Sociological Perspectives on Gender and Sexualities PDF

In this lecture, I will address sociological perspectives on gender and sexualities. I will address the following topics: a sociological perspective on gender, a sociological perspective on sexualities, diversity, and contemporary sexualities and sexual relationships; how technology has transformed...

In this lecture, I will address sociological perspectives on gender and sexualities. I will address the following topics: a sociological perspective on gender, a sociological perspective on sexualities, diversity, and contemporary sexualities and sexual relationships; how technology has transformed contemporary sexual relationships; and gender inequality in the labor market and in unpaid labor. Sociologists make a distinction between biological sex and gender, arguing that gender is learned through socialization and is reinforced by social institutions such as the family, educational institutions, the labor market, and political institutions. In the final part of the lecture, I will address sociological insights on gender inequality in paid and unpaid labor processes of socialization. Beginning with primary socialization, we have historically been taught how to behave in gender- appropriate ways, thus reinforcing notions of masculinity and femininity. Transgender and intersex individuals provide opportunities to challenge the traditional dichotomy between male and female. Roles and societal expectations for men and women vary historically and cross-culturally. Historical shifts, such as the separation of public and private spheres that accompanied industrialization, promoted gender-based inequalities as women were relegated to the domestic sphere. Sociologists use the terms gender identity and gender roles. Your gender identity is your sense of belonging or not belonging to a particular sex. Gender identity involves identifying as male or female, rejecting these binary categories, or moving back and forth between them and being gender fluid. Our understanding of categories of gender identity has evolved over time and is not static. They continue to change, particularly in response to political and social activism, bringing awareness of the diversity of experiences among people. Gender roles refer to how people learn to act in ways that match societal expectations about how members of their gender are supposed to behave. We learn these roles; they are not innate. Historically, sociologists have emphasized the study of gender, the social categories of being male or female rather than biological sex. With gender, we understand biological sex diMerences in terms of the social meanings attached to femininity and masculinity and the processes of gender socialization. Historically, your gender, your sense of being male or female, and how you play masculine and feminine roles are defined as appropriate by your culture and society. Whereas gender has historically been viewed as a dichotomy between male and female, our ideas about gender have expanded as we recognize that a dichotomous construction of gender as male or female does not match the lived reality of many Canadians who may reject the dichotomy or see themselves as gender fluid. The term transgender, often referred to as trans, describes individuals who have a gender identity that diMers from their assigned biological sex at birth. The transgender community is diverse, and experiences are diverse. Transgender individuals may diverge from normative gender roles. They may not identify with male or female gender roles but instead combine these roles or move between them. Transgender challenges notions of gender as a dichotomous variable: male or female. There are multiple definitions of the term transgender, and these have varied over time and are contested by some. The term transgender does not refer to one specific sexual orientation; a trans individual can be heterosexual, gay, lesbian, bisexual, pansexual, or asexual. Cisgender refers to a person whose gender identity is consistent with the biological sex they were assigned at birth. Some individuals who are transgender identify as transsexual. Some transgender and transsexual individuals may wish to change their biological sex through medical intervention, which may include hormone therapy or sex reassignment therapy. The term transgender is inclusive of many diMerent groups and experiences. There are a broad range of conditions or experiences that are considered intersex. Intersex is not the same as transgender; it refers to individuals whose makeup, in terms of their chromosomes and/or hormones and/or sexual anatomy, is diMerent than what is considered typical. The biology of intersex has implications for our understanding of gender. Intersex conditions can be noticed at birth, but some are not diagnosed until puberty or later in adulthood due to infertility issues. There are diMerent types of intersex conditions that can aMect the chromosomal makeup, anatomical structures, and later life developments such as puberty and fertility. An intersex individual may have biological features of both the male and female sexes, or their chromosomal makeup may be diMerent than the typical female (XX) and male (XY). Their sexual or reproductive organs may not match their chromosomes in a way that is typical for most men and women. Examples of intersex conditions include Klinefelter syndrome, Turner syndrome, and androgen insensitivity syndrome. Intersex can include females with male-looking or ambiguous external genitalia, even though the female has ovaries and a uterus. It can include males with female-looking genitals whose testes may remain inside the body. Intersex can include a mix of male and female characteristics, such as having both testicular and ovarian tissue. Intersex conditions are not always noticed at birth. The term intersex needs to be distinguished from the term intersexuality. The term intersexuality was adopted by the medical community in the 20th century and is associated with the medical model and the interpretations made by doctors. The term intersex is used by the intersex community and intersex activists. This distinction is important because the intersex community has oMered a scathing critique of the medical community's historical response to intersex individuals. Specifically, the term intersex is used by intersex activists who are critical of how the medical community has approached intersex individuals, particularly babies. Historically, doctors have intervened medically, with surgical sex assignment performed on very young children and babies. Intersex activists argue that medical interventions like surgery should only be done if there is a health risk. If the only concern is aesthetic—what the child looks like, or more specifically, what the infant's genitals look like—surgery should not be considered until the child is old enough to make an informed decision. Intersex activists argue that historically too many surgeries were done only for aesthetic reasons and not for medical reasons. They believe that these surgeries reflect bias and a lack of understanding and acceptance of biological diversity. They also argue that sometimes these surgeries cause long-term physical, emotional, and social problems. Sociologists are interested in variation in how societies respond to intersex individuals. Historically, in Western industrialized nations such as Canada, the experience of intersex individuals has been one of shame, secrecy, and medical intervention. In countries such as Uganda, Kenya, China, and areas in South Asia, there have been reports of infanticide and abandonment of intersex infants. More recently, there has been progress in how intersex individuals are treated by the medical establishment and how intersex conditions are understood by parents, families, and the