Sun (2006) Ch.4-Morphology 2 PDF
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City University of Hong Kong
2006
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This document is a presentation on Chinese sentence-final particles, morphology, and grammatical features, with an explanation of the use of the particles and examples in Mandarin and Cantonese.
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Sun (2006) Ch.4- Morphology 2 Group 4 Pang Tsoi Wing 57908000 (Wing) Ng Sea Rain 57836336 (Rain) Tang Yuet Kiu Catalina 57861185 (Catalina) Lau Pui Yuk 57667364 (Chloe) Content 4.1 Clitics ○ 4.1.1 Sentence Final Particles ○ 4.1.2 Locative Particles...
Sun (2006) Ch.4- Morphology 2 Group 4 Pang Tsoi Wing 57908000 (Wing) Ng Sea Rain 57836336 (Rain) Tang Yuet Kiu Catalina 57861185 (Catalina) Lau Pui Yuk 57667364 (Chloe) Content 4.1 Clitics ○ 4.1.1 Sentence Final Particles ○ 4.1.2 Locative Particles 4.2 Reduplication ○ 4.2.1 Classifiers ○ 4.2.2 Informal Kinship Terms ○ 4.2.3 Adjectives ○ 4.2.4 Verbs 4.3 Beyond Morphology (10 slides) Conclusion Q&A session Reference 4.1 Clitics Two main types: Proclitics & Enclitics 44.1 cClitics Linguistic units between affixes and words Unstressed, dependent Grammatical features E.g. ‘m in I’m Clitics of Sentence What is SFP??? Final Particles Words or phrases that are added to the end of a sentence to express additional emotions, attitudes, or intentions. Sentence Final Particles Mandarin Cantonese 去看電影嗎 你吃巧克力嗎 你吃巧克力嗎 食唔食朱古力 嗎 maa1 去看電影嗎 睇唔睇戲 Rarely appears at the end of a Cantonese sentence in daily conversations Sometimes ‘呀‘ is added at the end of a sentence Sentence Final Particles Mandarin Cantonese 今天天氣怎麼樣呢 (doubt) 今日天氣點樣呀 呢ne1 為什麼你不告訴我呢 (puzzled) 點解你唔話俾我聽呀 Sometimes, we use 呀 aa3 instead of 呢 in Cantonese daily conversations Sentence Final Particles Mandarin Cantonese 我們還是早點出發吧(suggestion) 我們都係早點出發啦 好吧, 就這樣決定吧 (make concession) 好啦, 就咁決定啦 吧 baa6 走吧 Not (Shall we go ) but (Let’s go) to implicate solicit agreement from the hearer We usually use 啦laa1 instead of 吧 Sentence Final Particles Mandarin Cantonese When the preceding syllable ends with [a], [e], [i], [o], or [y], 呀 is used 小狗真可愛呀 啊aa6 or When the preceding syllable ends with [u], [ao], or [ou], No obvious distinction 呀aa3 啊 is used and it will pronounce as 哇 instead of 啊 真好啊 [真好哇] Say 好呀 好啊 instead of only saying 好 Show closeness, more intimate Common use in both Mandarin and Cantonese Sentence Final Particles Mandarin Cantonese 記得帶傘喔 (signaling a friendly warning) 記得帶遮喎/呀 aa3 喔ak1/哦o6 這個蛋糕真好吃喔 (surprising) 呢個蛋糕好好食喎/呀 aa3 In Cantonese may say 喎/呀 instead Sentence Final Particles Mandarin Cantonese 你聽着 你聽住 着 zoek6 你替我拿着 你幫我拎住 Used typically after an activity verb as an inchoative marker in imperative sentences ( strong attitude)(forcing hearer pay attention) 着 isn’t a SFP in Cantonese Both of them have the similar function Sentence Final Particles Mandarin Cantonese 我剛到家來着 我啱啱返到屋企 來着 你干什麼來着 你啱啱做緊咩 Sentence-final frozen expression commonly used in standard Chinese to refer to an immediate past event. Rarely use in Cantonese, 啱啱/頭先 instead Sentence Final Particles Mandarin Cantonese 下雨了 落雨呀 aa3 了 liu5 我終於找到工作了 我終於搵到工啦 laa1 Mostly declares the completion of an action or a change of state 啦 or 呀 instead of 了 in Cantonese daily conversations Sentence Final