A History of Indian English Literature PDF

A History of Indian English Literature - M.K. Naik Contents Preface CHAPTER 1. The Literary Landscape: The Nature and Scope of Indian English Literature CHAPTER 2- The Pagoda Tree: From the Beginnings to 1857 Early Prose Early Poetry CHAPTER 3: The Winds of Change: 1857 to 1920 Poetry Prose Drama Fiction CHAPTER 4 The Gandhian Whirlwind: 1920-1947 Prose Poetry Drama Fiction The Short Story CHAPTER 5 The Asoka Pillar: Independence and After Poetry Fiction The Short Story Drama Prose Preface Acknowledged ‘with civil leer’ by many and damned ‘with faint praise* by some for a long time, Indian English literature, designated variously as ‘Indo-Anglian Literature’, ‘Indo-ﬁnglish I Itcrature' and ‘Indian Writing in English' (and once even regarded unjustly as part of‘Anglo-Indian Literature’), is now more than a hundred and seventy years old. In spite of the great pioneering eﬀorts of Professor K.R. Srinivasa Iyengar— virtually the father of the serious study of this body of writing— in his Indo-Anglian Literature (1943), The Indian Contribution to English Literature (1945) and Indian Waiting in English (1962, 1973), a systematic, comprehensive and critical history of this literature, clearly deﬁning its nature and scope, adopting a proper period- division and relating writers and schools ﬁrmly to changing indo-political conditions.had not been attempted. Viewing Indian English literature as essentially a signiﬁcant by- product of the eventful encounter between India and the Indian ethos on the one hand, and England, the English language and Western culture on the other, the present work tries to trace the course nl this literature from 1809, the year when probably the ﬁrst < (imposition in English of some length by an Indian - namely, ( V. Boriah’s ‘Account of the Jains’--appeared (in Asiatic Researches, Vol. IX, 1809) to the end of 1979. While the needs o|. a systematic chronological survey have been kept in mind throughout, the responsibility of rigorous critical evaluation has not been sought to be evaded. Writers like Sri Aurobindo, Pitblndranath Tagore and Sarojini Naidu have often driven cri-n. 'i ii nd reviewers into opposite camps, generating both uncritical adulation and unthinking condemnation. The present work tries to adopt a balanced approach to these writers. ‘A work is never necessarily ﬁnished’, says Paul Valery, ‘for he who made it is never complete'. This is perhaps specially true of a history of literature, which involves one single mind's encounters with a large number of authors belonging to diﬀerent periods and schools and exemplifying diﬀerent kinds of sensibility. The writing of a literary history must therefore necessarily involve the education of the historian’s literary taste, and I must thank the authorities of the Sahitya Akademi for giving me this opportunity to acquire such an education. I have received much help from numerous friends in the compilation of this history. A forbiddingly large number of books published in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were not easily available—some of them not even in reputed metropolitan libraries. B.A. Olkar—an old friend and a conﬁrmed bibliophile—went expertly hunting in antique book-shops in Bombay, and similar operations zestfully carried out by my young friends,’ S. Subrahmanya Sarma and R. Raphael in Madras, S. Krishna Bhatta in Bangalore and G.S. Balarama Gupta at Annamalainagar also yielded a sizable harvest. Dr. G.S. Dikshit, Dr. Amalendu Bose, Dr. V.M. Kulkarni, Mr. D.G. Angal, Mr. M.N. Nagaraj, Mr. N.B. Marathe, Dr. Prema Nandakumar, Dr. Shyamala Narayan, and Dr. H.S. Saksena also made much valuable material available to me. Dr. V.K. Gokak, Dr. Chaman Nahal, Dr. Sisir Kumar Ghose, Dr. K. Krishnamoorthy, Mr. Ruskin Bond, Dr. Nirmal Mukherjee, Dr. Sujit Mukherjee, Dr. M. Sivaramakrishna, Dr. K. Ayyappa Panikar, Dr. K.N. Sinha, Mr. Lakhan Deb, Dr. H. Raizada, Dr. R.B. Patankar, Mr. V.D. Trivadi, Dr. Visvanath Chatterjee, Miss Eunice D’Souza and Miss Kaushiki Sen Verma answered my numerous queries (I strongly suspect that during the last two years many of my correspondents must have dreaded the periodic arrival of a hastily w^itf^p little post-card from Dharwar asking for information). The librarians and the staﬀ of the following libraries extended their willing co-operation to me: National Library, Calcutta,; Tagore Museum and Library, Santiniketan; University of Bombay Library and Asiatic Library, Bombay; Poona University I.ibrary, Deccan College Library and Fergusson College library, Poona; Os mania University Library, C.I.E.F.L. Library, Salar-jung Museum Library, Sir Nizamut Jung Library, State Library and Andhra Pradesh Archives, Hyderabad; Bangalore University Library, Bangalore; Mysore University Library, Mysore; Madras University Library, Adyar Library, Presidency College Library, Connemara Library and Tamil Nadu