wider society, particularly in North America and Europe. There are some areas of the world that seem to have higher rates of intersex individuals. For example, in a rural area of the Dominican Republic, a particular type of intersex condition was discovered in which males do not develop their testes or penises until puberty. Before this time, they look like females and are raised as girls. These intersex individuals are referred to as the Guavedoces. There's no hostility towards these individuals, which tells us that there is cross-cultural variation in how intersex individuals are viewed and accepted. Sociologists note how societal responses to intersex individuals diMer. It reveals the fluidity of gender and how our understandings of gender vary cross- culturally. Transgender and intersex provide opportunities for sociologists and others to challenge the historical dichotomy between male and female. The variety of intersex conditions that exist tells us that there is profound biological diversity, challenging the notion that biological sex is straightforwardly dichotomous. As ideas about gender identity have shifted, bureaucratic and government processes have also changed to accommodate people's lived realities. For example, Statistics Canada has invested much time in considering how they ask about sex and gender. In the 2016 census, respondents were asked to indicate if they were male or female. For people who were unable to use these categories, Stats Canada instructed survey respondents to leave the question blank and provide a written comment explaining why they left the question unanswered. After the 2016 census, Stats Canada looked at the comments Canadians had written and examined ways to measure the transgender population, including the non-binary population. First, they consulted with experts in the field of gender identity and held focus groups with members of the transgender community, including non-binary individuals, to try to understand how they would operationalize sex and gender in the next census and subsequent data collection. Stats Canada tested their question with members of the transgender and cisgender communities to validate the understanding of the questions on sex at birth and gender. They used the following definitions: sex refers to sex assigned at birth, typically based on a person's reproductive system and other physical characteristics, while gender refers to the gender that a person internally feels and/or the gender a person publicly expresses in their daily life, including at work, while shopping, or accessing other services in their housing environment or in the broader community. A person's current gender may diMer from the sex assigned at birth and may diMer from what is indicated on their current legal documents. A person's gender may change over time. In preparation for the 2021 census, Stats Canada conducted the 2019 census test from May to June 2019 with over 135,000 households. The following questions were tested during the 2019 census test: "What was this person's sex at birth?" (sex refers to sex assigned at birth: male, female). This question measures sex at birth, which is determined by a person's biological characteristics. This question was retained to ensure historical comparability with previous censuses. In their documentation, Stats Canada asserted that a very small proportion of the population could be born with both male and female biological characteristics, often referred to as intersex. In their earlier drafts, they included a provision for intersex in the sex at birth question but then decided to remove it, asserting that only a very small population group has these biological characteristics and many intersex people are not aware that they are intersex as this is often discovered later in life. The next question, "What is this person's gender?" refers to the current gender, which may be diMerent from the sex assigned at birth and may be diMerent from what is indicated on legal documents: male, female, or please specify this person's gender. And they left a space for typed or handwritten answer. This question measures the gender of the respondent, which is a multidimensional concept that includes psychological, social, and behavioral aspects. Gender reflects how individuals describe themselves at the time of collection and can change over time. A person's gender may diMer from what is indicated on their legal documents, according to Stats Canada. This new two-question approach allows Stats Canada to keep the sex variable, which is important for comparisons over time. Since this was the question that has always been used, it allows Stats Canada to measure the transgender population by comparing answers from both questions and, in doing so, address the gap in data we have on the transgender non-binary population. Finally, it provides for gender-inclusive questions. Next, I will address sociological perspectives on sexualities. Sociologists explore the ways that sexuality varies over time and place and are socially constructed. A sociological perspective on sexualities and sexual relationships can be illustrated by considering the fact that we know that sexual experiences, such as the number of lifetime partners, degree of satisfaction with sexual relationships, and frequency of sexual activity vary cross-nationally and cross-culturally and reflect historical change. They also vary by socio-demographic variables like age and gender. For example, serial monogamy describes an individual pursuing one monogamous relationship at a time but having several relationships over the course of their life due to relationship breakup, divorce, or death of a partner. Serial monogamy is common in many countries and describes the sexual and relationship histories of most Canadians. However, in the 21st century, Canadians also pursue other options in their intimate and sexual relationships. There are greater possibilities today for Canadians in deciding how their sexual relationships might intersect with their relationship status or living arrangements. For example, non-monogamy is practiced by single Canadians and Canadians in marital, cohabiting, and non-cohabiting relationships. Polyamorous relationships are one type of non-monogamous relationship and are on the rise in Canada, Australia, the United States, and Western Europe. Polyamorous relationships involve romantic, emotional, and sexual relationships between two or more people. They are consensual, negotiated, and transparent relationships that may or may not involve cohabitation. Children are also raised by individuals in polyamorous relationships. These variations tell us that sexual activity is neither universal nor uniformly experienced. It is socially constructed and changes depending on societal and historical context. A sociological perspective highlights how societies have responded to diversity in sexualities and how sexual relationships have varied over time and place. For example, ideas about women's sexuality and regulating women's sexuality and women's bodies have varied over time and place. The Sexual Revolution of the 1960s emerged alongside second-wave feminism. It critiqued the longstanding sexual double standard, which was more permissive of men's sexual relationships than women's sexual relationships. Women's sexuality was constrained in earlier historical periods, and social control over women's sexuality and access to contraception, abortion, and family planning persist in many areas around the world. Access to contraception and family planning have varied over time and place globally. There are tremendous diMerences in women's access to family planning, and much of this reflects economic resources and global inequality. Even though abortion was legalized in Canada in 1969, it has not been uniformly accessible to Canadian women