Global Population and Mobility Chapter V. Unit 1 PDF

Summary

This document explores the concept of global cities and their role as engines of globalization. It examines the factors contributing to the growth of global cities, such as the flow of information and capital, and the rise of cosmopolitanism. It also discusses the economic and social polarization that can be found in global cities.

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GLOBAL POPULATION AND MOBILITY Chapter V. Unit 1 ___________________________________________________________________________ ___ Chapter V. Unit 1 THE GLOBAL CITY Objectives ______________________________________________________...

GLOBAL POPULATION AND MOBILITY Chapter V. Unit 1 ___________________________________________________________________________ ___ Chapter V. Unit 1 THE GLOBAL CITY Objectives ___________________________________________________________________________ __ 1. To Identify the attributes of a global city 2. To analyze how cities serve as engines of globalization ___________________________________________________________________________ _ I. The Concept of Global City The eradication of trade barriers and the reduction in transportation and communication costs, made individuals very mobile. The unprecedented mobility of individuals became evident in the contemporary period. Places that offer the products of globalization become the target of these individuals. As a result, these places eventually became centers of globalization. Scholars such as Saskia Sassen identified these places and named them as ‘global cities’. “The global city is therefore the main physical and geographic playground of the globalizing forces’(Colic-Peisker, 2014). The removal of trade barriers and lower transportation and communication costs have made it easier for people to move around, especially in today’s interconnected world. This increased mobility means that people are attracted to cities that offer economic opportunities, global business networks, and a variety of cultural experiences—characteristics often found in "global cities." Scholars like Saskia Sassen describe these global cities as hubs where international trade, finance, and cultural exchange thrive, making them central to globalization. These cities, such as New York, London, and Tokyo, act as key sites where global forces come together, shaping both local and international dynamics. Sassen argued that the concept of global city is associated with the flow of information and capital. Cities are major nodes in the interconnected systems of information and money, and the wealth that they capture is intimately related to the specialized businesses that facilitate those flows. Sassen also pointed out that these flows are no longer tightly bound to national boundaries and systems of regulation (Little, 2013). Saskia Sassen’s concept of the global city highlights how cities function as major hubs for the flow of information and capital. These cities capture wealth through specialized businesses—like finance, law, and media—that enable these global exchanges. Sassen also notes that these flows often transcend national boundaries, operating outside traditional regulatory systems. THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD Page 1 of 9 GLOBAL POPULATION AND MOBILITY Chapter V. Unit 1 Associated with the concept of a global city is the idea of cosmopolitanism. The idea of cosmopolitanism usually invokes pleasant images of travel, exploration and “worldly” pursuits enjoyed by those who have benefited from globalization and who can, in some ways, consider themselves “citizens of the world” (Colic-Peisker ,2010). The term cosmopolitanism originates from the Greek word kosmopolitês, meaning "citizen of the world" (kosmos meaning "world" and polites meaning "citizen"). Cosmopolitanism is the belief that individuals have moral responsibilities to people beyond their own nation, recognizing all humans as part of a shared global community. Cosmopolitanism aligns with the concept of the global city by emphasizing a shared, interconnected world where diverse people, ideas, and cultures converge. Global cities, as centers of international trade, finance, and culture, embody cosmopolitan values by attracting people from across the globe, fostering multicultural communities and cross-border exchanges. These cities serve as physical spaces where the cosmopolitan ideals of diversity, inclusivity, and global responsibility are practiced and celebrated. However, in the capitalist context, such cosmopolitanism often focuses on consumption in global cities, where everyday life is significantly shaped by commercial culture, retail and shopping (Zukin, 1998: 827). Corollary, Sassen’s idea of a global city focuses on the flow of capital and information. From her arguments about the modern global city, she stressed seven hypotheses: 1 The geographic dispersal of economic activities that marks globalization, along with the simultaneous integration of such geographically dispersed activities, is a key factor feeding the growth and importance of central corporate functions. 