Archives, Madras; Sri Auiiobindo Ashram Library and the Romain Rolland Library, Pondicherry, and the Regional Library and Kamatak College Library, Dharwar. To Mr. K.S. Deshpande and his enthusiastic band of colleagues at the Karnatak University Library, Dharwar I owe a special debt of gratitude. The more I asked for, the more responsive they were (a couple of assistant librarians once even allowed themselves to be dragged to the Binding Section to search for the back numbers of periodicals). In writing about prose of diﬀerent types—political, historical,' philosophical, etc., and criticism of Sanskrit literature and the arts, I had inevitably to depend upon the acknowledged expertise of my University friends belonging to diﬀerent disciplines—Dr G.S. Dikshit, Dr K. Raghavendra Rao, Dr K. Krishnamootthy, Dr G.K. Bhat, Dr S.S. Settar, Dr R.B. Patankar, Dr L.C. Mulatti and Professor K.J. Shah. Dr Rao and Dr Dikshit also read my typescript and drew my attention to matters that called for a reconsideration. Prof. R.G. Chenni assisted in preparing the typescript for the press, Dr C.V. Venugopal read the proofs and compiled the Index with a mastery born of long practice. 1 am deeply grateful to all these numerous friends and associates. In the ﬁnal chapter, I have drawn on my essay, ‘Ini Defence of Indian Writing in English’ included in Indo- English Literature (1977) edited by Dr K.K. Sharma. The grant of a National Fellowship for three years enabled me to take time oﬀ from my normal teaching duties and also made work in the various libraries possible. My thanks are due to the authorities of the University Grants Commission and Kamatak University for this generous gesture. Before concluding, I must place on record my appreciation of the patience and consideration shown by the Secretary, the Deputy Secretary (Programme) and the other authorities of the Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi, in extending (more than once) my deadline for submitting the ﬁnal typescript of this history. M.K. NAIK Dharwar, January 1980. CHAPTER 1. The Literary Landscape: The Nature and Scope of Indian English Literature Indian English literature began as an interesting by-product of an eventful encounter in the late eighteenth century between a vigorous and enterprising Britain and a stagnant and chaotic India. As a result of this encounter, as F.W. Bain puts it, India, a withered trunk... suddenly shot out with foreign foliage.’1One form this foliage took was that of original writing in English by Indians, thus partially fulﬁlling Samuel Daniel’s sixteenth century prophecy concerning the English language: Who (in time) knows whither we may vent The treasures of our tongue? To what strange shores This gain of our best glory shall be sent T’enrich unknowing nations with our stores. What worlds in th’yet unformed orient May come reﬁned with th’accents that are ours. The ﬁrst probiem that confronts the historian of this literature is to deﬁne its nature and scope clearly. The question has been made rather complicated owing to two factors: ﬁrst, this body of writing has, from time to time, been designated variously as IndoAnglian literature’, ‘Indian Writing in English’ and ‘Indo-English literature’; secondly, the failure to make clear-cut distinctions has also often led to a confusion between categories such as ‘Anglo-Indian literature’, literature in the Indian languages translated into English and original composition in English by Indians. Thus, in his A Sketch of Anglo-Indian Literature (1908), E.F. Oaten considers the poetry of Henry Derozio as part of ‘Anglo- Indian literature’. The same critic, in his essay on Anglo- Indian literature in The Cambridge History of English Literature(Vol. XIV, Ch. 10) includes Toru Dutt, Sarojini Naidu, Rabindranath Tagore and ‘Aravindo [sic] Ghose’ among ‘Anglo-Indian’ writers along with F.W. Bain and F.A. Steel. Similarly, Bhupal Singh’s Survey of Anglo-Indian Fiction (1934) deals with both British and Indian writers on Indian subjects. V.K. Gokak, in his book, English in India: Its Present and Future (1964), interprets the term Indo-Anglian Literature’ as comprising ‘the work of Indian writers in English and ‘Indo- English literature’ as consisting of ‘translations by Indians from Indian literature into English’. In his massive survey, Indian Writing in English (1962), K.R. Srinivasa Iyengar includes English translations of Tagore’s novels and plays done by others in his history of Indian creative writing in English, while H.M. Williams excludes these from his Indo-Anglian Literature 1800-1970: A Survey (1976). John B. Alphonso Karkala (Indo English Literature in the Nineteenth Century) (1970) uses the term ‘Indo-English literature’ to mean ‘literature produced by Indians in English.’ Strictly speaking, Indian English literature may be deﬁned as literature written originally in English by authors Indian by birth, ancestry or nationality. It is clear that neither ‘Anglo- Indian Literature’, nor literal translations by others (as distinguished from creative translations by the authors themselves) can legitimately form part of this literature. The former comprises the writings of British or Western authors concerning India. Kipling, Forster, F.W Bain, Sir Edwin Arnold, F.A. Steel, John Masters, Paul Scott, M.M. Kaye and many others have all written about India, but their work obviously belongs to British literature. Similarly, translations from the Indian languages into English cannot also form part of Indian English literature, except when they are creative translations by the authors themselves. If Homer and Virgil, Dante and Dostoevsky translated into English do not become British authors by any stretch of the imagination, there is little reason why Tagore’s novels, most of his short stories and some of his plays translated into English by others should form part of Indian English literature. On the other hand, a work like Gitanjaliwhich is a creative translation by the author himself should qualify for inclusion. The crux of the matter is the distinctive literary phenomenon that emerges when an Indian sensibility tries to express itself originally in a medium of expression which is not primarily Indian. There is, of course, that inﬁnitesimally small class of Indian society called the ‘Anglo- Indian’ i.e., the Eurasians, who claim English as their mother tongue; but with notable exceptions like Henry Derozio, Aubrey Menen and Ruskin Bond, few of them have tried to express themselves creatively in English. But even in their case, the Indian strain in them is bound to condition the nature of both their artistic sensibility and their way of expression. (In fact, the poetry of Derozio is a copybook example of this.) However, since literature is not a science, there will always be a no man’s land in which all attempts at strict deﬁnition are in danger of getting lost in a haze. Thus, there are exceptional cases like Ananda K. Coomaraswamy and Ruth Prawer Jhabvala. The former, bornof a Sri Lankan Tamil father and an English mother, was neither an Indian citizen nor did he live in India; and yet the entire orientation of his thought is so unmistakably Indian that it is impossible not to consider him an Indian English writer. As for Jhabvala, she is virtually an international phenomenon. Born of Polish parents in Germany, she received her education in English, married an Indian, lived in India for more than twenty years, and has written in Engtish. This daughter-in-law of India (though a rebellious one, in her later work) shows such close familiarity and deep understanding of Indian social life (especially in her earlier work) that she has rightly found a place in the history of Indian English literature. On the other hand,V.S. Naipaul’s Indian ancestry is indisputable, but he is so much of an outsider when he writes about India and the Indians and so much of an insider while dealing with Carribean life and character, that there can be no two opinions on his rightful inclusion in the history of West Indian Writing, It is obvious that Indian English literature, thus deﬁned is not part of English literature, any more than American literature can be said to be a branch of British literature It is legitimately a part of Indian literature, since its diﬀerentia is the expression in it of an Indian ethos. Its use of English as a medium may also give it a place in Commonwealth literature, but that is merely a matter of critical convenience, since the Commonwealth is largely a political entity—and, in any case, this does not in the smallest measure aﬀect the claim of Indian English literature to be primarily a part of Indian literature. Another problem which the historian of this literature has to face is that of choosing from among the various appellations given to it from time to time—viz., ‘Indo-Anglian literature’, ’Indian Writing in English’, ’Indo-English literature’ and ‘Indian English literature’. The ﬁrst of these terms was ﬁrst used as the title of the Specimen Compositions from Native Students, published in Calcutta in 1883. The phrase received general currency when K.R. Srinivasa Iyengar, the pioneer of this discipline, used it as a title to his ﬁrst book on the subject: Indo-Anglian Literature (1943). He, however, now agrees that ‘ “Indo-Anglian” strikes many as a not altogether happy expression." He adds, ’I know many are allergic to the expression “Indo-Anglian”, and some would prefer “Indo-English”. The advantage with “Indo-Anglian” is that it can be used both as adjective and as substantive, but “Indo-Englishman” would be unthinkable. “Indo-Anglian” is reasonably handy and descriptive." But a major ﬂaw in the term ‘Indo-Anglian’, as pointed out by Alphonso-Karkala, is that it would suggest ‘relation between two countries (India and England) rather than a country and a language.’7 ‘Indo- Anglian’ is thus