the two groups evaluate these practices differently. Zulu pagans stood and removed their hats for the hymn-singing in English, and ciapped speeches, adopting Enropean customs. The Chief Native Commissioner accepted dit gift of beer as a Zulu chief would, though he remainecl apart fram the Zulu group as a Zulu chief cauld not. Nevertheless, there remains a wide fleld of Zulu custom which vety rarely enters into ZuIu relationships with Europeans, except in sc’ far as all intra-Zulu relation ships come under (be view of Government in law of administration.1 The European group also has its distinctivc culture, allied to the cultuies of Western European cauntries, but stamped throughout by its relations with Natives. There is also a material basis for dit differentiation, and for the co-operation, between Zulu and European. In the situation deseribed dit co-operation is centred in the bridge and the river to be crossed, and generally their co-operation is determined by their mutual, if differential and separate, exploitation of natural resources. The material possessions of the individual members of the groups largely ctifl’er, both in quantity and quality and technique of use. Same, common among Europeans, are owned by a few Zulu, like cars, rifies, gond houses. In the reserves 1 Øf course thcse Zulu cuatoms ss tbey ezist to-day cc very different fram (be Zulu customs of i hundred ycars sgo, owing to contact with Europeans md succeeding intensi developments. We art hete neglecting the processes of chanie which have produced present-dsy custoins.  SOCIAL SITUATION IN MODERN ZULIJLAND 21 the Zulu own more land and cattle than Europeaits living there, but the differential distribution of land between Natives and Europeans throughout the Union has an important effect on their relationships. I Iack space to discuss the relative wealth of Zulu and Luropeans and it is difficult to compute this: wages at labour centres, where practically every Zulu is a wage labourer, are much Iower for Blacks than for Whites. In the reserves of Northern Zululand (but not in some Southern reserves or on European farms) most Zulu have sufficient land and cattle for their immediate needs and some have large herds. Their inaterial standard of life is patently Iower than that of Enropeans in the Reserves. Within the two groups there is also a differential distribution of goods between individuals. Since the separation into colour-groups is associated by dxc White group with ideal standards of living, and many Whites fall below these standards while Blacks rise above it, this has important effects on Black-White relations? The Zulu desire for the inaterial goeds of the Europeans, and the Europeans’ need for Zulu labour and dit wealth ohtained by that labour, establishes strong inter-dependent interests between them. It is also a potent source of their coniliet. Within the Zulu group, polygynists who need much land, men with large herds of cattle, men who ardently desire European wealth, and others constitute distinct interest groups. Therefore clivergent ownership of material goods between and within the two groups coniplicates the differentiation on the basis of race. It znust be added that relationships between individual Zulu and Europeans vary in many ways from the general social norm, though they are always affected by it. There are impersonal and personal relation ships betwecn Zulu and European. The relationship of the Chief Native Commissioner with his thousands of ZuIu subjeets is impersonal, with Mshiyeni and Matolana il is also personal. Wherever Zulu and Luro peans meet one another, personal relations of different kinds, yet always affected by the standard pattern of behaviour, develop. I, as an anthro pologist, was in a position to hecome an intimate friend of Zulu ss other Europeans could not, and this I did in virtue of a special type of social relationship, recognized as such by both races. Yet I could never quite overcome the social distance between us. Within special social milieux Europeans and Zulu have friendly relations, in missions, at teachers’ training centres, in joint Bantu-European conferences, etc. flere friendliness and co-operation are the social norm, affected by the wider ‘The wife of s wealthy Enropean, commenting on a European wbo walkcd 70 miles to obtain locust-work in Nongoma discrict, sild to mc: “When I diink of all tEtte ZuIu with thcar cattie, lands ad bet Slit could not Scisk ber lenteece. See Canicgie Poor Wbitc Conigninion Report. 22 MAX GLUCKMAN— form of social separation. In other social relationships—betweefl officials and subjects, employers and Black employecs, technical officials and their assistants—personal relations develop So as to ease, nr to acerbate, the relationship of the two colour-groups. Of the first type; I cite the way in which the G.V.O. took the trouble to make enquiries, on behalf of one of his ZuIu subordinates, abaut the Zulu law of adultery. He asked it of Matolana because, through me, be had cioser aud more friendly relations with my Zulu friends ahan with other Zuhi. Some European employers treat their Zulu servants well, and value them as human beings; others treat them only as servants, yet others continually swear at them and thrash1 them. Though it is iiiegal in South Africa, Zulu and Europeans have sexual relations, which are socially disapproved of by both grou~s. These personal relationships, which depend partly on special social milieux in the social organization, partly on individual differences, sometimes constitute different groups in the