2 These central functions become so complex that increasingly the headquarters of large global firms outsource them: they buy a share of their central functions from highly specialized service firms. 3 Those specialized service firms engaged in the most complex and globalized markets are subject to agglomeration economies. 4 The more headquarters outsource their most complex, unstandardized functions, particularly those subject to uncertain and changing markets, the freer they are to opt for any location. 5 These specialized service firms need to provide a global service which has meant a global network of affiliates... and a strengthening of cross border city-to-city transactions and networks. 6 The economic fortunes of these cities become increasingly disconnected from their broader hinterlands or even their national economies. 7 One result of the dynamics described in hypothesis six, is the growing informalization of a range of economic activities which find their effective demand in these cities, yet have profit rates that do not allow them to compete for various resources with the high-profit making firms at the top of the system Little, 2013). From these hypotheses, Little citing Sassen pointed three key tendencies that seem to follow: THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD Page 2 of 9 GLOBAL POPULATION AND MOBILITY Chapter V. Unit 1 1. concentration of wealth in the hands of owners, partners, and professionals associated with the high-end firms in this system; 2. growing disconnection between the city and its region; 3. growth of a large marginalized population that has a very hard time earning a living in the marketplace defined by these high-end activities From these tendencies, modern global cities are gradually becoming known for these features: 1. a widening separation in quality of life between a relatively small elite and a much larger marginalized population; Income inequality 2. a growth of high-security gated communities and shopping areas; and Secured zones 3. dramatically different graphs of median income for different socioeconomic groups (Sassen, 1991: Little, 2013). Income disparity From these features, Sassen identified three global cities based on primarily economic criteria. These cities are New York, London and Tokyo. Global cities, according to Sassen, are the ‘com- mand centres’, the main nodes of triumphant global capitalism (’(Colic-Peisker, 2014). However, decades after Sassen launched the concept of global city, more and more cities worldwide are moving to attain the status as global cities. Contemporary global cities are becomingly known for these transformative features: 1. concentration of not only financial but ‘productive services’ such as information technology, law and accountancy Productive services concentration 2. home to finance, commerce and research and development, facilitated by massive foreign capital inflows - China (Wu, 2000) Finance and commerce centers 3. efficient global transport infrastructure and growing professional service sector (Singapore) Global transport infrastructure 4. ‘symbolic economy’, based on abstract products such as financial instruments, information and ‘culture’ (arts, fashion, music, etc.) Symbolic economy 5. ‘landscapes of consumption’ (Zukin, 1998: 825) Consumption landscapes 6. concentrations of geopolitical power, and cultural and trendsetting powerhouses, higher education hubs and playgrounds of creative industries (e.g. arts, fashion and design) Cultural and power hubs 7. Its key workforce is the professional class. These ‘knowledge workers’ are not necessarily part of the core wealth and power elite of global capitalism, but are a highly (globally) mobile, career-minded middle class (Colic-Peisker, 2010). Professional knowledge workers 8. global cities are characterized by occupational and income polarization (Sassen, 1991) represent ‘brain hubs’ (concentrations of innovative people and firms)(Moretti, 2012; Solimano, 2006) Occupational polarization THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD Page 3 of 9 GLOBAL POPULATION AND MOBILITY Chapter V. Unit 1 9. Provide good ‘human ecosystems’ for cutting-edge businesses, providing all the support functions or ‘secondary services’ for the innovators (Moretti, 2012; Solimano, 2006). Innovation support ecosystem From these contemporary features, Colic-Peisker pointed out that the list of global cities expanded in the twenty first century. Following the criteria set by the Japanese Mori Foundation for the determination of global cities is the declaration of the following as global cities: 1. New York 2. London 3. Paris 4. Tokyo 5. Singapore The criteria set by the Japanese Mori Foundation’s Global Power City Index are as follow: 6. economy, 7. research and development, 8. cultural interaction, liveability, 9. environment and 10. accessibility II. Mobility