Particles Mandarin Cantonese 幫我拿一下嘛(begging someone to do something) 幫我拎下啦 嘛 maa3 失敗乃成功之母嘛(Express something is always true and obvious) Seldom use 嘛 at the end of a Cantonese sentence but normally say 啦laa1 when begging someone Others Cantonese Spoken SFP 嘅/咩/㗎/喎/囉lo1/掛gwaa3 冇事嘅(consolation) 你今日唔洗返工咩 (doubt) 佢好聰明㗎 (appreciation ) 我唔知喎(emphasising) 佢真係好粗心大意囉 (discontent) 佢會返屋企掛(unsure) Sentence Final Particles Some SFP can also be used as a kind of topic marker at the beginning of a sentence in Cantonese. 呀aa1,差啲唔記得拎電話(recall something suddenly) 啊aa1,呢個地方好靚 (admiration) 呢個咩嚟㗎 (doubt) 咩事呀 ( questioning) Sentence Final Particles Two independent SFP combined to form a Cantonese SFP E.g. 啦 laa1 can be the result of 了+啊, 囉 lo1 can be the result of 了+喔/哦, but 啦/ 囉 sound more casual Two independent SFP are arranged together to form a Cantonese SFP phrase E.g.(冇)㗎啦, 㗎喎,㗎咩,呀嘛,啦掛 - Denote location - Co-occur with nouns 4.1.2 Clitics of - Locatives particles examples: Locative Particles Inside 𥚃, up上, down下, outside外 Locative particle 門 “door” (concrete noun) Cantonese / Mandarin Cantonese / Mandarin *在門 在門外 * In door In door out * PREP door PREP door LP Why this is odd? Is this okay? Locative particle A locative noun phrase must satisfy specificity in one of three ways: place name a locative particle following a non-location-denoting nominal a modifier that specifies the uniqueness of a non-location-denoting nominal Locative particle Existential Verbs (沒有/有) and Locative Phrases: Some existential verbs require LP to precede them. requirement varies depending on: type of verb used Example: 這個世界上沒有愛 Mandarin / Cantonese DEM-CL is- world- up NEG love There is no love in this world. Locative particle 1. Inherently Location-Denoting Nouns *在英國外 PREP brave- state -outside 2. Non-Spatial Nouns *在房間 PREP house-room 3. Flexible Nouns 在圖書館 / 在圖書館外 PREP picture book embassy / PREP picture-book-embassy-outside In the library Locative particle 1. Disyllabic Location-Denoting 2. Trisyllabic Location-Denoting Nominals: Nominals: 在上面 在火車站 ○ On up-face ○ On fire-car stop ○ "on top of" ○ "at the train station" 在下面 ○ On down-face 在辦公室 ○ "at the bottom" On manage-male room "in the office" Locative Particles 1. Non-Location Denoting Nominals: 2. Selectional constraint of a 在廢紙上面 classifier In waste-paper up-face 在這架車上 "in the paper" Prep DEM CL car-up “In this car” VS *在廢紙的上面 In waste-paper de up-face 4.2 Reduplication Reduplication Morpheme repetition to form new words In Chinese: ○ Verbs ○ Adjectives ○ Classifiers Various patterns Applied with cliticized particles Reduplication of Emphasis Classifiers Functions like a universal quantifier ∀ (For all…) ○ Part of a nominal modifier, or ○ Adverb modifying the entire sentence Some repeat before verbs Function as part of a nominal modifier - Example 一個人 one-CL-person “a person” 呢度個個人都好開心 DEM-place-CL-CL-person-all-very-open-heart “At this place everyone is very happy.” Function as an adverb modifying the entire sentence - Example 一本書 one-CL-book “a book” 圖書館的書本本都很厚 map-book-pavilion-REL-book-CL-CL-all-very-thick “Every single one of the book in the library is very thick.” Chinese Informal Term reduplicated ○ Informally addressing kinship terms Second syllable can be pronounced in full/ neutral tone E.g. My mother ○ Formal: 母親 mǔ qīn ○ Informal: 媽媽 