hardly an accurate term to designate this literature. Apart from that, ‘Indo-Anglian’ also appears to be cursed with the shadow of the Anglican perpetually breathing ecclesiastically down its slender neck, and threatening to blur its identity. (In fact, Professor Iyengar has noted how, in his book, Literature and Author- ship In India,‘Indo-Anglian’ was changed to ‘Indo-Anglican’ by the enterprising London printer who, puzzled at so odd an expression, transformed it into something familiar.) For his ﬁrst comprehensive study of the subject, published in 1962, K.R. Srinivasa Iyengar used the phrase, ‘Indian Writing in English'. Two pioneering collections of critical essays on this literature, both published in 1968, also followed his example: Indian Writing in English-. Critical Essays by David McCutchion and Critical Essays on Indian Writing in English edited by M.K. Naik, S.K. Desai and G.S. Amur. But the term ‘Indian Writing in English’ has been accused of having a rather circumlocutory air, and while ‘Indo-English literature’ possesses an admirable compactness, it has, as noted earlier, been used to denote translations by Indians from Indian literature into English. The Sahitya Akademi has recently accepted ‘Indian English Literature’ as the most suitable appellation for this body of writing. The term emphasizes two signiﬁcant ideas: ﬁrst that this literature constitutes one of the many streams that join the great ocean called Indian literature, which, though written in diﬀerent languages, has an unmistakable unity; and secondly, that it is an inevitable product of the nativization of the English language to express the Indian sensibility. Nevertheless, by whatever name Indian English literature is called, it remains a literary phenomenon worthy of serious scrutiny. CHAPTER 2- The Pagoda Tree: From the Beginnings to 1857 The British connection with India was eﬀectively established in the beginning of the seventeenth century, though the ﬁrst I nglishman ever to visit India did so as early as A.D. 883, when one Sigelm, as the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle notes, was sent (here by King Alfred on a pilgrimage, in fulﬁlment of a vow. T he discovery of the sea-route to India by Vasco da Gama in 1498 brought the Portuguese and the Dutch to India long lirfore the British. In early and mid-sixteenth century, British interest in India mostly remained in the formative stage. A petition addressed to King Henry VIII in 1511 reads: ‘The Indies are discovered and vast treasures brought from thence everyday. Let us therefore bend our endeavours thitherwards.’1I inally, the East India Company which was to link India’s destiny ﬁrmly with Britain for almost two centuries was granted its ﬁrst charter by Queen Elizabeth I on the last day of thelastmonth of the last year of the sixteenth century, as if to usher in a new era in the East- West relationship with the dawn of the new century. The East India Company, whose original aim was primarily ommerce and not conquest, however, soon discovered its manifest destiny of ﬁlling the vacuum created in the eighteenth century India by the gradual disintegration of the Mughal empire. In Kipling’s words, Once, two hundred years ago, the trader came/Meek and tame./Where his timid foot halted, there he stayed,/Till mere trade/Grew to Empire,/And he sent his armies forth/South and North,/Till the country from Peshawur to Ceylon/ Was his own. After the Battle of Plassey (1757) which made the Company virtually master of Bengal, the British who had come to India to sell, decided also to rule. The business of ruling naturally involved the shaking of the Indian ‘Pagoda tree' of its treasures. (One recalls Clive’s famous reply to his detractors after the sack of Murshidabad in 1757: T stand astonished at my own moderation.’) But those engaged in shaking the ‘Pagoda tree’ were also instrumental in planting the seeds of a modernization process in the eighteenth century Indian Waste Land—seeds which started burgeoning in the nineteenth century. The rise of Indian English literature was an aspect of this Indian renaissance. As Sri Aurobindo points out, the Indian renaissance was less like the European one and more like the Celtic movement in Ireland, ‘the attempt of a reawakened national spirit to ﬁnd a new impulse of self-expression which shall give the spiritual force for a great reshaping and rebuilding.’3 The awakening of India, as Jawaharlal Nehru observes, ‘was two- fold: she looked to the West and, at the same time, she looked at herself and her own past.’4 In the rediscovery of India’s past, some of the early oﬃcials of the company played a signiﬁcant role. Many of them were scholars with a passion for oriental culture and it was not unusual in those days to ﬁnd an East India Company oﬃcial fully equipped to discuss the Koran with a Maulana Mohammad Ali and a Purana with a Viswanath Sastri with equal competence. Sir