and Migration The modern global city’s ability to attract creative and innovative minds led to the influx of professional migrants. If a city possesses this ability then it deserves the status of a global city. This ‘magnetic character’ (as called by the Japanese Mori Foundation) of global cities entails the hyper-mobility of young professionals whose services are always in-demand in major cities worldwide. A modern global city earns its status by attracting creative and skilled professionals, leading to a stream flow of migrants. This “magnetic character” draws young, mobile professionals whose expertise is highly sought after globally, reinforcing the city’s role in the international economy. As a consequence of their hyper-mobility, life in the global city is always fluid. As a consequence of the fluid lifestyle and needs of these knowledge workers the services of the low-paid workers coming from the outskirts of the region are also needed. Thus, the influx of professionals in the commercial centres brought with it the concomitant increase of ‘low-paid workers who deliver personal and labour-intensive services: cleaning, child-care, delivery, restaurants and eateries, catering, maintenance, transport, hotels, domestic help and retail’ (Sassen, 1991; Zukin, 1998; Colic-Peisker, 2010). Life in a global city is dynamic, driven by the flexible lifestyles of knowledge workers. This demand creates a need for low-paid workers from surrounding areas to provide essential services like childcare, THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD Page 4 of 9 GLOBAL POPULATION AND MOBILITY Chapter V. Unit 1 cleaning, delivery, and maintenance. As professionals flock to these cities, they bring with them an increased reliance on these labor-intensive support services. This pattern of migration in the global city gave birth to economic and social polarization Economic and social polarization refers to the growing divide between wealthy and low-income groups, leading to distinct social classes with limited interaction or shared experiences. This gap is marked by economic inequality and often results in disparities in access to resources, opportunities, and quality of life within a society. and gentrification. According to Sassen (1991), global cities are characterized by occupational and income polarization, with the highly paid professional class on the one end and providers of low-paid services on the other (Colic-Peisker, 2010). Related to the idea of polarization is the concept of gentrification which Colic-Peisker described as a process of social class polarization and residential segregation of the affluent from the poor. III. Polarization in the Global City (Manifestations) Housing Gentrified Inner City Outer Areas Have expensive real estate because in a The opposite happens with less attractive highly developed and sensitive housing and less liveable outer areas with fewer job market (a ‘thick’, dynamic housing market opportunities and services (Wood, 2004) with much supply and demand) the attractive features and advantages of an urban area end up being readily capitalized into higher property prices. Workforce Professional, inventors and innovative Low-skilled service workers workforce most footloose often move jobs by necessity having in general more control and not as ready to move between cities and autonomy in their workplace countries often change jobs and many are ready to relocate to another city or country THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD Page 5 of 9 GLOBAL POPULATION AND MOBILITY Chapter V. Unit 1 “cosmopolitans” according to Merton (1968) “locals” according to Merton (1968) The ‘cosmopolitans’ (Gouldner, 1989: 401, The community life of ‘locals’ was calls them ‘itinerants’) were, more preoccupied with local problems. ‘ecumenical’ and sought social status outside the local community, usually from their professional peers, because their local community could neither validate nor reward their professional competence (Merton, 1968; Colic-Peisker, 2010). Cosmopolitans," or "itinerants," are individuals who seek validation and status from their professional peers rather than from their local community. Since local settings may not recognize or reward their expertise, they look beyond local boundaries for recognition and opportunities. This outlook makes them more "ecumenical," with a broader, globally-oriented view on social status. IV. Community in the Global City There is no cosmopolitanism without diversity (Colic-Peisker, 2010). This is the evident feature of a global city. The polarization that the global city possess leads to a diversified population. This diversity could either unify or disintegrate a given community. As a city of opportunities, global cities will continue to ‘attract the extremes of poor, migrant and footloose populations, but also the affluent and the super rich/ (Colic-Peisker, 2010). The migration of this segmented population will give birth to an economically, socially and