across the country. For example, in 2017, PI began oMering abortion services after 35 years of not having a hospital or clinic available to oMer this service. In the 21st-century Canadian context, there was a recognition of diversity in sexualities and sexual relationships, and this is reflected in our laws. The various ways that laws, institutions, and social policies are transformed to recognize diverse sexualities and sexual relationships illustrates the social construction of sexualities. Sexualities and expressions of sexualities vary over time, place, and sometimes the life course of an individual. Sociologists suggest that sexualities are fluid for many people and that we cannot always reduce sexual orientation to how people self-identify. Societal homophobia persists, and this serves as a barrier to many people self-identifying as non-heterosexual. Homophobia entails a broad range of negative and harmful attitudes and behaviors directed at someone because of their sexual orientation. It can include, but is not limited to, discrimination, bullying, and violence. The term heterosexism refers to discrimination against non-heterosexuals because the assumption is that heterosexuality is normative in our society. The term heteronormativity is also used to describe how heterosexuality is reinforced and promoted as the normative sexual orientation. The term LGBTQ+ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer or questioning) or variants of the term are increasingly being used to describe diversity in both sexualities and gender identities. The term queer was originally used in a negative way as a hate term. However, many people have reclaimed the word. For some, it is used because they don't want to label themselves only by their sexual orientation or reject the binaries of male- female, homosexual-heterosexual. The Q also stands for questioning and this describes people who are still exploring their sexuality or gender identity. The term LGBTQI2S (two- spirit) is also used. The I stands for intersex and the 2S stands for two-spirit, which is used by some Indigenous peoples for individuals who hold a third-gender ceremonial role in their culture. Two-spirit persons may or may not be LGBTQ+; two-spirit individuals experience both male and female genders within themselves. Sociologists, activists, and other groups have argued in favor of replacing the term sexuality with sexualities to convey the idea that there are multiple sexual orientations and that our sexualities are not just based on what sexual orientation we may identify with. Sociologists suggest that our sexualities include sexual identity or sexual orientation, sexual behavior, and sexual attraction. It is important to note that sexual identity or sexual orientation is not the same thing as gender identity. Sexual orientation can include identifying as heterosexual, gay, lesbian, bisexual, pansexual, or asexual. Heterosexuality involves identifying as being heterosexual and having sexual relationships and sexual attraction to members of the opposite sex. Homosexuality involves identifying as being gay or lesbian and having sexual relationships and sexual attraction to members of the same sex. Bisexuality involves having sexual relationships and sexual attraction to both same-sex and opposite-sex partners. Pansexuality involves having sexual relationships and sexual attraction without regard to a person's sex or gender identity. Pansexual persons may be fluid in terms of their own gender or sexual identity. Asexuality is the lack of sexual attraction to others and a lack of interest in sexual activity or sexual relationships. It is not the same thing as celibacy or abstinence, in which a person decides to avoid sexual relationships for any number of reasons, for example, religious reasons. Abstaining from sex until marriage and avoiding sexual relationships in order to pursue other life goals, such as recovery from addiction or goals related to occupation, education, or caregiving. The term queer theory refers to a growing body of research findings that challenge the heterosexual bias in Western society. Queer theory suggests that the labels of heterosexual, homosexual, gay, lesbian, bisexual, and so on are problematic because they obscure the fluidity of people's experiences. For example, a person may self-identify as heterosexual but may have ongoing sexual relationships with members of the same sex or be sexually attracted to the same sex. The reluctance to self-identify as gay or lesbian may come from any number of factors, including societal homophobia and internalized homophobia. Internalized homophobia describes when a person accepts societal homophobia, which impacts how they see themselves. The reluctance to self-identify as gay, lesbian, bisexual, pansexual, or asexual may also arise because a person asserts that sexual orientation should not be defined by labels. Queer theorists challenge the idea of fixed sexual orientations and argue that labels like heterosexual, gay, or lesbian, etc., constrain our behaviors, our view of ourselves, and ultimately, the future we envision for ourselves and the relationships we establish. How people define their sexual orientation is subjective in that people do not always use the same definitions. This presents some methodological challenges in determining the prevalence of various sexual identities in society. Also, for some people, sexual orientation changes over the life course. The decriminalization of homosexuality in Canada in 1969 and the legalization of same-sex marriage in 2005 have impacted the life decisions of many Canadians who are now able to pursue same-sex relationships. This tells us that social context shapes personal decision-making. Many Canadians have shifted from opposite- sex relationships to same-sex relationships. And although we don't have any data on this, we know that many Canadian children have been raised in households with opposite-sex parents, same-sex parents, and parents who have transitioned from an opposite-sex to a same-sex relationship. Not only can sexual orientations change over the life course, so too can the kinds of sexual relationships individuals pursue over their lives. For example, individuals can experience sexual relationships that are monogamous or non- monogamous, sexual relationships that involve two people or more than two people, and sex within or outside of a relationship context. The social context in Canada has been transformed so that Canadians in the 21st century experience greater choices in their sexualities and sexual relationships, and perhaps even change over time in the kinds of relationships they pursue. The term sexual minorities has been used in relation to individuals who are not heterosexual. While governments and large organizations increasingly use the term sexual minorities, it is important to acknowledge that there is debate about the usefulness of the term. Language and terminology are important at a macro-institutional level but also at a micro-level in terms of describing people's lived reality. An organization may use the term sexual minorities in a job ad to try to recruit individuals from the LGBTQ+ community. An LGBTQ+ individual may not like the term but may decide to self-identify as a sexual minority because they recognize that this is the language that has been adopted by the organizations they would like they would like to apply to while sexualities and gender identity are distinct. There are areas of similarity in terms of societal responses and experiences of discrimination and hate crimes. Many LGBTQ+ individuals face employment discrimination and receive harsh and negative treatment in other spheres of life, including social circles, families and neighborhoods. Sociologists examine intersections of gender sexualities and inequality, victimization, discrimination