William Jones, who founded the Bengal Asiatic Society as early as 1784, H.T. Colebrooke, the author of Digest of Hindu Law on Contracts and Succession (1797-98), and James Prinsep, the discoverer of the clue to the Asokan inscriptions, were some of the representative white men in India then whose burden was certainly not imperial. While these Englishmen were rediscovering India’s past. (he gradual spread of English education and Western ideas brought forth a band of earnest Indians who drank deep at the fountain of European learning. This consummation was not, however, achieved before the British policy concerning the education of Indians had passed through two diametrically opposed stages. To begin with, for almost a generation after the East India Company had virtually become the de facto ruler of Bengal, the Government had no oﬃcial education policy, probably because at that time, even in Britain itself, education had not yet been accepted as a responsibility of the Government. But soon, practical considerations stressed the necessity to evolve such a policy. There was a pressing need for suitable pundits and maulvis to help judges in the administration of justice. It was therefore decided to revive the study of Sanskrit and Persian among the Indians. This led to the establishment by Hastings of the Calcutta Madarasa for teaching Persian and Arabic in 1781 and that of the Sanskrit College at Benaras by Jonathan Duncan in 1792. The Orientalists among the Company oﬃcials naturally supported this policy enthusiastically. By the turn of the century, however, second thoughts began to prevail. First, there was an equally pressing need for Indian clerks, translators and lower oﬃcials in administration and a knowledge of English was essential for these jobs. Furthermore, with the rise of the Evangelical movement in Britain, the ideal of spreading the word of Christ among the natives assumed vital importance for some Englishmen. Even before the close of the eighteenth century, Mission schools which taught English besides the vernacular had already been functioning in the South, while the beginning of the nineteenth century saw the establishment of similar schools in Bengal and Bombay. The missionaries believed that in imparting Western education to Indians, every teacher was ‘breaking to pieces with a rod of iron the earthenware vessels of Hinduism.1 The imperialists also championed the cause of English, which for them was a potent instrument to civilize ‘the lesser breeds without the law'. They also thought that the spread of English education among the natives would lead to the assimilation of Western culture by the Indians and that this would make for the stability of the empire—a view strongly advocated by Charles Grant, who argued: ‘To introduce the language of the conquerors seems to be an obvious means Of assimilating a conquered people to them.’ The Orientalists were seriously alarmed at this growing support to English. Their stand was forcefully expressed by H.H. Wilson, who observed: ‘It is not by the English language that we can enlighten the people of India. It can be eﬀected only through forms of speech which they already understand and use.... The project of importing English literature along with English cotton into India and bringing it into universal use must at once be felt by every reasonable mind as chimerical and ridiculous.’7 It was however, obvious that the Orientalists were ﬁghting a losing battle. As K.K. Chatterjee notes, ‘The Home Oﬃce despatches from 1824 onwards went on being increasingly insistent on re-orienting Indian education to teach the useful science and literature of Europe.... All the presidencies in the 1820s were headed by Governors who were generally inclined to English education, though with varying emphases (Elphinstone in Bombay, Thomas Munro in Madras, and above all the reformist Bentinck in Bengal).’ As for the Indians themselves, ihere was no doubt in the minds of most of their intellectuals as to which way the wind was blowing. Perhaps the most adaptable of people, they had whole-heartedly taken to Persian some centuries earlier, with the Muslim conquest, and had mastered that language. It was obvious to them that a similar strategy with regard to English was now called for. As early as 1816, we ﬁnd a Calcutta Brahmin named Baidyanath Mukhopadhyaya telling the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court that ‘many of the leading Hindus were desirous of forming an establishment for the education of their children in a liberal manner,’ meaning obviously English education. A strong prejudice against Western education was indubitably rampant in the conservative circles. It is on record that the oﬃce of the Inspector-General of Schools at Patna was at one time popukrriy known as ‘Shaitan ka daftarkhana’10(i.e., the Devil’s Oﬃce). Nevertheless, the more forwar

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