social structure. Often they are variations from social norms, and have important effects on those norms which always affect them. I may note that each group selects for attention those actions of the otber group out of all proportion to their occurrence, which best fit in with its values. For example, the European farmers bordering the reserve have thc reputation of treating their Zulu farm tenants very badly. Whether this reputation be generally justified or not, Zulu are always able to cite individual cases of maltreat ment to justify the social belief. If an individual farmer treats his Zulu well, it will not affect other Zulu’s ideas of him or his Zulu’s ideas of other farmers. Even ir farmers did treat their Zulu well, the Zulu cannot generalisç their own experiences and since good treatment is quickly forgotten, oppression is remembcred, aud the social beliefwill last however many farmers treat their servants weII. Similarly, a case in which there was a mere suggestion that a ZuIu had made sexual advances to a Furo pean girl was sufficient to rouse many iS the White group to violcnt animosity on the grounds that all Blacks have strong sexual desires for White women, though nothing similar bad occurred for many ycars in Zululand.’ I come now to consider a special relationship between Zulu and Luropeans which also constitutes a social divisjon wfthi9 the Black group, that into pagans and Christians. During the hymn singing under the missionary the schism between them was marked, though pagans joined Christians and Christians joined pagans. All Christians wear only European clothes and, except for important political autborities, few ‘Lcgslly.Ilowed under the Mister md Servmnti Act. ‘lite Zulu was diecharged by titt caurt wåthout any offence being diselosed.  SOCIAL. SITUATION IN MODERN ZULJSLAND 23 pagans do. But the pagans, during the European hymn-siiiging, doffed their hats, aud Christians sang the iliubo. Both feasted with the Regent. Both were present at the meeting in Nongoma. For the sehisni is not absolute. I further noted that while my servant Richard is a Christian aud Matolana is a pagan, Riehard, as much as his pagan brothers with whom he lives, must treat Matolana as a father. Christians and pagans saluted the Regent; the Regent, a Christian, arranged for the galt to be poured on the bridge. Above all, Christians, like pagans, could not mix with dit Europeans. The schism between Christians and pagans is crossed by ties of kinship, colour, political allegiance aud culture. The group of Christian Zulu in certain situations, on certain criteria, is associated with the group of Europeans aud opposed to the group of pagans, though on other criteria aud in other situations they are part of dxc Black group as a whole opposed to the European group as a whole. Inte their membership as a Christian group the White missionary enters. He stayed with the Europeans till they dispersed, then abandoned his membership of the White group aud joined the Black group to organise the hymn-singing, thus crystallising the social division of the Zulu into Christian aud pagans. This affihiation of titt Christian ZuIu to both colour-groups creates a certain tension between them and pagan Zulu, which is only partly resolved by the ties between theni, aud it appears in the existence of the separatist Native Christian sect whose leader I took to Nongoma. This sect (it is one of many) accepts with beliefs in witch craft some of the tenets and beliefs of Christianity, but protests against European control of Zulu churches and is thus not associated with Euro. peans in the way that Furopean-controlled churches are. Other inter-relationships between ZuIu and Europeans which have been diseussed above may also be considered as constituting social divisions within the Black group, though these are not formalised as the division inte Christian and pagans is. I have mentioned the effect of differential wealth. We might ciassify Zulu into those who work for Europeans aud those who do not, and, as nearly all able-bodied Zulu do this work for part of tItt year, they would at different times fall into different groups. However, if the basis of elassification be that we put into one group the Zulu who are in the permanent employ of Government (clerks, Native technical assistants, police, even chiefs and ûadunas) we have a group whose work and interests coincide with Governntent’s as those of other Zulu often do not. The same observation applies to those Zulu who are willing to seil their cattle, anxious to improve their farming or to go to school aud hospitals; aud it may be noted that these are usually Christians. TItt division on these grounds comes into titt open 24 MAX GLUCKMAN— at magisterial meetings, where Christians are more ready than pagans to support the magistrate, and this is a source of conflict between Christians and pagans. Thus the association of certain Zulu with Europeans and their values and beliefs, ereates groups within the Zulu which in certain situations cross the separation of interests of Blacks and Whites, but emphasize the difference between them. Other divisions which appeared during the day within the Zulu group, though afl’ected by Black.White relations, have a tradition of continuity with the social organisation of Zululand before the British occupation. The Zulu art divided into a number of trihes which art further divided into tribal sections and administrative wards. In this political organisation there is a definite hierarchy of princes of the Royal Zulu clan and commoners, tI