and harassment. Police data and victimization surveys find that women are at greater risk of sexual victimization than men, lesbian and bisexual women face an even greater risk of sexual victimization, and lesbian, gay and bisexual Canadians are at greater risk of violent physical victimization. LGBTQ+ high school students experience greater levels of physical assault and verbal and sexual harassment. Even though victims of intimate partner violence do not always report their victimization to the police, same sex intimate partner violence is less likely to be reported to police as compared to opposite sex intimate partner violence; charges against oMenders are more likely to be laid against oMenders in opposite sex relationships than oMenders in same sex relationships. Lesbians, gays and bisexuals are more likely than heterosexuals to experience violent victimization, including physical assault, sexual assault and robbery. Individuals who are bisexual are at the greatest risk of violent victimization. The LGBTQ+ community is at risk of hate crimes. Canadian data show that victims of hate crimes are more adversely impacted by their victimization as compared to others who experienced victimization that was not based on a hate crime. Victims of hate crimes are also more likely to report that their victimization created challenges in carrying on their everyday lives, such as going to work. Many victims of hate crimes do not report crimes to police. Women are more likely to experience workplace harassment and workplace sexual harassment; gays, lesbians and bisexuals also experience higher rates of workplace harassment. In the next section, I'm going to discuss diversity and sexual relationships. We have seen greater choices and change in the lives of Canadians in terms of their decisions about how their sexual relationships might intersect with their relationship status or living arrangements. For earlier generations, there was greater alignment between relationship status, sexual relationships and living arrangements, as people would be in a cohabiting or marital relationship where they lived with and had a sexual relationship with their partner. The alignment of those three things— relationship status, living arrangement and sexual relationship—is less common today than it was in the past. For example, there are couples who live together but have open relationships and pursue sexual relationships outside of their cohabiting or marital relationship, and there are couples who live apart but have a monogamous and committed relationship with their partner. There are many single Canadians who live alone and pursue romantic relationships and sexual relationships both within and outside of a relationship context. We can use the example of living apart together (LAT) couples to explore social change in how people pursue relationships, sexual relationships and living arrangements. The term living apart together (LAT) couples refers to couples in a committed relationship who live in separate households. The reasons for this are multifaceted. It may be that the couple has voluntarily chosen to maintain separate households. Individuals who have children from previous relationships might prefer to maintain separate households permanently or until their children are grown, in order to avoid blending a household and co-parenting. It may be that an existing custody arrangement prevents a parent from moving outside of a geographical area to live with a new partner; jobs in diMerent cities may also prevent a couple from living together. Older individuals who have lost a partner or gone through a divorce may prefer to maintain separate households in order to avoid mingling financial resources. This is a strategy used by some people to ensure that their financial resources are passed down to their own children and grandchildren when they pass away. Sometimes individuals in a relationship cannot live together because of immigration issues or health issues; one individual may require nursing care or medical care in a long-term care facility. LAT couples are commonly found among young Canadians in their late teens and twenties who live apart because they're still living with parents and cannot aMord to establish an independent household with their partner. There is greater choice, fluidity and unprecedented diversity in sexualities and sexual relationships among Canadians. Today, individuals have more partners throughout their lives and more Canadians experience sexual activity outside of a relationship context. Technologies such as the Internet, smartphones, social media and new reproductive technologies have also transformed sexual relationships, intimate relationships and families. I would like to provide a historical context for understanding contemporary diversity in sexual relationships. Even though premarital sex was less acceptable among earlier generations, we know that both men and women engaged in premarital sexual activity before the sexual revolution of the 1960s. Although the term casual sex is recent, premarital sex has always existed. In the mid-20th century, terms such as petting were used to refer to all kinds of sexual activity excluding sexual intercourse. Petting with multiple people was prevalent among both men and women. Since petting was prevalent, many women who were technically virgins when they married had engaged in considerable sexual activity before marriage. The first scientific studies of sexual activity in the United States were the famous Kinsey reports conducted in the 1940s and 1950s; the researchers interviewed thousands of Americans about their sexual practices. Before this point, sex was a topic that was discussed in moral and religious contexts. The Kinsey reports were important for promoting a perspective that sexual behavior was neutral, could be studied scientifically, and that statistics could be gathered on it. The Kinsey reports found considerable premarital sexual activity among men and women and also revealed the prevalence of sexual activity that had previously been labeled as deviant, such as same-sex sexual activity. Once the Kinsey reports were made available to the public, people had a better understanding of the prevalence of sexual activity, including sexual activity between people of the same sex. People were able to see that their own sexual behaviors were not deviant. Once they learned that many other people were engaging in the same activities, the Kinsey reports challenged the understanding of heterosexuality as normative. The Kinsey reports were critical in shifting ideas about sexual behaviors away from notions of morality towards a scientific perspective on sex. The idea that we can study various aspects related to sex has led to greater variety today in the kinds of intimate sexual relationships that Canadians pursue. Most Canadians will cohabit rather than marry as their first relationship. The popularity of cohabitation, either as a trial phase before marriage or as a substitute to marriage, changes the conversation that sociologists once had about premarital sex. There are greater opportunities for Canadians to pursue diMerent kinds of sexual relationships throughout their lives. The change in social attitudes towards the LGBTQ+ community means that more Canadians can pursue varied sexual relationships. Each of the Canadian censuses in the 21st century shows increases in the number of same-sex couples and increases in married same-sex couples since the legalization of same-sex marriage in 2005. For some Canadians, sexual identity is fluid over the life course; an increasing number of Canadians have experienced both same-sex and opposite-sex relationships and both two-person relationships and polyamorous relationships. As societal attitudes have shifted and stigma is reduced, there is