culturally diverse population. Consequently, ‘global cities become a home to a visible set of protagonists of the ‘urban life- style’: artists, bohemians, new media designers, gay and youth subcultures, university students and immigrants, creating a remarkable and also highly visible ‘ethnic’ and cultural diversity. These groups with their more of less ‘alternative’ and eclectic lifestyles have a natural home in ‘global cities’, and exert a singular influence in defining various urban subcultures, often giving character to certain areas within big cities’ (Colic-Peisker, 2010). Global cities attract a diverse range of people, from low-income migrants to the affluent, creating an economically and culturally varied population. This mix brings together artists, students, immigrants, and various subcultures, all contributing to the city’s vibrant and distinctive urban life. These groups often shape unique cultural identities in different neighborhoods, defining the character of the city through their alternative and eclectic lifestyles. Within this colourful urban diversity also reside different types of marginalities based on gender, ethnicity, culture and class: single mothers, lesbians, recent immigrant and refugee groups, backpackers, the homeless, the elderly, all those who indeed cannot be so readily integrated into the dominant economic THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD Page 6 of 9 GLOBAL POPULATION AND MOBILITY Chapter V. Unit 1 paradigm. Their social purpose is therefore in the realm of community – usually rather marginal and mutually segregated communities sharing geographical places but not lifestyles and life-worlds. One of the flipsides of this is that coexistence of various disparate groups does not constitute a wider city community, and fragmentation born out of diversity rarely leads to active citizenship. Consumption, style, work and commercialized leisure take priority over public and civic concerns as long as the urban space is functional for a majority of its residents. Because of this disparity, the character of a nurturing character of a community gradually disappears. As observe by Bauman in Britain and America, ‘community’ … sounds increasingly hollow because inter-human bonds that require a ‘large and continuous investment of time and effort’, and are worth the sacrifice of immediate individual interest, are increasingly frail and temporary. Amid the urban diversity of global cities, marginalized groups based on gender, ethnicity, or class—such as single mothers, refugees, and the elderly—often remain isolated from the dominant economic and social structures. These groups form smaller, segregated communities that coexist geographically but remain separate in lifestyle, preventing the formation of a cohesive city-wide community. As individual consumption and personal pursuits take precedence over civic engagement, community bonds weaken, and the sense of collective responsibility fades, making the idea of “community” feel increasingly superficial and fragile. Thus Colic-Peisker (2010) emphasized that the shifting and ‘liquid’ life in the global city leaves little firm ground for anyone to lodge an anchor. Hypermobility of competitive cosmopolitans does not allow much room for community life (Colic-Peisker, 2010). Dwellers of the global city, regardless of the population density, are likely to be spatially and emotionally detached from their neighbours and co-locals, and devoted to their professional pursuits, that usually require them to be highly connected and ‘networked’ in an instrumental way, these days increasingly through the Internet. Bauman diagnosed a ‘disintegration of locally grounded, shared community living’ (Bauman, 2005: 78) and argued that community has been largely replaced by ‘network: a matrix of random connections and disconnections’. This argues that life in a global city is so fluid and fast-paced that it leaves little opportunity for building stable, rooted communities. Instead, residents tend to be more focused on professional networking—often online—than on forming local connections, leading to a fragmented, detached social environment. REFERENCES: THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD Page 7 of 9 GLOBAL POPULATION AND MOBILITY Chapter V. Unit 1 Sassen, Saskia.( 2005). “The Global City: Introducing a Concept.” Brown Journal of World Affairs XI(2): 27-43. Colic-Peisker. (2016). (2016) The SAGE Handbook of Globalization: “Mobility, Diversity and Community in the Global City”. THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD Page 8 of 9 GLOBAL POPULATION AND MOBILITY Chapter V. Unit 1 LEARNING ACTIVITY Activity: Individual sharing of first city experience Make a creative presentation about your “first city/cosmopolitan experience” You can narrate your story using powerpoint, video presentation or reenactment. ASSESSMENT QUIZ THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD Page 9 of 9

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