mā ma Mandarin vs. Cantonese Informal Mandarin Cantonese My elder Brother 哥哥 阿哥/哥哥 My elder Sister 姐姐 家姐/姐姐 My younger Brother 弟弟 細佬 My younger Sister 妹妹 細妹/妹妹 ❖ Mandarin and Chinese are quite different in addressing. According to Sun (2006), 家姐 would be the informal “my elder sister”. While the same words mean the same meaning but tend to be used informally in Cantonese. We also seldom hear 弟弟 in natural discourse. Reduplication of Some monosyllabic adjectives Adjectives can be reduplicated ○ more vivid/ emphasis Relative marker de 的 is needed ○ showing that the function is beyond the word level and phrasal in nature Reduplication of Adjectives - Example 1 白鞋 white-shoes “white shoes” 白白的鞋 white-white REL shoes “shoes that are so white” Reduplication of Adjectives - Example 2 Reduplicating monosyllabic 甜甜的 sweet-sweet REL “sweet” adjectives is more productive than ➔ taste, juice, sweet, food, smile, water, with their disyllabic counterparts! feeling… E.g. 甜美的 sweet-beautiful REL “sweet” ○ 甜 ➔ smile, fruit Sweet “sweet” 甘甜的 sweet-sweet REL “sweet” ➔ water, juice, tea Reduplication of Some can become adverbials Adjectives ○ Modifying verbs with adverbial marker de 地 ○ E.g. 緊抱 tight hug “tightly hug” 緊緊地抱 tight-tight AD hug “hug tightly” Reduplication of Some disyllabic adjectives can Adjectives be reduplicated ○ as a modifier of a noun or verb ○ E.g. 完整 Entire-whole “complete” Reduplicated disyllabic adjectives as a modifier of nouns: ○ 完完整整的拼圖 entire-entire-whole-whole REL piece-picture “a complete Jigsaw puzzle” as a modifier of verbs: ○ 完完整整地讀完 entire-entire-whole-whole AD read-finish “read through” Reduplication Not all verbs or adjectives can be reduplicated ○ E.g. 善良 “kind”, 勇敢 “brave”... some descriptive adjectives are reduplicated in ABAB pattern, but not AABB ○ Usually not being used adverbially ○ E.g. 雪白雪白 “white as snow”, 漆黑漆黑 “black that hard to see”... Delimitative Aspect Reduplication of ○ Action to a small degree Verbs Forms of Expression ○ Verb E.g. 看看, 睇睇 ”see-see” ○ Verb (monosyllabic) + clitic E.g. 寫寫 + 看 “write-write see” ○ V-one-V form E.g. 想一想, 諗一 諗”think-one-think” Non-Volitional Verbs (VV or V-one-V pattern) Sensations, states of being, or involuntary actions *你睡睡 2nd sleep-sleep 你睡睡看,老師一定會責備你 2nd sleep-sleep see teacher one-decide may scold 2nd “If you (dare) to sleep, the teacher definitely would scold you.” 我睡一睡,他就罰我抄書 1st sleep-one-sleep 3rd immediately punish 1st copy-book “If I sleep a little, he immediately punished me for copying books.” Delimitative Aspect in Verb Compounds (ABAB Pattern) Coordinate compounds Repeatable disyllabic verb compounds E.g. 討論討論 (ABAB) E.g. 練習練習 (ABAB) 我們練習練習一下 你們就討論討論這個課題 2nd-PL train-train-train-train one-down 1st-PL then talk-talk-talk-talk DEM-CL We should practice a bit. ask-item You guys should talk a little about this *練練習習 (AABB) chapter. *討討論論 (AABB) Monosyllabic Initial Verbs verb-object combinations *吃吃看飯 (VV kan O) VVO pattern Eat-eat see rice E.g. 吃吃飯看 Eat-eat rice see Try to eat a little 吃吃飯 (VVO) Eat-eat rice Eat some rice Reduplication of Verbs (reminder) Non-restrictive resultative compounds Directional verb compounds ○ E.g. *出去出去, *出出去去 Attainment resultative compounds (Do not reduplicate, such in ABAB, AABB pattern ) (Repeated for emphasis or clarification) ★ Mandarin more likely to have reduplication, cantonese are less likely ★ Written language vs spoken language ★ E.g. Cantonese: 你睇睇? 