also greater opportunity for people to pursue their sexual interests. Certainly, technologies such as the internet, smartphones and social media platforms and apps like Tinder and Grindr facilitate greater diversity in the sexual experiences of people. More Canadians of all ages are dating and pursuing sexual relationships or encounters rather than maintaining a monogamous relationship. This includes childless singles, previously divorced individuals and single parents. Single parents may prefer dating and casual sex because of personal choice, lack of time, reluctance to live with a new partner while raising children, a preference for maintaining a clear separation between their parental responsibilities and romantic life, and a preference to not have their children live with a new adult. Individuals who have experienced financial losses after a breakup and may even have ongoing financial obligations, such as spousal support or child support, may not want to risk additional financial exposure in the event that a new cohabiting relationship doesn't work out. These financial obligations are structured by family law and apply to both married and cohabiting couples. Terms like one-night stands or hookups are used to describe casual sex outside of a relationship context. The term "friends with benefits" describes people who may be friends or acquaintances and have a sexual relationship for any length of time without expecting a monogamous relationship. Sociologist Kathleen Bogle wrote a book entitled "Hooking Up," which explored casual sex on American university campuses. The notion of a hookup refers to individuals who engage in sexual activity with someone they're not in a relationship with. In the book, Bogle explores how sexual practices changed over the life course of individuals in university; sexual hookups outside of a relationship or dating context were more common compared to life after university, where sex within the context of a dating relationship was more normative. Bogle's research reveals how sexual relationships are socially constructed because sexual relationships can change over the life course of specific individuals. Casual sex or sex outside of a relationship context also occurs among sexually active adolescents. American research suggests that among teens who have already had sex, sexual activity happens both within dating relationships and outside of dating relationships. American research suggests that a majority of teens, especially those older than 15, are having sex, and a majority of these teens have experienced sex outside of a relationship context. Given that sex among teens is fairly common, it is likely that Canadian teens, like their American counterparts, also have sex outside of a relationship context. Sociologists are interested in the factors that shape decision-making around the type of sexual relationships an individual will participate in. Sexual relationships are shaped by factors such as attitudes towards sex and educational attainment. For example, individuals who are opposed to casual sex are Less likely to report having casual sex. More highly educated individuals are also less likely to have casual sex. Sexual relationships outside of a marital or cohabiting context are not. New sociologists and anthropologists note that there are many cultures, both past and present, where non-monogamy is normative and cultures where both men and women can have more than one sexual partner. There are also cultures that distinguish between family life and sexual relationships. There is historical evidence that Jesuit missionaries in North America tried to enforce European standards of monogamy among indigenous peoples. Another example would be the walking marriages among the Mosuo of China. The family and living arrangements of the Mosuo are matrilineal; women and their children live with their mother and brothers, and children are raised in this household. If a woman is interested in a man, she will invite him over to spend the night; however, he leaves before morning. Among the Mosuo, family life and caregiving are separated from sexual relationships. Sociologists investigate relationship dynamics, transitions into and out of relationships, and the complexity of contemporary relationships. In the final section of the lecture, I will talk about gender inequality and unpaid labor, which includes housework and childcare. This is a normative dynamic in contemporary heterosexual relationships, and many sociologists have studied this topic. Another example related to relationship dynamics and transitions is the fact that many couples experience multiple breakups and reconciliations. The term "on-oM" has been used to describe couples who experience a series of breakups and reconciliations. Many people have had sex with a former partner that may or may not lead to getting back together. In a study of teens, Halpern-Meekin et al found high rates of relationship instability, breakup reconciliation, and individuals having sex with an ex; half of the teens had experienced breakups and reconciliations, and more than 25% had had sex with a former boyfriend or girlfriend following a breakup. Non-monogamous relationships can be categorized in various ways. Infidelity describes a non-consensual non-monogamous relationship that does not involve agreement or transparency. Polyamory describes consensual and transparent sexual and intimate relationships between more than two adults of any gender or sexual orientation. Polygamy is prohibited by Canadian law and refers to marriage between more than two people. There is a growing body of scholarship by social scientists on consensual non-monogamous relationships. Consensual non- monogamous sexual activity is sometimes referred to as swinging or partner swapping, whereby couples engage in sexual activity with additional partners. Swinging focuses on sexual variety and is often less accepting of emotional intimacy. Early research on swinging posited that it was initiated by men and reflected their power in marriage. Contemporary research challenges the notion that wives agree to their husbands' demands for swinging and finds that husbands and wives report similar levels of satisfaction with swinging. Polyamory involves sexual relationships between multiple partners. The relationships are transparent and agreed upon. Both men and women have access to additional partners; polyamorous individuals typically negotiate specific rules around safe sex and time spent with additional partners. Individuals and couples can transition into and out of polyamorous relationships. The number of partners and duration of polyamorous relationships vary. Unlike polygamists, polyamorists are not always married, and women also have additional partners. Therefore, polyamorous relationships are more egalitarian than polygamy. Polyamory is not based on religion and can include married and cohabiting couples and single individuals. Polyamorous relationships may or may not involve cohabitation, and there are an increasing number of Canadians raising children in polyamorous relationships. Polyamorous relationships are diverse and can involve sexual and/or emotional intimacy. It is not always the case that an individual in a polyamorous relationship will have sexual intimacy with the same person. ScheM coined the term "polyaMectivity," which describes how some individuals within a polyamorous grouping are emotionally but not sexually intimate. There is variety in polyamorous relationships, and polyaMectivity does not exist in all polyamorous relationships. Polyamorous relationships vary in terms of the number of partners, the duration of the relationships, and experiences of sexual and emotional intimacy among the partners. What makes polyamory diMerent from other non-monogamous relationships is the degree of transparency