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Social class, gender, ethnicity, and age are elements in the construction of social identity Class identities can be defined by occupation, such as working, middle, and upper class Traditional working-class identities were fixed around manual work and the manufacturing industry, but changes in work...

Social class, gender, ethnicity, and age are elements in the construction of social identity Class identities can be defined by occupation, such as working, middle, and upper class Traditional working-class identities were fixed around manual work and the manufacturing industry, but changes in work have led to the emergence of a new working class Middle-class identities are constructed around a range of occupational identities, such as professionals, managers, intellectuals, consultants, and routine service workers Upper-class identities are based on the landed aristocracy and the new rich, representing wealth and power in society Class and Gender Identities Ownership of land and its connection to the monarchy was historically the most significant section of society. The economic power and influence of the aristocracy may have declined, but a significant upper-class section remains. The business elite represents a major section of the upper class, characterized by great income and wealth based on company ownership. Self and Zealey (2007) note that the wealthiest 1% of the UK's population owns 21% of the total wealth. In India, the top 10% of wage-earners earn 12 times more than the bottom 10%, and 42% of the population lives on around $1.25 a day. Globally, the richest 1% own 40% of the total wealth, with 60% of them living in the USA and Japan. Gender identities are socially constructed, not biological, and differ historically and crossculturally. Hegemonic masculinity encompasses traditional forms of masculinity based on physical and mental characteristics. Emphasized femininity historically defined female identities by how they could accommodate male needs and desires. Alternative forms of masculinities, such as subordinate and subversive masculinities, exist and challenge hegemonic masculinity. Gender Identities and Masculinities Complicit masculinities refer to newly feminised masculinities such as the 'new man'; men who combine paid work with their share of unpaid housework and childcare, taking on aspects of the traditional feminine role. This type of masculinity sees women as equals and occurs, Connell (1995) argued, because 'as women have become more powerful, male identities have begun to change'. Marginalised masculinities refer to men who feel they have been 'pushed to the margins' of family life due to long-term unemployment, for example; they no longer feel able to perform what they see as the traditional masculine roles of money earner and family provider. Willott and Griffin (1996) noted this type of masculinity developing among the long-term unemployed working class as traditional beliefs about 'the good family man' providing for wife and kids clashed with an inability to provide for their partner and children as traditional working-class occupations disappeared. The researchers used individual and focus group interviews to gain an insight into how boys aged 11 to 14 (younger than in most research of this kind) in schools in London, United Kingdom, negotiated their gender identities. It was found that it was important for the boys that they were seen as different from girls and separate from things associated with feminism. There was pressure to be 'hard', shown by success in sports, casual attitudes to school work and swearing. Football was important for masculinity; boys were expected to talk about football. Looking good was important too, but played down because caring about appearance was seen as feminine. Some boys put up a front of masculinity with other boys but were willing to discard this in one to one interviews or when around girls. The boys did not want girls as friends, although they recognised they would be able to talk about emotions more with girls. Many boys worked continuously on re-establishing their masculinity. Overall this research shows the importance of ideas about masculinity for boys' identities, and how attitudes are formed at quite an early age. Ann Oakley (1972) suggested that female identities were shaped in childhood. Girls and boys are socialised differently, into gendered roles that involve gendered identities. This happens in several ways. Girls and boys are treated differently by their parents, dressed in different clothes, are given different toys to play with and so on. Oakley suggested four main ways in which children are socialised into gender roles: By manipulation: for example, by stressing the importance of appearance for girls and of being brave or strong for boys. By canalisation: channelling children's time and attention onto different activities, such as the girl helping her mother. Feminine and Ethnic Identities Verbal appellation and different activities can shape how children see themselves and others in terms of gender roles and expectations. Oakley identifies three main forms of feminine identity: Contingent femininities shaped by male beliefs and demands, including normalised and sexualised identities. Assertive identities involve women breaking free from traditional ideas but not completely setting themselves apart from men, including "girl power", modernised, and ageing femininities. Autonomous femininities involve competition with men on female terms, often associated with highly educated, successful, and career-focused women. Ethnicity is not the same as race and should not be thought of in terms of "minorities". Ethnic identities are shaped by cultural differences related to religion, family structures, beliefs, values, and norms. Ethnic Identity and Boundaries Song (2003) claims that ethnic identity is based on distinctive markers such as common ancestry, memories of a shared past, and symbolic elements like family, religion, language, territory, nationality, or physical appearance. Ethnic identity is not necessarily related to actual evidence of cultural distinctiveness as a group, but rather to whether people are conscious of belonging to the group. Ethnicity as a source of personal and social identity includes country of birth, traditions, shared histories and experiences, and religious beliefs and practices. Unlike racial identities, ethnic identities can be negotiated and may change due to external and internal factors, such as contact with other cultures and clashes of ideas within the ethnic group. Ethnic identities require constant maintenance through collective activities, festivals, celebrations, religious gatherings, and cultural artifacts such as traditional dress, food, and crafts. Wimmer (2008) argues that ethnic identities are defined in relation to other ethnic groups by constructing a sense of difference and establishing boundaries for a particular identity. Boundaries may be positive or protective, but can also be imposed through cultural stereotypes or the portrayal of minority ethnicities as threats. Minority ethnic identities can be defined by majority ethnicities in terms of their 'otherness', strengthening both majority and minority ethnic identities but also potentially portraying minority ethnicities as threats, either culturally or physically. Analysis of Social Identity in Images The analysis of images should consider the elements that contribute to the social identity of the individual or individuals depicted. It is important to evaluate the extent to which the image reflects the actual social reality. Elements to consider may include clothing, body language, facial expressions, and the individual's surroundings. The analysis should aim to interpret the message conveyed by the image about the depicted individual's social identity.