佢去咗食飯飯? 4.3 Beyond Morphology The blurry line between compounds and phrases -de(得)/bu-(不) are not infixes, since *pǎo-kuài The Case of infixal is not a possible verbal compound in Chinese. 他跑得快 -de(得)/bu-(不) *跑快 pǎo kuài tā pǎo dé kuài run-quick 3rd run get fast “He can run fast”/ “He runs fast” -de(得)/bu-(不) are not suffixes either, despite tā pǎo “he runs” is acceptable. *他跑得 他跑 tā pǎo dé tā pǎo 3rd run get 3rd run “He runs.” The Case of infixal -de(得)/bu-(不) 他跑得快 他跑得不快 If -de(得)/bu-(不) are clitics which works similar to a complementiser, somewhat tā pǎo dé kuài tā pǎo dé bù kuài like the infinitive marker to, to conjoin 2 3rd run get fast 3rd run get NEG fast predicates: pǎo 跑 & kuài 快, 2 different “He can run fast”/ “He runs fast” “He is not running fast” verb phrases, 他跑不快 allow clitic -de(得)/bu-(不) (or both) to tā pǎo bù kuài occur at the end of the first verb phrase (pǎo 跑). 3rd run NEG-quick “He is not running fast”/ “He is incapable of running fast” → gone beyond the limit of the word The deviation history of the -de 得 in The clitic -de 得 can meaning and usage: ○ “to get” 得, part of a compound like also conceivably xiǎo-dé 曉得 *曉不得 xiǎo-bù-dé derive from ○ → “to be possible”(as a part of a Root-Root root-root compound like shè dé 捨得) 捨不得 shè-bù-dé compounds. ○ → “to be possible”(as a clitic in tā pǎo dé kuài 他跑得快 & tā pǎo dé bù kuài 他跑得不快) ○ → “to be possible”(as an infix in kàn jiàn 看見 → kàn-dé-jiàn 看得見) Another challenge: Can take syntactic object (eg: tā 他) as 3rd person, Compound words Also can be separated by the interrogate marker like shén-me 什麼 E.g. dāng xīn 當心 你當心他 你當什麼心? Nǐ dāng xīn tā Nǐ dāng shénme xīn 2nd face-heart 3rd 2nd face what heart “You watch out for him.” “You watch out for what?” A word, or a phrase? Prosodic A new hypothesis proposed by Feng (1995). Word An interface level that would allow different levels of linguistic rules to interact each other. A prosodic word can be either a morphological word or a pseudo-word that is accessible to syntactic rules. E.g. 1: dà-shù 大樹, two characters are free 大樹 → 大的樹 morphemes dà-shù dà de shù ○ accessible to syntactic rules to create Big-tree de REL tree a noun phrase with relative marker -de “Big tree” 的 E.g. 2: dà-suàn 大蒜, a morphological word ○ blocked from any syntactic operation, 大蒜 → *大的蒜 proved by its intolerance to form a dà-suàn dà de suàn noun phrase with separating relative Big-garlic big REL garlic marker -de 的 ○ 大 doesn’t mean “big”. “garlic” A prosodic word can be either a morphological word or a pseudo-word that is accessible to syntactic rules. E.g. 3: yōumò 幽默 seclude-quiet “humour” 他有幽默感 你別幽默我 ○ As an adjective (tā yǒu yōu-mò gǎn tā yǒu yōumò gǎn nǐ bié yōumò wǒ 他有幽默感) “He has humor.” “Don’t humor me” ○ Also as a transitive verb (nǐ bié yōumò wǒ 你別幽默我) 幽了他一默 ○ And as a prosodic word: yōu-le tā yī yōu-le tā yī mò mò 幽了他一默, marked by a verbal “To humor him once” suffix -le 了, accessible to syntactic rules. The polysemous uses As a result of morphological processes like word compounding of the potential -de 得 becomes used as a verb on the right of the word marker de 得 ○ xiǎo-dé 曉得 = xiǎo 曉 “know” + dé 得 “get” as products of the interface In Packard’s (2000) hypothesis, this