Regent and chief indwia of the nation, Mandlakazi chief, other chiefs and indunas. Some of these political groups and officers are units in the system of Furopean Government rute and at the meeting at Nongoma the magistrate entered into their relation ship. Nevertheless, though they art part of Governmental system, they art also groups with a traditional background which to-day gives them a significance for the Zulu other than their purely administrative signifi cance. Though the Regent was not officially recognised as head of thc Zulu nation by Government, all Zulu regarded him as supreme over them? It is partly through this political organisation that the ZuIu have reacted to European domination, for the Zulu political authorities receive loyalty from their subjects, not only n Goverument bureaucrats or from sentiment and conservatism, hat also because some of the political tension against Government is expressed in that loyalty.2 In modern Zulu social lite, this political organisation is importanL ; it determines groupings at weddings, circles of friends in towns; lines of alignment in faction fights at beer drinks; and the chiefs’ and indunas’ homesteads are centres of community life as ivell as of admiiiistration. This division into tribes creates a source of dissension within the Black group, for thc tribes art hostile to one another. Furthermore, the Zulu led their community as a nation 28 much against other Bantu nations as against the Europeans, though morc and more they art associated with these other Bantu in a single Black group. Finally, it muat be noted that the Zulu, in common with other Bantu, express strong loyalty on occasion to the Gc,vernment, 28 in this ‘and thc last war. Within a district a popular official gains thefriendship and ioyalty øl Zulu, for it is pleasant and valuahie to theni to have him over ‘He has aince been made social hud of the ZuIu nation by Government. ‘St. my irticie on the Zulu in African Political Organùation, cited above.  SOCIAL SITUATION iN MODERN ZULULAND 25 them. I cio not yet understand their loyalty to Govermuent it is partly a result of their chief’s dependence on Government, and parily because in wartinie they express their strong warlike sentiments. The final set of groupings to be mentioned, is that into homestcads inhabited by a group of agnates and their wives and children. Matola na’s homestead comprised at the time himself ; three wives; an engaged son of twenty-one then working in Johannesburg (since married and living there with his bride and child) ; four other sons from ten to twenty years chI, of whom two of the younger ones are Christians; and threc daughters. A classificatory sister also often dwelt there and was inarried from there though her own home was elsewhere. One of his sons, twelve years of age, herded cattle for the hushand of another of Matolana’s sisters in a homestead about a mile away. Near Matolana’s were the homesteads of two of his brothers, one by the same mother, and the other by a common grandfather. The latter’s half-brother (by the same father) was considered part of the same umdeni (kinship-Iocal group), though lit lived in the neighbouring Amateni tribe’s territory. Richarcl ‘s home stead was near Matolana’s. He and bis wife were the only Christians in it. The headman of the homestead was his eldest hrother, under whom were anotber brother, then Richard, then the youngest brother. They were all the children of one rnother who lives with them. All the brothers were married, the two eldest to two wives, and all had children. This homestead was recently moved and Richard built slightly apart from his brothers as he wanted a more permanent hut. Near this Ntombcla homestead were four otber Ntombela homesteads (Ntombela being a elan surname) and the homestead of a man whose mother was an Ntombela. She married at a distance but left her busband to live in her paternal district. These groups of agnatically related homesteads of many different dans are distributed over the country ; they are related to similar groups of their own cian by agnatic ties, and to others by des of matriliny and affinity. Even where there art not kinship ties between neighbours, they art usually on friendly terms of co-operation. li is in these groupings of kinsmen and neighbours that a large part of a Zulu’s life is spent, and in towns be associates with the same people as in the Reserves, if he can. The kinship groupings especially are strong co-operative units, the members of which assist and depend on each other. They hold their lands close together, graze their cattle together, share farm work. often work together in Luropean areas, assist each other in flghts and other difficulties. They have their own tensions which fiare up in quarrels leading to lawsuits and chatges of sorcery, which sometimes end in the divisioii of homesteads aud homestead-groups. 