and negotiation that polyamorists establish. Polyamorous relationships can be of short or longer duration, and some couples who experiment with it return to monogamy because of unsuccessful or dissatisfying polyamorous relationships. Polyamory challenges longstanding ideas about fidelity and relationships, as well as ideas about sexual jealousy and how people can achieve relationship satisfaction. As more children are being raised by parents in polyamorous relationships, polyamory is also challenging our ideas about childbearing and parenting. Greater diversity is impacting social policy and the law. Here is one example of how diversity in sexual relationships and families—in this particular case, polyamory—is changing Canadian law. In 2018, a court in Newfoundland and Labrador determined that parental rights to a child born in 2017 would be given to three people involved in a polyamorous relationship raising the child together as a family. Historically, parental rights have only existed for two biological or adoptive parents of a child. The identity of the three parents was not made public, but this case is widely considered to be the first time in Canada that parental rights have been extended to individuals involved in a polyamorous relationship. The case involved two fathers and a mother, and the biological identity of the father was never confirmed through paternity testing. The parents argued that all three were raising the child and should be given parental rights. They argued that their sexual relationship should not be used against them. As families become more diverse in Canada, the judge ruled in their favor, arguing that the law emphasizes the best interests of the child in determining parental rights, and in this case, the best interests of the child were to extend parental rights to all three individuals who were participating in raising the child together. The legal case was brought forward after the two men and one woman were denied permission to list all three as parents on the child's birth certificate. This legal case illustrates some of the social and legal implications of the growing diversity of sexualities and sexual relationships in Canada. Laws and social policies are being transformed as sexualities and sexual relationships become more diverse. In the future, it is likely that other laws and social policies will be modified to accommodate polyamorous relationships. For example, family laws around child support and spousal support and policies around pensions and medical benefits will likely be challenged to reflect the greater diversity in sexualities and sexual relationships. We see in Canada in the 21st century that Canadian law and social policy are premised on two-person couples, but the law has started to recognize parental rights in polyamorous relationships. Not only are parental rights potentially aMected, so too are family law guidelines around financial obligations. Following the end of a relationship, for example, the division of property, division of assets and pensions, and spousal support and child support may be impacted. Government benefits, such as the Canada Pension Plan, survivor benefit, old age security, spousal allowance, medical benefits, and tax deductions for dependent partners, are premised on two-person relationships. All of these have the potential to be challenged by polyamorous relationships. Next, I will address how technology is transforming intimate relationships and sexual relationships. The internet, smartphones, social media platforms, and new reproductive technologies have impacted sexual relationships, intimate relationships, childbearing, and parenting. Online dating and social media platforms have changed how people meet and date. More and more people, including seniors, have tried online dating. While some use online dating sites to meet people, others also use other non-dating social media platforms to connect. Many have argued that social media platforms provide greater opportunities for infidelity. Social media are used to find partners, identify one's relationship status to the world, and highlight changes in relationship status, such as a breakup. Individuals can use online forums such as Facebook to navigate their contact with a former partner after a breakup. For example, LeFabvre, Blackburn, and Nicholas explored how individuals used features in Facebook, such as unfriending and limiting profile access, to modify their contact with an ex after a breakup. Social media creates new challenges for individuals in terms of deciding whether their social media accounts, such as Instagram or Facebook, should be modified following a breakup. For example, should all photos of an ex be deleted, or should they remain? Social media and smartphones have transformed breakups; for example, ghosting, where a person suddenly stops communicating with another person, has become more normative. Smartphones and social media aMect how individuals in intimate relationships communicate. For instance, the term sexting refers to the exchange of sexually explicit messages or images, typically using cellphones. Sexting can be between two people who are in a relationship or even between two people who have not met and are using it to entice a new sexual partner. Sexting by teens can be problematic if they don't understand the laws regarding child abuse and child pornography. Social media platforms are also used to facilitate sex work. For example, there are websites to help sugar daddies find sugar babies. These often involve older wealthy men finding younger women who are looking for economic support. Advocates of these kinds of social media platforms argue that they are about consensual sex between adults who both understand the economic exchange that underlies the sexual relationship. Critics of these kinds of websites argue that these social media platforms blur the distinction between dating relationships and sex work. Critics also charge that social media platforms profit at the expense of economically disadvantaged and desperate women. They argue that these platforms put women at risk of sexual assault. Anti-traMicking activists contend that the internet and social media are used in sex traMicking, where victims are often underage females. Social media platforms and online dating websites provide greater opportunities for people to find sexual partners, particularly for a wide variety of sexual activities. This might include individuals interested in BDSM, voyeurism, group sex, role-playing, or other sexual activities. Romance apps and visual romance novel games have increased in popularity in countries like Japan, China, and South Korea, which have high rates of single women, many of whom have had very limited experience with real-life romantic and sexual relationships. Technological advances such as artificial intelligence are increasingly used in the manufacturing of sex robots and sex toys. A number of ethical and legal questions arise regarding the kinds of sex robots being manufactured, as they have the potential to simulate sexual activity or practices that are against the law, such as the sexual assault of children. Currently, ethical and legal frameworks lag behind technological advances in these industries. The artificial intelligence and Wi-Fi connectivity of sex robots and toys raise privacy issues, as the confidential information of users has the potential to be violated by manufacturers or hacked by others. There have been civil lawsuits filed in cases involving the breach of privacy for consumers of sex toys. For example, in 2017, an Ottawa-based maker of a smart sex toy paid a five million dollar settlement in a lawsuit, argued to have collected personal information and transmitted highly sensitive information about customers’ use of the toy without their knowledge or consent. New