is a lexicalization: between Chinese syntax and ○ 2 different free morphemes conjoin to morphology form a signal word with a Root-Root structure. The deviation history of the -de 得 in meaning More abstract sense of possibility: and usage: In compound verbs, as the 2nd root of a ○ “to get” 得, part of a compound like xiǎo-dé bright-get 曉得 “know” prosodic word: *曉不得 xiǎo-bù-dé ○ xiǎo-dé 曉得, which does not allow the ○ → “to be possible”(as a part of a infixal *曉不得 xiǎo-bù-dé root-root compound like shè dé 捨得) ○ but allows sequence like 捨不得 捨不得 shè-bù-dé shè-bù-dé “impossible not to grudge”. ○ → “to be possible”(as a clitic in tā pǎo -de 得 becomes a verb-phrase clitic dé kuài 他跑得快 & tā pǎo dé bù kuài 他跑得不快) ○ Allows pǎo 跑 and kuài 快 to link ○ → “to be possible”(as a infix in kàn together to make pǎo dé kuài 跑得快 jiàn 看見 → kàn-dé-jiàn 看得見) ○ VS: kànjiàn 看見: kàn 看 and jiàn 見 are root morphemes. ○ pǎo 跑 and kuài 快 are free morphemes. Conclusion What can be observed: Materialisation of Chinese infixes as a process of metaphorical extension. Q&A session MCQ 1 Which of the following sentence-final particles is primarily used to seek confirmation or to indicate that the speaker is unsure about something? A) 嘅 B) 咩 C) 呢 D) 啊 Answer: B) 咩 E.g. 你未食飯咩? Asking if he/she had the meal already or not MCQ 2 Which statement is wrong about the locative noun phrase specificity? a.Use of a place name. b.Use of a modifier that specifies the uniqueness of a non-location-denoting nominal. c. Use of locative particles only used to indicate physical locations. d.Use of a locative particle following a non-location-denoting nominal. MCQ2 answer Answer: c Locative particles can also indicate abstract locations or contexts, such as in expressions of time or metaphorical spaces. E.g. Non-Location Denoting Nominals: 在廢紙上面 In waste-paper up-face "in the paper" Open-ended question 1 Can you name one example for classifiers reduplicating as part of a nominal modifier, and one example for disyllabic adjectives reduplicating as a modifier of verbs in Chinese? My answers for Open-ended question 1 classifiers reduplicating as part of a disyllabic adjectives reduplicating as a nominal modifier: modifier of verbs: 冷冷的風 高高興興地回家 cold-cold REL wind High-high AD back home “cold wind” “be home happily” Open-ended question 2 Consider Feng’s hypothesis of prosodic words, how can it used to describe the properties of 結婚? My answers for Open-ended question 2 結婚 can be seen as a prosodic pseudo-word. The 2 characters of this compound word, the verb 結 and the noun 婚, can be conjoined by a verb-phrase clitic. 阿明聽日結婚 結了婚 結過(三次)婚 婚 can be seen as a verb phrase that allows verb-phrase clitics (過 and 了) to occur at the end of it. The clitics occur like a complementiser, conjoining the verb and the noun to form a phrase. 結婚 is a compound word that has the ability to access to syntactic rules to form a phrase. According to Feng’s hypothesis, it can be considered as a pseudo-word that can access syntactic rules. Thank You!!! Reference Sun, C. (2006). Chinese : a linguistic introduction. Cambridge University Press. Ursini F-A, Rao Q and Zhang YS (2021) The Polysemy and Hyponymy of Mandarin Spatial Prepositions and Localisers: Building Semantic Maps from the Ground up. Front. Commun. 6:724143. doi: 10.3389/fcomm.2021.724143