26 MAX GLUCEMAN— Nevertheless, in them, with tbeir strong sentimental attachrnents, the tensions caused by confiict of membership of the othcr divisions in thc Zulu group are partly solved. Though many pagans are opposed and hostile to Christianity, saying it is shattering ZuIu culturc and integrity, in their dealings with their own Christian kinsmen they act as they do to pagan kinsmen. flere, in family life, there are strong ties to overcome the cleavage between Christians and pagans, bctween progressive men who adopt European ways and those who do not. On the other hand, it is largely in these groups that the effect of new mores is becoming increasingly felt and the ties of kinship are being weakened. In these groups, therefore, when we come to consider the problems of social change, we shall see that the European group markedly affects Zulu behaviour through the Christians who live with their pagan kinsmen and the young men living with their eidù relatives. One might similarly trace social divisions within the White group and exarnine how they are related to tlie maiii organisation into twc, colour-groups. That study did not fall into the scope of my enquiry, excdpt in so far ss it was relevant to White-Black relations or to the internal structure of the Black group itseif. I have referred to the rela tions between Government officials, missionaries, traders, employers, technical experts, on the one hand, and Zulu on the other, and here indicate some of the problems that anse in considering the relationship between these Europeans. An analysis of the values, interests and motives which influence them on individuals, at various times, would show that they, like the Zulu, fall in different situations into different groupings in the social structure of Zululand. The missinnary, we have seen, even associates himseif temporarily with a Black group, leaving the White group. The hanznonious gathering at the bridge is a feature of relations between Blacks and Whites in Reserve territory which would not casily occur in European farm areas or in towns, where the conflicts hetween the groups are greater. I have renurked on the way in which officials make a deliberate effort to meet the Zulu, and this too is more common in the Re8erves. Though officials have to apply the decisions of the White group over the Black group, in tlie reutine of administration many of them become personally attached to their Natives and, as they are keen on their work, anxious for their districts to progress and interested in the welfare of the inhabitants, they nccasionally stand for those inhabitants against the White group whose domination they represent.. They control, for Gnvernment, the relatir,ns ni traders, recruiters ancl employers with the Zulu, often in Zulu interests. Thus thesc latter groups of Luropeans are sometimes opposed, ss affected in their interests,  SOCIAL SITUATLON IN MODERN ZULULAND 27 to the administration’s work; more often, their interests vis-a-vis ene another confiict, both between aud within the groups constituted by each type of Luropean enterprise. Neverthelcss, they unite against the Black group ss a whote when they act as members of the White greup opposed to the Black group. The missionaries frequently take the side of the Zulu against European exploitation, but it must be added that they are producing ZuIu who are for a time readier to accept European values, and therefore domination, though the colour-bar forces many of ihem to become hest ile. I have cuttined the functioning of the social structure of Zululand in terms of the relations hetween greups, and have indicated some of the complicated ways in which these relations work, since ene person niay be a niember of many groups, semetimes opposed to each other, seinetimes united against anotlier group, and since many relationships and interests may intersect in ene person, I shall new briefly exempli~~ how this functions in the behaviour ef individuals. I have suggested this already in discussing the Christian greup: we have seen the White missionary join for a time a Black greup after the otber Whites dispersed, Richard affected by des of kinship to pagans, aud modes of behaviour which are common to Christians aud pagans. There are other examples. Matola na saluted a Government policeman as a Zulu prince, then coniplained to him as though he were a representative of Government about how badly be himseif is treated by Goverriment. For Government, Matolana assisted in arresting a thief; be protested on behalf of his people to the G.V.O. about dipping; he rejoiced in the power of attending on and working for the Regent; he considered it would be more profitabte to abandon his political position under Governnient aud Regent to work for himseif. At tbe Nongoma meeting, a Government policeman who is a Mandlakazi prince complained against the Usuthu of Matolana’s district for assisting dit faction opposed to his tribal faction in the fight, though at a fight between the same factions he acted as a Government policeman. At the bridge, Zulu Government police and clerk joined the general body of Zulu, isolated from the Europeans whom it is their duty to assist rute the country. Thus the main groups of Europeans and Zutu are split into subsidiary groups, formalised and unformalised, and membership of these groups changes for the individual according to the interests, values and motives which determine his behaviour in different situations. Though I have approached my analysis through the groupings, an analysis in terms of values and beliefs, as these determine the bahaviour ef individuats, would point to simular conc)usions, As a sociotogist, I am interested in the 28 MAI GLUCKMAN— relations of the groups formed by thesc intcrcsts and values, and the conflicts caused by an individual’s membcrship of ditteretit groups. To sum up the situation at the bridge, oiw may say that the groups and individuals present beliave as they do because the bridge, which is the centre of their interests, associates theiu in a common celebration. As a result of their common interest they act by customs of co-operation and communication, even though the two colour-groups are (livided according to the pattern of the social structure. Similarly, within