reproductive technologies, such as donor eggs, sperm, embryos, and surrogates, give same-sex couples and single people the opportunity to build a family. Social media platforms facilitate matching people with what they need to conceive, such as donor eggs, sperm, or surrogates. There are also social media platforms for individuals interested in platonic co-parenting to help find another person to help raise a child without a romantic relationship. Platonic parenting can include LGBTQ+ individuals with non-LGBTQ+ individuals, such as a gay man co-parenting with a heterosexual single mother interested in having more children. Both new reproductive technologies and social media platforms provide greater opportunities for single persons and LGBTQ+ individuals and couples to pursue childbearing and parenting. In the first part of this lecture, I address sociological perspectives on gender. An important aspect of the sociological perspective is a focus on the implications of gender, namely, issues related to gender-based inequalities. In the final part of this lecture, I will address sociological insights on gender inequality in paid and unpaid labor. Women have made tremendous progress in terms of their representation in post-secondary education and the labor market. More women than men now graduate from Canadian universities, and women have entered and thrived in historically male-dominated professions like medicine and law. Yet, gender inequalities in paid and unpaid labor persist. Although female labor force participation has risen dramatically, women continue to shoulder a disproportionate amount of caregiving and unpaid labor in the home. Paid and unpaid labor are mutually reinforcing, as responsibilities for domestic labor aMect the decisions women make about employment and career advancement. The realities of the labor market, including occupational segregation and gender disparities in earnings, reinforce women's responsibilities for domestic labor and caregiving. Gender inequality in the labor market persists, as women have always earned less than men, even when employed in similar jobs or fields. Motherhood adversely impacts women's paid employment. Inequalities in earnings are narrower when comparing single women to single men; they widen when comparing married men's and women's incomes. Part of the explanation for these gendered inequalities lies in women's responsibilities for caregiving and housework. We know that women with children earn less on average than women without children. This gap widens for single mothers, mothers with additional children, mothers with longer labor force interruptions, and mothers who are more highly educated. The income gap between mothers and childless women has been described as the family gap, child penalty, or motherhood earnings gap by economists and sociologists. Most Canadian heterosexual couples base their caregiving decisions on the earnings of each spouse. Higher-earning spouses tend to remain in paid employment while the lower-earning spouse stays at home for at least a short period to provide care to young children. Research on same-sex couples finds a stronger tendency to share responsibilities for paid employment and caregiving, even when one parent earns a higher income than the other. For example, in a study of lesbian parents, Dunne found that both mothers shared paid and unpaid labor even when an income discrepancy existed. This contrasts with heterosexual couples, where it is normative for the lower-earning partner, typically the woman, to reduce paid employment and focus on caregiving. Among the lesbians in Dunne's study, the higher-earning woman typically reduced her work to part-time and took on more caregiving. The rationale was that the lower-earning mother could not aMord to sever her ties with the labor market due to her more economically vulnerable position, creating a strategy to keep both parents attached to the labor market. Historically, men have had higher incomes, although over time we have seen an increase in couples where women out-earn their male partners. Thus, women's domestic roles are rooted in their lower incomes and economic dependence. Because many Canadian women earn lower incomes than their husbands or boyfriends, they are more likely to have labor force interruptions to care for children. This impacts not only women's earnings over the short term but also their retirement income, as Canada Pension Plan contributions are lowered due to labor force interruptions. When women leave paid employment to care for children, they typically do not contribute to their Canada Pension Plan. Once they retire, they receive lower Canada Pension Plan benefits because their overall contributions were lowered due to childcare. Thus, the decisions women make about childcare have long-term economic repercussions and aMect their economic security. As seniors, more women than men take parental leave. However, Quebec has seen a significant increase in men taking parental leave, as they were the first province to oMer special leave for fathers. Women provide more care to children even when working full time and are also more likely to be caregivers for aging parents and family members with disabilities. A major challenge is that most caregivers are in full-time employment. The stress of attempting to care for an ill or aging loved one, or a family member with a disability, while employed leads women to reduce their hours of employment, retire early, or consider leaving the labor force altogether. Gender disparities in earnings have not disappeared despite the introduction of policies like pay equity, which provides that women and men receive the same pay if they are working in the same job. According to the Employment Standards Act, women should receive equal pay for work that requires the same skill as work done by men. However, gender equality has not been attained with pay equity, and gender discrimination in hiring, promotion, and termination is still prohibited. Part of the gender gap in earnings can be explained by occupational segregation; men and women tend to work in diMerent kinds of jobs. There are two kinds of occupational sex segregation: horizontal and vertical. Horizontal occupational sex segregation refers to the fact that men and women tend to work in diMerent jobs. For example, men are more likely to work in skilled trades, which often have higher salaries compared to female-dominated fields. The term wage penalty describes the lower salaries for anyone, female or male, working in a traditionally female-dominated field. These jobs are undervalued and have lower salaries than jobs that have not been traditionally female-dominated. Vertical occupational sex segregation refers to diMerences in pay within the same occupation or field. For example, even though females comprise at least 50% of the graduates of pharmacy and law programs, they earn less on average than their male counterparts. Their lower earnings reflect the fact that female pharmacists are less likely to own their own pharmacies, and female lawyers are less likely to become partners in law firms. Therefore, their lower earnings reflect the fact that they do not receive the economic benefit of business ownership. Moreover, the nature of employment in these fields may not align with the needs of mothers, making women decide not to pursue business ownership. Alternatively, women may not have the same structural opportunities for business ownership due to employer biases against them. Employers may decide against hiring females due to concerns that women will take time oM for parental leave or may not return to work after a parental leave. The labor market consists of the primary labor market and the secondary labor market. The primary labor market is where what economists and others call the "good jobs" are