cach colour-group, feasting unites the members though they separate aceord ing to social relationships witbin the group. Government’s powcr and dit cultural background of its representative, in this situ3tion of ca operation, organist the actions of’ tWe groups and individuals into a pattern which excludes confiict. Smaller groups separale ont on the basis of common interests and, if it be hecause of spatial differentiation only (e.g. Christians and pagans), do not conflict with one another? All these group associations, including dit whole gathering at 0w bridge, are hannonious in this situation because of the central factor of the bridge which is a source of satisfaction to all the persons prescnt. By comparing the pattern of this situation with many other situations we have been able to trace the equilibrium of Zululancl social structure at a certain period of time ,where by equilibriuni I menn the interdependent relations between different parts of the social structure of a community at a particular period. To this analysis I add, ss of fundamental importance, that the superior force of the White group (which did 1101 appear in my analysis) is the final social faetor in maintaining this equilibrium. I have tried to show that in titt present period Zululand social atructure may be analysed as a functioning unit, in a temporary equili brium. We see that titt dominant form of titt strueture is the existence within a single community of two co-operating colour-groups which are differentiated by a large nuznber of criteria se as to stand opposed and even hostile to one another. The White group is dominant over titt Black group in all lite activities in whicb they co-operate, and this domi nance is expressed in some sociai institutions, while all institutions art affeeted by it. The unequai opposition between the two colour-groups determines titt mode of their co-operation. Interests, beliefs, values, types of enterprise and differences of wealth differentiate smafler groups within each colour-group, and there is ti coincidence. hetwcen sone of ‘But I may note hete that titt missionary complained of titt noise made by titt men cuning up titt dried cattie, during lite bymn-singing, md of titt somewhat bud convenatlon of titt G.V.O., Lentzner, titt Agricultural ollicer and mysebf.  SOCIAL SITUATJON IN MODERN ZULULAND 29 these groups across the colour-line, which interlocks the colour-groups by associating members of them in temporary identity of interests. How ever, the balance between these groups is affected by the colour—group relationship of conflict and co-operation so that every one of thcse groups on the one land Iinks the colour-groups and on the other emphasises their opposition. The shifting membership of groups in different situations is the functioning of the structure, for an individual’s membership of a particular group in a particular situation is determined by the rnotives and values inifueneing him in that situation. Individuals can thus live coherent lives by situational selection from a medley of contradictory values, ill-assorted beliefs, interests and techniques? The contradictions become conflicts as the relative frequency and importance of different situations increase in the functioning of the organisations. Rapidly the dominant situations are becoming those involving Black-White relations, and more and more ZuIu behave as members of the Black group opposed to the White group. In turn, these situations affcct intra-Black relations. Thus the pulL~ of different values and groups produce strong con flicts in the individual Zulu’s personality and in Zululand social structure. These conflicts are part of the social structure wbose present equilibrium is marked by what are commonly called maladjustments. The very conflicts, contradictions, and differences between the Zulu and European groups, and within them, and the factors overcoming these differences, have been shown to be the structure of the Zulu-F.uropean community of Zululand.2 fl is these conflicts within the Zululand structure which wiIl lead to its future developments, and by clearly defining them in my analysis of the temporary equilibrium, I hope to relate my cross-section study to niy study of change. Therefore, I suggest that in ordet to study social change in South Africa the sociologist must analyse the equilibrium of the Black-White community at different times and show how successive equiiibria are related to one another. I hope in the second halE of this articie to examine further this process of development in Zululand, when Bet Evans-Prichard’s Witchcraft OTaeks and Magie among the Azande ap. cit. ‘I believe “conftict” and thc”ovcrcoming of conffict” (fiasion and fusion) to be two aspects at dit same social process and to be present in oil social relatione abipa. Cf. dit tbeories at dialectical materialism md Freud’s theory of smbivajenceintberelationshipsstudied bypsycbolagy. Evans-Pritabardis dit first anthropologist to my knowledge to work out this thane, an ble articies, and his fortbcoming book, on dit Nuer. See also ble md Fortes’ asaya in African Poktical Organisation. ap ci:. Cf. tbis approach to dit maladjusunento in a modern African community with Mslinoweki’a MetIaods of Study of Cidture Contact, ap. cit., pp. ziii-xv. 30 MAK GLUCEMAN— I shall analyse the alteration and adjustment of the baIanc~ of groups (the change in equilihrium) involved in the articulation of the Zululand community into racial groups of relatively different culture during the last 120 years. (To be concluded).