more likely to be found. These jobs involve larger companies, higher pay, pensions, benefits, job security, opportunities for promotion and advancement, and unionization. Women are more likely to work in the secondary labor market, which is characterized by low pay, smaller companies, precarious employment, few opportunities for promotion, non-unionization, and a lack of pensions and medical benefits. Non-standard employment is on the rise globally. Standard employment refers to full-time employment for one company and often includes working during the day, pensions, medical benefits, and job security. Non-standard employment is precarious and includes part-time employment that is often involuntary because full-time work is not available. Non-standard employment includes working multiple part-time jobs, temporary and seasonal work, contract employment, and self-employment. With non-standard employment, employees do not have salary, job security, or regular employment schedules. This means that work hours fluctuate, sometimes considerably, and workers cannot predict how many hours of work they will be oMered or how much money they will earn. Unpredictable employment schedules make it diMicult for employees to arrange childcare and make plans for when they are not at work. When hours of work are cut back, workers may find it diMicult to meet their financial obligations. Sometimes workers have very little advance notice of when they are required to work, making it diMicult to plan activities outside of work or coordinate employment across multiple employers. Women, immigrants, ethnic and racial minorities, students, and young workers are more likely to be in non-standard employment. Canadian mothers sometimes choose part-time, evening, and weekend employment so they can work when their husbands are home and available for childcare. Terms like glass ceiling, glass escalator, and maternal wall describe the inequalities women face in the labor market. The glass ceiling refers to the lack of women in senior management positions; they are less likely to hold authority or supervise others. Women tend to supervise other women, while men supervise both males and females. The glass escalator refers to the overrepresentation of men in management positions within female-dominated fields, where men seem to ride an invisible escalator to upper managerial positions with higher pay. The maternal wall refers to the obstacles women face once they become pregnant or have children, stemming from employer beliefs that they will be less dedicated after having children. Sexual harassment is also a barrier experienced by both women and some men, where sexual coercion is used as a condition of employment. Hostile or poisoned work environments refer to workplaces where inappropriate conduct or comments occur. In summary, there are many explanations for gender-based inequalities in the labor market. Women's paid and unpaid labor are mutually reinforcing, and labor market structures impact women's paid employment. I will address sociological insights on gender inequality and unpaid work, noting how women's unpaid labor aMects their paid work. Canadians face enormous challenges in balancing paid and unpaid labor, which will intensify due to our aging population. Unpaid labor involves caregiving for children and adults, housework, and encompasses physical, mental, emotional, and spiritual labor. There are clear gender inequalities in unpaid labor, which significantly aMect family relationships, women's paid employment, and their emotional and physical well-being. Domestic labor includes caregiving and housework, and when it cannot be managed by family members, it may be necessary to hire someone, often referred to as unpaid labor under industrial capitalism unless outsourced to nannies, house cleaners, or personal support workers. When unpaid labor is outsourced, it often goes to women from marginalized backgrounds, and their wages are typically lower than the average wage for Canadian women, as this work is viewed in relation to women's salaries. Decisions about paying for childcare among Canadian families often compare the cost of care to the mother's salary. When working mothers’ salaries do not cover work- related expenses, including childcare, they may opt to leave the labor force. Unpaid labor remains highly gendered; women perform a disproportionate amount of housework and caregiving, aMecting their earnings. Women with children earn less than those without, and those with longer labor force interruptions have lower earnings. Care for adult family members, including those who are ill, injured, aging, or disabled, is pervasive in Canadian society, and while caregiving can be rewarding, it carries financial costs and can adversely aMect caregivers' health, most of whom are women. Domestic labor can be physically and emotionally challenging, monotonous, and repetitive. Parents spend more time on caregiving when children are young, and women typically spend more hours on childcare than men. As the population ages, the time spent on elder care has increased, with women dedicating more time than men. Caregiving is diMicult, as most caregivers work full-time without flexible hours. Neoliberal economic policies have led to cuts in government-funded home care for aging Canadians and those with disabilities, forcing many to care for family members themselves. Professional care is often unaMordable for most Canadians, leading to long waitlists for long-term care, hospice, and palliative care facilities. Research shows that older Canadians prefer professional care over imposing on family members, but private care is only aMordable for aMluent Canadians. Some suggest that elder care is emotionally harder than childcare due to the progressive physical and cognitive declines associated with aging and the unpredictable medical crises that arise while working full- time. The physical demands of elder care increase over time, presenting challenges for caregivers who may lack the strength to lift aging parents. Women tend to do more elder care, which can impact their employment as they reduce work hours due to caregiving responsibilities. Canadians who care for young children and aging parents are considered a "sandwich generation," squeezed between these demands. Unpaid labor, while essential for families, is largely invisible and thus devalued. The unpredictability of caregiving makes it stressful; not knowing when a family member might fall ill or require support complicates the balancing act with paid employment. The work of maintaining a home can also be unpredictable and stressful, especially in emergencies. Few Canadians have employer flexibility to miss work for family care, and most use vacation or sick days for this purpose. Unpaid labor is time-intensive, often leading many to sacrifice sleep, leisure, social activities, and self-care. Because unpaid labor is gendered, women are more likely to forego these aspects of well-being, leading to higher rates of stress and lower mental health. Married women often experience negative health impacts due to housework and childcare, while married heterosexual men report better health than unmarried men. In contrast, single heterosexual women report better health than married women. To conclude, this lecture has explored a sociological perspective on gender, sexualities, diversity, and contemporary relationships, examining how technology has transformed these aspects and the inequalities in labor markets and unpaid labor. Sociologists interested in gender and sexualities pursue a broad range of questions, and both fields have evolved significantly in recent decades. Technological changes have transformed sexualities and relationships, highlighting the need for sociological research to understand these impacts. This concludes the lecture.